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{peacesciencer}: An R package for quantitative peace science research {和平科学家}:定量和平科学研究的R包
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-03-24 DOI: 10.1177/07388942221077926
Steven V. Miller
This article introduces {peacesciencer}, an R package that contains a litany of tools for creating data of widespread interest to the peace science community. The package is cross-platform, assuming only a somewhat recent installation of the R programming language with some of the enhanced functionality of the broadly popular {tidvyerse} packages. Peace science researchers can use this package to greatly reduce the time needed to perfectly recreate common types of data from scratch and to merge in ubiquitous indicators included in almost every analysis (e.g. democracy data, contiguity data). The software is freely available on CRAN and maintains an active website documenting its features at http://svmiller.com/peacesciencer.
本文介绍了{peacesciencer},这是一个R包,包含了一系列工具,用于创建和平科学界广泛感兴趣的数据。该软件包是跨平台的,假设只是最近安装了R编程语言,并具有广泛流行的{tidvyerse}软件包的一些增强功能。和平科学研究人员可以使用该软件包,大大减少从头开始完美地重新创建常见类型数据所需的时间,并合并几乎所有分析中包含的无处不在的指标(例如民主数据、邻接数据)。该软件在CRAN上免费提供,并维护一个活跃的网站,记录其功能http://svmiller.com/peacesciencer.
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引用次数: 4
Can religious norms reduce violent attitudes? Experimental evidence from a Muslim–Christian conflict 宗教规范能减少暴力态度吗?穆斯林-基督教冲突的实验证据
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-03-22 DOI: 10.1177/07388942221077914
Anselm Hager, Kunaal Sharma
We study whether religious anti-violence norms can reduce violent attitudes in settings of deep religious divisions. Our study context is a neighborhood in Nairobi with a history of religious violence. We randomly expose 576 Christian and Muslim respondents to anti-violence norms drawn from religious sources and find that the primes reduce violent attitudes by 0.2 standard deviations. We find no evidence, however, that highlighting the norms’ religious source increases their effectiveness. Rather, we show that subjects apply the norms in a literal manner, suggesting that it is the norms’ content that make them effective.
我们研究宗教反暴力规范是否可以减少宗教分歧背景下的暴力态度。我们的研究背景是内罗毕一个有着宗教暴力历史的社区。我们随机让576名基督徒和穆斯林受访者接触来自宗教来源的反暴力规范,发现质数减少了0.2个标准差的暴力态度。然而,我们没有发现任何证据表明,强调规范的宗教来源会增加其有效性。相反,我们表明,主体以字面上的方式应用规范,这表明是规范的内容使它们有效。
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引用次数: 3
Democratization as an impetus for peace talks in civil wars 在内战中推动和平谈判的民主化
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-03-07 DOI: 10.1177/07388942221081792
Barış Arı
Costs associated with recognizing an internal armed challenger as a legitimate bargaining partner deter governments from initiating peace talks. Yet peaceful termination of conflict requires formal negotiations between the belligerents. This article presents evidence that democratic reforms provide a window of opportunity for peace talks. Democratic reforms represent an opportunity to break away from the past policies of the state and render the conflict as an artifact of the preceding authoritarian institutions. The article contributes to the research field by enhancing our ability to predict negotiations. It also highlights that democratic reforms can be undertaken during an ongoing civil conflict.
承认内部武装挑战者为合法谈判伙伴的相关成本阻碍了各国政府启动和平谈判。然而,和平结束冲突需要交战各方之间进行正式谈判。这篇文章提供了证据,证明民主改革为和平谈判提供了机会之窗。民主改革代表着一个机会,可以摆脱过去的国家政策,使冲突成为以前威权体制的产物。这篇文章通过增强我们预测谈判的能力,为研究领域做出了贡献。它还强调,在持续的国内冲突中可以进行民主改革。
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引用次数: 1
The duration of political imprisonment: Evidence from China 政治监禁期限:来自中国的证据
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-03-03 DOI: 10.1177/07388942221080105
C. Steinert
The Chinese regime is well known for the large-scale detention of dissidents and ethnic minorities. However, little is known about the fates of Chinese political prisoners. This study investigates determinants of the duration of political imprisonment in China. I argue that the duration of political imprisonment is shaped by (a) the perceived threat of individuals’ actions, and (b) their ethnic and religious identities. Drawing on the Chinese political prisoner database, I investigate predictors of the duration of political imprisonment with survival models. Since preceding actions shape detention times, I hand-code each prisoner's criminalized actions that led to incarceration. The evidence suggests that the Chinese regime conditions the duration of political imprisonment on prisoners’ demands and their collective action potential. The findings further demonstrate that ethnic Uyghurs and Tibetans are imprisoned significantly longer than non-minority political prisoners. Additional analyses demonstrate that ethnic Uyghurs are also significantly more likely to die in prison.
