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On the Mind of the Body: Spinoza, Descartes, and the Philosophy of Cognition 论身体的心灵:斯宾诺莎、笛卡尔与认知哲学
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.5040/9781350143333.ch-002
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引用次数: 0
More on Mental Architecture, Spaces, and Blending 更多关于心理建筑,空间和混合
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.5040/9781350143333.ch-007
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引用次数: 0
Numbers Are Things in Time 数字是随时间变化的东西
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.5040/9781350143333.ch-013
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引用次数: 0
Mental Spaces and Discourse 心理空间与话语
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.5040/9781350143333.ch-006
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引用次数: 0
Elements in Poetic Imagination 诗歌想象的要素
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.5040/9781350143333.ch-011
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引用次数: 0
Words in Language and Thought 语言与思想中的词汇
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.5040/9781350143333.ch-012
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引用次数: 0
The Dia-logic of Discourse 话语的辩证逻辑
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.5040/9781350143333.ch-005
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引用次数: 0
Holistic spatial semantics and post-Talmian motion event typology: A case study of Thai and Telugu 整体空间语义与后talmian运动事件类型学:泰语与泰卢固语个案研究
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-11-09 DOI: 10.1515/cogsem-2018-2002
V. Naidu, J. Zlatev, V. Duggirala, Joost van de Weijer, Simon Devylder, J. Blomberg
Abstract Leonard Talmy’s influential binary motion event typology has encountered four main challenges: (a) additional language types; (b) extensive “type-internal” variation; (c) the role of other relevant form classes than verbs and “satellites;” and (d) alternative definitions of key semantic concepts like Motion, Path and Manner. After reviewing these issues, we show that the theory of Holistic Spatial Semantics provides analytical tools for their resolution. In support, we present an analysis of motion event descriptions by speakers of two languages that are troublesome for the original typology: Thai (Tai-Kadai) and Telugu (Dravidian), based on the Frog-story elicitation procedure. Despite some apparently similar typological features, the motion event descriptions in the two languages were found to be significantly different. The Telugu participants used very few verbs in contrast to extensive case marking to express Path and nominals to express Region and Landmark, while the Thai speakers relied largely on serial verbs for expressing Path and on prepositions for expressing Region. Combined with previous research in the field, our findings imply (at least) four different clusters of languages in motion event typology with Telugu and Thai as representative of two such clusters, languages like French and Spanish representing a third cluster, and Swedish and English a fourth. This also implies that many other languages like Italian, Bulgarian, and Basque will appear as “mixed languages,” positioned between two or three of these clusters.
Leonard Talmy的二元运动事件类型学受到了四个主要挑战:(a)额外的语言类型;(b)广泛的“类型内部”变异;(c)动词和“卫星”以外的其他相关形式类的作用;(d)关键语义概念如运动、路径和方式的替代定义。在回顾这些问题后,我们表明整体空间语义学理论为解决这些问题提供了分析工具。为了支持这一观点,我们基于青蛙故事的启发过程,对泰语(Tai-Kadai)和泰卢固语(德拉威语)这两种语言的使用者对运动事件的描述进行了分析,这两种语言对原始类型学来说是很麻烦的。尽管有一些明显相似的类型学特征,但两种语言对运动事件的描述却存在显著差异。泰卢固语参与者很少使用动词来表达路径,而大量使用格标记来表达路径,使用名词来表达区域和地标,而泰语使用者主要使用连续动词来表达路径,使用介词来表达区域。结合之前在该领域的研究,我们的发现暗示(至少)在运动事件类型学中有四个不同的语言集群,泰卢固语和泰语是其中两个集群的代表,法语和西班牙语等语言代表第三个集群,瑞典语和英语代表第四个集群。这也意味着许多其他语言,如意大利语、保加利亚语和巴斯克语,将作为“混合语言”出现,位于这两个或三个语言群之间。
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引用次数: 18
Saussurian biolinguistics? Bouchard’s offline brain systems and Sign Theory of Language 索绪尔生物语言学?布沙尔的离线脑系统和语言的符号理论
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-10-18 DOI: 10.1515/cogsem-2018-2005
Andrew Feeney
Abstract This article examines Bouchard’s (e.g. Bouchard, D. 2010. From neurons to signs. In A. D. M. Smith, M. Schouwstra, B. de Boer & K. Smith (ed.), Proceedings of the 8th International conference on the evolution of language, 42–49. Singapore: World Scientific; Bouchard, D. 2013. The nature and origin of language. Oxford: Oxford University Press; Bouchard, D. 2015. Brain readiness and the nature of language. Frontiers in Psychology 6.) discussion of the nature of language as ‘Saussurian Biolinguistics.’ A fundamental assumption of Bouchard, that of the existence of the Saussurian sign as a psychologically real entity in language, is disputed and an alternative understanding of the semiotic function of language is stressed. The consequences of Bouchard’s adoption of double interface signs for the relation of language to thought are also discussed and it is argued that such an approach leads inexorably to a form of linguistic relativity, and that positing a language independent ‘mentalese’ resolves this problem. The proposed model of language evolution, in which Bouchard is sceptical of protolanguage, is challenged, as are his claims regarding the properties of the language faculty. Bouchard presents a theory of the cognitive underpinning of language, ‘Offline Brain Systems,’ which is inadequate in accounting for the unique properties of human cognition. Instead, a more insightful and explanatorily comprehensive theory is presented here: dual-processing and the Representational Hypothesis.
