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Physical puritanism and religious dissent: the case of John Young (1820-1904), Sunderland chemist and druggist and Methodist lay preacher. 物理清教主义和宗教异议:约翰·杨(1820-1904)的案例,桑德兰化学家、药剂师和卫理公会的世俗传教士。
Pub Date : 1998-08-01 DOI: 10.1093/SHM/11.2.197
M. Clement
"Physical puritanism", the name given to the popular medical reform movements of early Victorian Britain by the Edinburgh academic Samuel Brown, nicely evokes their links with religious dissent. While historians have examined the formal organization, leadership, and membership of several of these movements, we know very little about the ways of thinking of their ordinary adherents. The diary of John Young (1820-1904), a Sunderland chemist and druggist and local preacher of the Wesleyan Methodist Association, affords unrivalled insights into the mind of one "physical puritan". In particular, Young's reading of the Edinburgh physician and phrenologist Andrew Combe's influential work Principles of Physiology (1834) can be examined in detail. Virginia Smith has argued that such advice books are valuable in providing access to lay ideas about health. Their readership, however, has not been studied. This article offers a case study which calls into question Smith's assertion that the new utilitarian popular physiology of the 1830s and 1840s was valued principally for the physical benefits offered by its therapies, so distinguishing it from its more spiritually-oriented eighteenth-century antecedents. I argue that the natural theology which marks Combe's work was important in helping dissenters like Young to appropriate new ideas (in particular ideas derived from the popular science of phrenology) not only to promote physical health, but also to assist in attaining spiritual goals. For some of their readers, Combe and Wesley were not so far apart.
爱丁堡学者塞缪尔•布朗(Samuel Brown)给维多利亚时代早期英国流行的医疗改革运动起了一个“身体清教主义”(Physical puritanism)的名字,很好地唤起了他们与宗教异见的联系。虽然历史学家已经研究了其中几个运动的正式组织、领导和成员,但我们对这些运动的普通追随者的思维方式知之甚少。约翰·杨(John Young, 1820-1904)是桑德兰的一位化学家和药剂师,也是卫斯理卫理公会(Wesleyan Methodist Association)的当地传教士。他的日记提供了对一位“身体清教徒”心灵的无与伦比的洞见。特别是,杨阅读了爱丁堡医生和颅相学家安德鲁·库姆(Andrew Combe)的影响深远的著作《生理学原理》(Principles of Physiology, 1834)。弗吉尼亚·史密斯(Virginia Smith)认为,这些建议类书籍在提供有关健康的非专业观点方面很有价值。然而,他们的读者群还没有被研究过。本文提供了一个案例研究,对史密斯的断言提出质疑,即19世纪30年代和40年代的新功利主义流行生理学主要是因为其疗法提供的身体益处而受到重视,从而将其与更以精神为导向的18世纪前辈区分开来。我认为,标志着库姆作品的自然神学对于帮助像杨这样的持不同政见者接受新思想(特别是来自颅相学的流行科学的思想)不仅促进身体健康,而且有助于实现精神目标非常重要。对于他们的一些读者来说,库姆和韦斯利并没有太大的区别。
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引用次数: 2
Vaccination policy against smallpox, 1835-1914: a comparison of England with Prussia and Imperial Germany. 预防天花的疫苗政策,1835-1914:英国与普鲁士和德意志帝国的比较。
Pub Date : 1998-04-01 DOI: 10.1093/SHM/11.1.49
E. P. Hennock
There are three identifiable phases in comparing vaccination policy in England, Prussia and Imperial Germany. (1) Prior to the 1870's the tradition of medical police in Prussia resulted in the vaccination of the population being treated as a State responsibility earlier than in England and provided an appropriate administrative framework. The administrative pressure that could be exerted persuaded the Prussian authorities that legislation to make vaccination compulsory was unnecessary. In contrast, England and Wales lacked both the tradition and administrative structures of a medical police. Legislation (1840, 1853) for free and universal infant vaccination was followed by radical ideological and administrative innovation. (2) From 1875 to 1889 both countries provided free and compulsory vaccination for all. In England this was limited to infants; in Germany including Prussia, it included the re-vaccination of children. (3) After 1889 England and Germany began to diverge more sharply. In England vaccination rates fell and after 1898 conscientious objectors were excused from having to have their children vaccinated. Germany retained compulsory vaccination and rates in the two countries increasingly diverged. England came to rely on the local public health administration for the surveillance and containment of smallpox, including selective vaccination of contacts. Despite these differences smallpox mortality dropped sharply in both countries, although in Germany somewhat earlier. The English reliance on surveillance and containment prefigures that of the WHO in the eradication of smallpox in the Third World. It suggests that the emphasis on the importance of high levels of mass vaccination in the German literature should perhaps be revised.
