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Sexing the Archive 档案性别化
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1215/01636545-9397115
J. Florêncio, Ben Miller
Despite being a widely consumed genre of visual culture, pornography remains a touchy subject in contemporary queer historiography. Queer archives overflow with it, but queer histories don’t. Historically associated with low culture and distrusted by value systems that have tended to privilege the “high” faculties of reason to the detriment of the “base” materiality of the body, its affects and appetites, porn is too rarely approached as a legitimate source with which to think cultural, affective, intellectual, and sexual histories. This article draws from porn studies and queer historiographies to draw some methodological considerations about the value, benefits, and challenges posed by porn archives to the writing of queer subcultural histories. Rather than trying to solve porn’s double ontological status as both documentary and fantasy, the authors locate in that defining feature of the genre porn’s value as a historical source. Simultaneously a document of sex cultures and of the edges of morality, and a historically and culturally situated speculation on what bodies and sex may become, porn offers both cultural critics and historians a rich archive for deepening their knowledge of the intersections of culture, morality, pleasure, community, embodiment, and the politics of belonging.
尽管色情是一种被广泛消费的视觉文化类型,但在当代酷儿史学中,色情仍然是一个敏感的话题。酷儿档案里充斥着这样的字眼,但酷儿历史却没有。从历史上看,色情与低级文化联系在一起,并受到价值体系的不信任,这些价值体系倾向于特权“高级”的理性能力,而损害了身体的“基本”物质性,它的影响和欲望,色情很少被视为思考文化,情感,智力和性历史的合法来源。这篇文章从色情研究和酷儿史学中得出一些关于色情档案对酷儿亚文化历史写作的价值、好处和挑战的方法论思考。作者并没有试图解决色情片作为纪录片和幻想的双重本体论地位,而是定位于色情片作为历史来源的价值的定义特征。同时,作为性文化和道德边缘的记录,以及对身体和性可能成为什么的历史和文化上的推测,色情为文化评论家和历史学家提供了丰富的档案,以加深他们对文化、道德、快乐、社区、具体化和归属政治的交叉点的认识。
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引用次数: 2
Telecasting an “Effective Weapon for Peace” 电视广播“有效的和平武器”
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1215/01636545-9170710
A. Perlman
This article investigates the history of the International Television Federation, or Intertel. A collaboration between telecasters from the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia, Intertel throughout the 1960s produced and distributed public affairs documentaries for an international audience. Intertel’s members positioned public affairs programming in the 1960s as an “effective weapon for peace.” By making the nations of the world legible to one another, Intertel programs sought to deploy the international circulation of television texts as a means to diminish tensions in a world defined by uneven economic growth, Cold War ideological battles, and the specter of nuclear warfare. Drawing on archival materials, press reports, and the programs themselves, this essay offers an institutional history of the program’s development, expansion, and demise, as well as an analysis of its politics and ideological premises.
这篇文章调查了国际电视联合会(Intertel)的历史。Intertel是由美国、英国、加拿大和澳大利亚的电视台合作,在整个1960年代为国际观众制作和分发公共事务纪录片。在20世纪60年代,Intertel的成员将公共事务编程定位为“和平的有效武器”。通过使世界各国相互之间清晰可辨,互联网项目试图利用电视文本的国际流通作为一种手段,以减少由不平衡的经济增长、冷战意识形态之争和核战争的幽灵所定义的世界的紧张局势。利用档案材料、新闻报道和项目本身,本文提供了项目发展、扩展和消亡的制度历史,以及对其政治和意识形态前提的分析。
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引用次数: 0
Teaching Breaking News 突发新闻教学
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1215/01636545-9170808
Rosemary Pennington
Breaking news is hard to define, though the Associated Press has framed it as “news of transcendent importance.” Generally, it is news that provides information about an issue or an event the public did not already know, and it is increasingly tied to a feeling of “liveness.” Because breaking news situations evolve quickly, the ability of journalists to cover them depends in part on the sources a journalist trusts and can access. All too often, those sources are people who have historically held power in a community. This essay argues that an ethics of empathy would help journalists move away from privileging the perspectives of the powerful in breaking news coverage, thereby making space for alternate understandings of the situation.