本文考察了Bouchard的(e.g. Bouchard, D. 2010)。从神经元到符号。A. D. M. Smith, M. Schouwstra, B. de Boer和K. Smith(编),第八届语言进化国际会议论文集,42-49。新加坡:世界科学;Bouchard, D. 2013。语言的本质和起源。牛津:牛津大学出版社;Bouchard, D. 2015。大脑准备和语言的本质。《心理学前沿》6)作为“索绪尔式生物语言学”讨论语言的本质。布沙尔的一个基本假设,即索绪尔符号作为语言中心理上的真实实体的存在,是有争议的,并且强调了语言的符号学功能的另一种理解。本文还讨论了布沙尔采用双重界面符号来解释语言与思维关系的结果,并认为这种方法不可避免地导致一种语言相对性,而假设一种独立于语言的“心理语”解决了这个问题。布沙尔对原始语言持怀疑态度的语言进化模型受到了挑战,他关于语言能力特性的主张也受到了挑战。布沙尔提出了一种关于语言认知基础的理论,即“离线大脑系统”,该理论不足以解释人类认知的独特属性。相反,这里提出了一个更有洞察力和解释性更全面的理论:双重加工和表征假说。
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引用次数: 2
Still more on money: A response to Brandt 更多关于钱:对勃兰特的回应
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-10-12 DOI: 10.1515/cogsem-2018-2004
Todd Oakley
I thank Per Aage Brandt (2017) for his commentary, which elaborates on the gift origins of money that was only elliptically alluded to in my own piece. I agree with Brandt’s genealogical argument that giving underlies the social categories of debtor and creditor. This indeed was the point of Graeber’s analysis of credit money, from which my own analysis draws heavily. Brandt’s discussion of the role of priests and the priestly class in the establishment of wealth and credit is well established. In fact, my own claims of the money-as-credit origins of what becomes sovereign (state) money systems is fairly well attested among historians of money, whether conscious of Mauss’s important discussion of gifts or not. Brandt is also correct in emphasizing the role of metallic adornments in the history of money. I caution, however, that it is easy to slip seamlessly from acknowledging the material necessity of monetary “inscriptions” to mistaking the expressive sign of money for its content — a mistake made repeatedly throughout history, with disastrous consequences (such as John Locke’s arguments in the late seventeenth century that send England into a financial tailspin) that persist to this day. This is in part due to the fact that money as a store-of-value has to have some form of materialization, but it is and has always been the case, even as far back as Mesopotamia, that the store-of-value resides in whatever records of debts and credits are being maintained and, importantly, WHO has the authority to create and edit the record. As Brandt points out, the priestly classes historically have been “chartered” with the rights to create and edit the ledger, using precious metals as the preferred medium (for physical and religious reasons). It is not a coincidence, then, that precious metals are a perduring material of the pecuniary interest, but it is also important to emphasize that the evidence for “banking” in the form of