在比较英格兰、普鲁士和德意志帝国的疫苗接种政策时,有三个可识别的阶段。(1)在19世纪70年代之前,普鲁士的医疗警察传统导致人口接种疫苗被视为国家责任,比英国更早,并提供了适当的行政框架。可以施加的行政压力使普鲁士当局相信,立法强制接种疫苗是不必要的。相比之下,英格兰和威尔士既缺乏医疗警察的传统,也缺乏医疗警察的行政结构。立法(1840年,1853年)免费和普遍的婴儿疫苗接种之后,激进的思想和行政创新。从1875年到1889年,两国都为所有人提供了免费和强制性的疫苗接种。在英国,这仅限于婴儿;在德国,包括普鲁士,它包括重新接种儿童疫苗。1889年以后,英国和德国的分歧开始更加尖锐。在英国,疫苗接种率下降,1898年之后,出于良心拒服兵役者被允许不必让他们的孩子接种疫苗。德国保留了强制性疫苗接种,两国的接种率日益分化。英国开始依靠当地的公共卫生管理部门来监测和控制天花,包括对接触者进行选择性接种。尽管存在这些差异,但两国的天花死亡率都急剧下降,尽管德国下降得稍早一些。英国对监视和控制的依赖预示了世界卫生组织在第三世界消灭天花的做法。这表明,德国文献中对高水平大规模疫苗接种重要性的强调或许应该加以修订。
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引用次数: 43
History of public health-history in public health: looking back and looking forward. 公共卫生史——公共卫生史:回顾与展望。
Pub Date : 1998-04-01 DOI: 10.1093/SHM/11.1.1
Alfons Labisch
The history of public health is a given aspect of general (cultural, social and political) history. It is subject to conditions and quality standards given in general history. History in public health is-in contrast to a history of public health-guided by the relevance of its questions and issues for present-day problems of general decision-making in public health care. The task of history in public health is the background analysis of social changes in public health. History in public health clarifies the actual field of public health with respect to its open and hidden lines and factors of development.
公共卫生史是一般(文化、社会和政治)历史的一个特定方面。它受通史规定的条件和质量标准的约束。公共卫生史与公共卫生史相反,它的问题和议题与当今公共卫生保健一般决策问题的相关性指导。公共卫生史学的任务是对公共卫生的社会变迁进行背景分析。公共卫生史从公共卫生的公开线和隐性线、发展因素等方面阐明了公共卫生的实际领域。
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引用次数: 12
Explaining the modern mortality decline: what can we learn from sea voyages. 解释现代死亡率下降:我们能从海上航行中学到什么?
Pub Date : 1998-04-01 DOI: 10.1093/SHM/11.1.15
R. Haines, R. Shlomowitz
During the past two decades, scholars have attempted to quanify the mortality at sea of a large number of seaborne populations. We now have estimates of death rates associated with over 13,000 voyages between 1497 and the First World War. These include voyages of Portuguese and Dutch travellers to Asian destinations; African slaves, European convicts, and free emigrants to the Americas; British convicts to Australia; British government-assisted emigrants to South Africa and Australia; and African, Indian, Chinese, and Pacific Islander indentured labourers to various destinations in the Atlantic, Indian, and Pacific Ocean regions. Whereas the death rate on slave voyages did not decline over time, the death rate of young adults and older children on non-slave voyages plummeted in the early-to-middle nineteenth century, preceding the modern mortality decline on land. Yet, the infant death rate of babies who embarked, or who were born at sea, although steadily declining, remained very much higher than infant mortality on land. The reduction in infant maritime mortality, which lagged well behind that of voyaging adults and children, thus mirrors the difficulty in reducing infant death rates on land. This paper surveys the recent literature on mortality at sea, drawing implications for our understanding of the modern mortality decline on land.
在过去的二十年里,学者们试图量化大量海上人口的死亡率。我们现在有了1497年到第一次世界大战期间13000多次航行的死亡率估计数。其中包括葡萄牙和荷兰游客前往亚洲目的地的航程;非洲奴隶、欧洲罪犯和自由移民到美洲;英国囚犯到澳大利亚;英国政府援助南非和澳大利亚的移民;以及非洲、印度、中国和太平洋岛民的契约劳工,他们被送往大西洋、印度和太平洋地区的各个目的地。尽管奴隶航行的死亡率并没有随着时间的推移而下降,但在19世纪早期到中期,在陆地上的现代死亡率下降之前,非奴隶航行的年轻人和年龄较大的儿童的死亡率急剧下降。然而,上船或在海上出生的婴儿死亡率虽然稳步下降,但仍然远远高于陆地上的婴儿死亡率。海上婴儿死亡率的下降远远落后于航行中的成人和儿童,因此反映了在陆地上降低婴儿死亡率的困难。本文调查了最近关于海上死亡率的文献,为我们理解陆地上的现代死亡率下降提供了启示。
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引用次数: 14
Health reform in Israel: some aspects of seventy years of struggle (1925-1995).
Pub Date : 1998-04-01 DOI: 10.1093/SHM/11.1.73
S. Shvarts
This work traces attempts to bring about the passage of a compulsory health insurance law in Israel-from initial efforts in 1925 to the actual passage of such legislation in 1995. It examines the course of events in historical perspective, documenting positions adopted by various bodies-governmental, political, quasi-political, professional, and other-at various stages, clarifying why early initiatives failed. Most of this work is founded on historical archival documents found in London and Israel.