突发新闻很难定义,尽管美联社(Associated Press)将其定义为“具有非凡重要性的新闻”。一般来说,新闻提供了公众不知道的问题或事件的信息,它越来越多地与一种“活跃”的感觉联系在一起。由于突发新闻形势发展迅速,记者报道这些事件的能力在一定程度上取决于记者信任和能够接触到的消息来源。通常,这些消息来源是历史上在一个社区中掌权的人。本文认为,同理心伦理将帮助记者在突发新闻报道中摆脱对权势者观点的特权,从而为对形势的不同理解腾出空间。
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引用次数: 0
Propaganda in the Guise of News 打着新闻幌子的宣传
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1215/01636545-9170682
A. Bauer
In the late 1940s, conservative radio commentator Fulton Lewis Jr. was embroiled in controversy after publicly criticizing consumer cooperatives for taking advantage of a federal tax loophole. Coinciding with the Federal Communications Commission’s reconsideration of its Mayflower doctrine—a ban on broadcast editorials—the dispute served as fodder for New Deal–era progressive media reformers. This article unpacks Lewis’s mostly forgotten role as an unwitting catalyst of progressive media regulations through reconsidering the FCC’s 1948 Mayflower hearings, which resulted in the fairness doctrine (1949–87). This doctrine mandated that broadcasters present controversial issues of public concern in an ideologically balanced manner. Lewis’s news-breaking thus became framed as a problem in need of federal regulatory solution by reformers who sought to sublimate radio into an idealized liberal public sphere. These reforms, however, framed political disagreement as an epistemological crisis and, in doing so, unintentionally bolstered a conservative critical disposition toward the mainstream press, exemplified in the “liberal media” trope.
20世纪40年代末,保守派电台评论员小富尔顿·刘易斯因公开批评消费者合作社利用联邦税收漏洞而陷入争议。恰逢联邦通信委员会重新考虑其五月花原则——禁止广播社论——这场争端成为新政时代进步媒体改革者的素材。这篇文章通过重新考虑联邦通信委员会1948年的五月花听证会,揭示了刘易斯作为进步媒体监管的不知不觉催化剂的角色,该听证会产生了公平原则(1949-87)。这一原则要求广播公司以意识形态平衡的方式提出公众关注的有争议的问题。因此,刘易斯的突发新闻被改革者认为是一个需要联邦监管解决的问题,他们试图将广播升华为一个理想化的自由公共领域。然而,这些改革将政治分歧视为一场认识论危机,并在这样做的过程中无意中强化了对主流媒体的保守批评倾向,“自由媒体”的比喻就是例证。
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引用次数: 1
“Aboveground, Underground, and Locked Down” 地上、地下和锁定
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1215/01636545-9170766
Adam E. Quinn
Incarcerated people in Washington have published a variety of periodicals, ranging from general prison news to radical newspapers that debated ideologies like communism, anarchism, and Black nationalism. This article examines radical periodicals published in and concerning prisons to better understand struggles over the prisoners’ press in Washington. First, it contextualizes this history with a discussion of militant prisoner support movements in the 1970s. These movements included the Sunfighter, an underground newspaper; and the George Jackson Brigade, a guerrilla group, whose members were involved with both the Sunfighter and subsequent prison newspapers. This article then analyzes the politics, inside-outside relationships, and censorship of two radical prisoner quarterlies: the Marxist-Leninist Red Dragon and the Anarchist Black Dragon. Influenced by their prison environment, these newspapers provided space for networks and writings that sought to address interconnected problems such as mass incarceration, sexual violence, and racism. Ultimately, these newspapers demonstrate how prisoners’ politics are worthy of closer consideration by historians, as their ideas and actions shaped news, public discourse, and movements on both sides of the prison walls.
华盛顿被监禁的人出版了各种期刊,从一般的监狱新闻到辩论共产主义、无政府主义和黑人民族主义等意识形态的激进报纸。这篇文章考察了发表在监狱中的激进期刊以及与监狱有关的期刊,以更好地了解华盛顿囚犯新闻界的斗争。首先,它通过对20世纪70年代激进囚犯支持运动的讨论,将这段历史背景化。这些运动包括地下报纸“太阳战士”;以及游击队乔治·杰克逊旅,其成员参与了《太阳战士》和随后的监狱报纸。然后,本文分析了两个激进的战俘营:马列主义的红龙和无政府主义的黑龙的政治、内外关系和审查制度。受监狱环境的影响,这些报纸为寻求解决大规模监禁、性暴力和种族主义等相互关联问题的网络和文章提供了空间。最终,这些报纸展示了囚犯的政治是如何值得历史学家仔细考虑的,因为他们的思想和行动塑造了监狱围墙两侧的新闻、公共话语和运动。
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引用次数: 0
How to Read Equipo Maíz 如何阅读团队玉米
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1215/01636545-9170780
Jorge E. Cuéllar
This article examines the work of the popular education collective Equipo Maíz headquartered in El Salvador. Equipo Maíz is noteworthy for its contributions to the analysis of Salvadoran and Central American politics, economics, and society since its formation in the early 1980s. This article situates the Equipo Maíz project, which uses plainspoken text paired with political cartooning, within a deep historical memory of opposition geared at demystifying the fictions that sustain capitalist sociality and its class antagonisms. Drawing on examples from Equipo Maíz’s weekly newsletter La página de Maíz and other select publications, the article demonstrates how the collective addresses a variably literate Salvadoran readership with the goal of imparting radical interpretative strategies geared toward the creation of an engaged political culture, despite the challenges of a closed media system.