中国政权以大规模拘留持不同政见者和少数民族而闻名。然而,人们对中国政治犯的命运知之甚少。本研究探讨了中国政治监禁期限的决定因素。我认为,政治监禁的持续时间是由(a)个人行为的感知威胁和(b)他们的种族和宗教身份决定的。利用中国政治犯数据库,我用生存模型研究了政治监禁期限的预测因子。由于之前的行为决定了拘留时间,我对每个囚犯导致监禁的犯罪行为进行了手工编码。证据表明,中国政权根据囚犯的要求和他们的集体行动潜力来决定政治犯监禁的期限。调查结果进一步表明,维吾尔族和藏族人被监禁的时间明显长于非少数民族政治犯。其他分析表明,维吾尔族在监狱中死亡的可能性也要大得多。
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引用次数: 1
Female combatants and rebel group behaviour: Evidence from Nepal 女性战斗人员和反叛团体行为:来自尼泊尔的证据
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-03-02 DOI: 10.1177/07388942221082234
Marius Mehrl
Recent research examines when and why women join rebel groups as combatants. However, we are only beginning to understand how their presence affects rebel group behaviour and conflict dynamics more generally. I address this gap by analysing how women's participation influences two dimensions of rebel behaviour: their relationship to civilians and their fighting performance. I argue that a greater number of female rebels decreases civilian victimization, but also reduces rebel combat performance. I test these propositions using time-varying district-level data from the Nepalese civil war. The results support both expectations. These findings increase our understanding of the effects of women's participation in civil war.
最近的研究考察了妇女作为战斗人员加入反叛组织的时间和原因。然而,我们才刚刚开始了解他们的存在如何更广泛地影响反叛团体的行为和冲突动态。我通过分析妇女的参与如何影响反叛行为的两个方面来解决这一差距:她们与平民的关系和她们的战斗表现。我认为,更多的女性反叛分子减少了平民受害,但也降低了反叛分子的战斗表现。我使用尼泊尔内战中随时间变化的地区级数据来检验这些命题。结果支持了这两种预期。这些发现增加了我们对妇女参与内战影响的理解。
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引用次数: 3
Against polarization 对极化
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-02-22 DOI: 10.1177/07388942211066117
C. Davenport
This extension of Christian Davenport's virtual Presidential address to the Peace Science Society International attempts to: (1) identify as well as confront some of the issues that divide the Peace Science community and (2) provide some ideas/actions about what can be done to fix them. The article is as much a reflection on where we have been as it is a call to where we must go.
Christian Davenport对国际和平科学协会的虚拟总统演讲的延伸,试图:(1)识别并面对一些分裂和平科学社区的问题,(2)提供一些可以做些什么来解决这些问题的想法/行动。这篇文章既是对我们走过的路的反思,也是对我们必须去的地方的呼唤。
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引用次数: 0
Does transnational terrorism stimulate foreign assistance? 跨国恐怖主义会刺激外国援助吗?
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-02-22 DOI: 10.1177/07388942221081103
Wukki Kim, T. Sandler
This paper quantifies how past transnational terrorist attacks against a potential donor's assets result in enhanced foreign aid flows to a country hosting the responsible terrorist group. Given the reversed causality between foreign aid and terrorism, our empirical analysis puts forward an instrumental variable. Both conflict and governance assistance are shown to stem from transnational terrorist incidents involving recipient–donor dyads during 1974–2013 for a global sample. For recipient-related terrorism, lagged transnational terrorist events against a donor's assets display a robust positive impact on conflict and governance aid. Placebo or falsification tests support the exogeneity of the instrument.