cuneiform ledgers appears long before evidence of its metallic avatars (see Werner 2005). I mention this in part to emphasize that a fiat-basis for money is not a consequence of metallic adornments, but rather metallic adornments as coined money are consequences of the fiat-based “banking” operations. Brandt’s account and his response, however, focuses on banking as a “mediational” activity, which dilutes his initial point of priest being the first bankers — banks, both historically and especially now, are institutions that either arrogate or are granted the power to create credit-money — their roles as “mediators” are socially salient constructions, which do not, in fact, capture their real operations. Banking as a function of goldsmithery in medieval England and the high prevalence of bankers from European Jewry (a profession for which they were legally consigned to in some instances) adds to the legend of the mediators as outsiders. But goldsmiths did not lend from their deposits in gold, rather they created “fictional deposits” in
我感谢Per Aage Brandt(2017)的评论,他详细阐述了金钱的礼物起源,而这在我自己的文章中只是间接提及。我同意勃兰特的宗谱论,即给予是债务人和债权人的社会范畴的基础。这确实是格雷伯分析信用货币的要点,我自己的分析也大量借鉴了这一点。勃兰特关于牧师和牧师阶级在财富和信用的建立中的作用的讨论是很成熟的。事实上,无论是否意识到莫斯关于礼物的重要讨论,我自己关于主权(国家)货币体系的货币作为信用起源的主张在货币历史学家中得到了很好的证明。勃兰特强调金属装饰在货币历史上的作用也是正确的。然而,我要提醒的是,人们很容易从承认货币“铭文”的物质必要性,到把货币的表达符号误认为货币的内容——这个错误在历史上反复出现,带来了灾难性的后果(比如约翰·洛克在17世纪晚期的论点,使英国陷入了金融混乱),并一直持续到今天。这部分是由于货币作为一种价值储存手段必须有某种形式的物质化,但事实是,而且一直是这样,甚至早在美索不达米亚,价值储存存在于任何正在维护的债务和信贷记录中,重要的是,世卫组织有权创建和编辑这些记录。正如勃兰特所指出的,从历史上看,神职人员阶层一直被“特许”拥有创建和编辑账本的权利,使用贵金属作为首选媒介(出于物理和宗教原因)。因此,贵金属是货币利益的持久材料并不是巧合,但同样重要的是要强调,楔形文字分类帐形式的“银行”证据出现在其金属形象的证据之前很久(见Werner 2005)。我提到这一点的部分原因是为了强调,货币的法定基础不是金属装饰的结果,而是金属装饰铸成的货币是基于法定的“银行”业务的结果。然而,勃兰特的描述和他的回应集中在银行作为一种“中介”活动上,这削弱了他最初的观点,即牧师是第一批银行家——银行,无论是历史上还是现在,都是授权或被授予创造信贷货币的机构——它们作为“中介”的角色是社会突出的结构,实际上并没有捕捉到它们的真实运作。在中世纪的英格兰,银行业是金匠业的一种功能,欧洲犹太人(在某些情况下,他们被合法地委托从事这一职业)的银行家非常普遍,这增加了调解人作为局外人的传说。但是,金匠并不从他们的黄金存款中出借,而是以本票的形式创造“虚构存款”,这种做法在1704年的《救济法案》(Remedies Act)中得到了完全的认可,至少在泰晤士河上出现银行信贷创造的做法400年后。以上的清嗓只是为了强调,勃兰特和我在货币的一般起源上基本上是一致的。勃兰特强调价值存储维度高于记账单位维度;我要强调的是,记帐单位维度同样是铸币的基础和先决条件。有几点我要表示实质性的不同意见。我不怀疑商业行为和给予行为可以很容易地用不同的网络来表示,但勃兰特所描绘的商业网络并没有谈到货币作为价值储存(即信用)的问题,也与主权货币的问题无关。它只是加深了福科尼和特纳自己的叙述。因此,我反对“Oakley错误地解释了如何赚更多的钱,而不是首先讨论什么是钱”的说法(Brandt 2017: 207)。如果我在文章中没有说清楚,让我重申一下:货币是一种价值储存和记账单位。我对价值存储维度的解释与勃兰特将货币视为“保护”的观点有明显和普遍的重叠。持有货币的人拥有信用,并希望“囤积”这种信用(即储蓄)。我试图关注的是关于主权或国家货币以及由此发展起来的制度属性的计量单位维度,其中一些可以追溯到美索不达米亚货币系统的起源,另一些可以追溯到过去500年的正式复式簿记制度,还有一些是刚刚出现的。勃兰特的叙述并没有通过这种批判维度提供任何东西,但似乎记账单位维度正是勃兰特所认为的“货币疯狂”的基础,他试图从中解脱出来。 如果某事本质上是“疯狂的”,那么
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Cognitive Semiotics
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