这篇文章考察了总部设在萨尔瓦多的大众教育团体EquipoMaíz的工作。Equipo Maíz自20世纪80年代初成立以来,对萨尔瓦多和中美洲政治、经济和社会的分析做出了贡献,值得注意。这篇文章将Equipo Maíz项目置于反对派的深刻历史记忆中,该项目使用了通俗易懂的文本和政治漫画,旨在揭开维持资本主义社会性及其阶级对立的小说的神秘面纱。这篇文章引用了《马伊兹报》周刊《马伊兹报》和其他精选出版物中的例子,展示了尽管面临封闭媒体系统的挑战,但集体如何应对识字率参差不齐的萨尔瓦多读者,目的是传授激进的解释策略,以创造一种参与的政治文化。
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引用次数: 0
Editors’ Introduction 编辑的介绍
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1215/01636545-9170668
Steven Fabian, Marissa J. Moorman, J. Shepperd
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引用次数: 0
A Dream Deferred 推迟的梦想
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1215/01636545-9170696
S. Nelson
International news, and the technological infrastructures required to collect, distribute, and publish it, have long been battlegrounds of imperial ambition and anticolonial contestation. In the early 1960s, press professionals, engineers, and telecom officials from the global South elaborated a wide-ranging structural critique of the status quo, arguing that developing mass media required decolonizing international networks and global governance practices that perpetuated media inequality. But over the course of the decade, UNESCO began to invite research and expertise from American social scientists and engineers, who came to define UNESCO’s approach to satellite-based media development. By redefining the scope of media development to an instrumentalist vision of Westernization, such research eclipsed a broad, structural vision of reform, casting southern experts’ more radical designs into shadow. By recovering this history, the article tells a new story of the ideologies and governance practices that helped sustain global news inequality in the satellite age.
长期以来,国际新闻以及收集、分发和发布新闻所需的技术基础设施一直是帝国野心和反殖民斗争的战场。20世纪60年代初,来自全球南方的新闻专业人士、工程师和电信官员对现状进行了广泛的结构性批判,认为发展大众媒体需要国际网络和全球治理实践的非殖民化,而这些做法使媒体不平等永久化。但在这十年中,联合国教科文组织开始邀请美国社会科学家和工程师进行研究和提供专业知识,这些科学家和工程师开始定义教科文组织的卫星媒体开发方法。通过将媒体发展的范围重新定义为西方化的工具主义视野,这种研究掩盖了改革的广泛结构性视野,使南方专家更激进的设计蒙上了阴影。通过回顾这段历史,这篇文章告诉了在卫星时代帮助维持全球新闻不平等的意识形态和治理实践的新故事。
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引用次数: 0
A Clarification A澄清
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1215/01636545-9450308
R. Hamilton
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引用次数: 0
“Each Day the Ghetto Has to Find Consolation in Something” “贫民区的每一天都要从某种东西中找到慰藉”
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1215/01636545-9170724
Marian Ferenc, P. Laskowski
This article analyzes the phenomenon of false news circulating in theWarsaw ghetto in the critical period of the first months of 1942. At that time, members of the underground and ordinary people learned about the mass extermination of Jews in other towns and provinces of German-occupied Poland. The first part of the article discusses production of false news as a response tomarket demand for optimistic “breaking news” that strengthened the hope for the imminent end of war. The second part focuses on the political context and identifies political stakes and actors behind the production of false news. The article demonstrates that responding to market demand and political use and abuse of false news are not mutually exclusive but can reinforce one another. It also shows that dependence on false, optimistic news could not only make people psychologically resilient but also more vulnerable since it made them susceptible to political manipulation.
本文分析了1942年前几个月的关键时期华沙隔都的虚假新闻传播现象。当时,地下组织成员和普通民众了解到,在德国占领的波兰其他城镇和省份,犹太人遭到了大规模灭绝。文章的第一部分讨论了假新闻的生产是对市场对乐观的“突发新闻”的需求的回应,这种需求增强了人们对战争即将结束的希望。第二部分侧重于政治背景,并确定假新闻生产背后的政治利益和行动者。本文论证了应对市场需求与虚假新闻的政治利用和滥用并不是相互排斥的,而是相互促进的。研究还表明,对虚假、乐观的新闻的依赖不仅会让人们在心理上更有弹性,也会让他们更容易受到政治操纵。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
RADICAL HISTORY REVIEW
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