本文量化了过去针对潜在捐助者资产的跨国恐怖袭击是如何导致外国援助流入负责任恐怖组织所在国的。鉴于对外援助与恐怖主义之间的因果关系颠倒,我们的实证分析提出了一个工具变量。全球样本显示,冲突和治理援助都源于1974年至2013年间发生的跨国恐怖事件,涉及受援方和捐助方二人组。对于与受援国有关的恐怖主义,针对捐助方资产的滞后跨国恐怖主义事件对冲突和治理援助产生了积极影响。安慰剂或伪造测试支持仪器的外源性。
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引用次数: 1
Violence, co-optation, and postwar voting in Guatemala 危地马拉的暴力、增选和战后选举
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-02-22 DOI: 10.1177/07388942211066539
Francisco Villamil
Wartime civilian victimization produces a counter-reaction against the perpetrator. However, this effect hinges on the creation of collective memories of wartime events. In many countries, former fighting actors and political elites try to redirect memories of wartime events through denial, propaganda, and co-optation. Previous works have ignored these aspects. I argue that the effect of violence is conditional on the capacity of local communities to build collective memories and bypass those efforts. I test this argument using local-level data from Guatemala. The results show that the effects of state violence on postwar voting depend on prewar exposure to political mobilization.
战时平民受害产生了对加害者的反作用力。然而,这种效果取决于对战争事件的集体记忆的创造。在许多国家,前战斗演员和政治精英试图通过否认、宣传和拉拢来改变对战争事件的记忆。之前的作品忽略了这些方面。我认为,暴力的影响取决于当地社区建立集体记忆并绕过这些努力的能力。我用危地马拉的地方数据验证了这一观点。结果表明,国家暴力对战后投票的影响取决于战前对政治动员的暴露。
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引用次数: 0
Judicial independence and refugee flights 司法独立和难民逃亡
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-02-09 DOI: 10.1177/07388942211072433
Saadet Ulasoglu Imamoglu
Recent studies suggest that a lack of judicial independence increases the risk of violent action, diminishing the incentives to solve disputes peacefully. However, violent action is not the only option when judiciaries are under the control of the executive. I argue that individuals become refugees in countries with non-independent judiciaries, losing their hope that violations of rules by the executive or privileged groups will be tried fairly. Using data from 181 countries over the 1976–2015 period, I find evidence that the lack of judicial independence leads countries to produce more refugees than others.
最近的研究表明,缺乏司法独立性增加了暴力行动的风险,削弱了和平解决争端的动机。然而,当司法机构处于行政部门的控制之下时,暴力行动并不是唯一的选择。我认为,在司法机构不独立的国家,个人成为难民,失去了对行政或特权群体违反规则的行为将得到公平审判的希望。利用1976-2015年期间181个国家的数据,我发现有证据表明,缺乏司法独立导致各国产生的难民比其他国家多。
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引用次数: 0
Major power politics and non-violent resistance movements 强权政治和非暴力抵抗运动
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-02-08 DOI: 10.1177/07388942211062495
Ilker Kalin, Marie Olson Lounsbery, F. Pearson
Non-violent movements are rarely confined to the borders of the societies in which they take place. International actors are prone to take a side in the face of such resistance. Yet knowledge is limited on external actors’ effects on outcomes of non-violent protests abroad. Thus, we zero in on the strategic logic behind major powers’ involvement decisions regarding such movements, and the impact those decisions have on campaign outcomes. We find that major powers tend to undermine non-violent movements when target states are strategically important; we find also an indirect link between major power support for movements and security force defections in target states, thus improving success prospects for the protestors. Our research adds a dyadic international dimension to the question of external support during non-violent resistance movements and expands the current knowledge base regarding the identity and direction of support.
非暴力运动很少局限于其所在社会的边界。面对这种阻力,国际行动者往往会站在一边。然而,外界对国外非暴力抗议活动结果的影响知之甚少。因此,我们专注于大国对此类运动的参与决定背后的战略逻辑,以及这些决定对竞选结果的影响。我们发现,当目标国家具有重要战略意义时,大国往往会破坏非暴力运动;我们还发现,主要力量对运动的支持与目标州的安全部队叛逃之间存在间接联系,从而提高了抗议者的成功前景。我们的研究为非暴力抵抗运动期间的外部支持问题增加了一个二元国际维度,并扩展了当前关于支持身份和方向的知识库。
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引用次数: 1
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Conflict Management and Peace Science
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