这项工作追溯了促成以色列通过强制性健康保险法的尝试——从1925年的最初努力到1995年这种立法的实际通过。它从历史的角度审视了事件的进程,记录了不同机构——政府的、政治的、准政治的、专业的和其他的——在不同阶段所采取的立场,阐明了早期倡议失败的原因。大部分的工作是建立在伦敦和以色列发现的历史档案文件。
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引用次数: 8
The orgins of vaccinia virus-a brief rejoinder. 牛痘病毒的起源——一个简短的反驳。
Pub Date : 1998-04-01 DOI: 10.1093/SHM/11.1.107
P. Razzell
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引用次数: 2
Abortion policy and politics on the Lane Committee of Enquiry, 1971-1974. 莱恩调查委员会的堕胎政策和政治,1971-1974年。
Pub Date : 1998-04-01 DOI: 10.1093/SHM/11.1.109
A. Wivel
The 1967 Abortion Act did not quell public discussion on therapeutic abortions in Britain. Criticism of the way the Act was working began almost as soon as the legislation came into force. After only three years, a committee of enquiry, chaired by Justice Elizabeth Lane, studied the working of the Act. This Committee caused some surprise on all sides of the abortion debate by offering unanimous support for the Act in its original form. Understanding how the Lane Committee arrived at its unexpected recommendations is important not only because the Report has proved to be an enduring endorsement of the Act but also because the Lane Committee provides a case study of the process of policy formulation at the level of a committee of enquiry. The Lane Committee appears to have achieved consensus incrementally. First a majority and then the whole Committee supported the Act as a humane measure requiring regulatory and not legislative solutions to the problems of its working. Using both written and oral sources, I will argue that consensus evolved through the compelling leadership of several key members of the majority group with particular influence by the most psychosocially oriented members of the Committee.
1967年的《堕胎法》并没有平息英国公众对治疗性堕胎的讨论。对该法案运作方式的批评几乎在立法生效后就开始了。仅仅三年之后,一个由伊丽莎白·莱恩法官主持的调查委员会研究了该法案的运作。本委员会一致支持该法案的原稿,这使堕胎辩论的各方都感到吃惊。了解莱恩委员会如何得出其意想不到的建议是很重要的,不仅因为该报告已被证明是对该法案的持久认可,而且因为莱恩委员会提供了调查委员会一级政策制定过程的案例研究。莱恩委员会似乎逐渐达成了共识。首先是多数人,然后是整个委员会都支持该法案,认为它是一项人道措施,需要用管制办法而不是立法办法来解决其工作中的问题。我将利用书面和口头资料说明,共识是通过多数群体中几位关键成员的强有力领导而形成的,这些成员受到委员会中最注重心理社会的成员的特别影响。
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引用次数: 4
Beggars, metaphors, and stigma: a missing link in the social history of leprosy. 乞丐、隐喻和耻辱:麻风病社会史上缺失的一环。
Pub Date : 1998-04-01 DOI: 10.1093/SHM/11.1.89
L. Navon
Students of leprosy stigma are at odds over its sources, intensity, and current presistence. On the basis of a study of leprosy in Thailand that combined an archival survey with anthropological field-work, the present article offers a different thesis on these issues from those that have been proposed thus far. The thesis suggests that prior to the discovery of a cure for the disease, its sufferers encountered ambivalent rather than severly stigmatizing reactions. Yet the public's selective exposure-mainly to beggars with the disease-paved the way to the perception of leprosy as the epitome of stigmatization and to its transformation into a metaphor for degradation. Progress in the medical treatment of the disease significantly improved patients' social acceptance but also allowed them to keep their illness a secret. Their consequent disappearance from the public eye turned the figurative use of leprosy in the spoken language into the main source of shaping its image. This development contributed to the irrefutability and perpetuation of the negative image, and even to its intensification to the extent of utter divorce from concrete reality. After expounding this thesis, the paper discusses its potential contribution to resolving the disputes over the roots, severity, and persistence of leprosy stigma on the international level.
麻风病污名的学生对其来源、强度和目前存在的情况存在分歧。在对泰国麻风病研究的基础上,结合了档案调查和人类学实地调查,本文提供了一个与迄今为止提出的问题不同的论点。这篇论文表明,在发现治疗艾滋病的方法之前,艾滋病患者遇到的不是严重的污名化反应,而是矛盾的反应。然而,公众对麻风病的选择性曝光——主要是对患有这种疾病的乞丐的曝光——为麻风病被视为耻辱的象征铺平了道路,并将其转变为堕落的隐喻。这种疾病的医学治疗的进步大大提高了患者的社会接受度,但也使他们能够对自己的病情保密。它们随之从公众视野中消失,使得口头语言中对麻风病的比喻用法成为塑造其形象的主要来源。这种发展助长了负面形象的不可辩驳性和永久化,甚至使其加剧到与具体现实完全脱节的程度。在阐述了这篇论文之后,本文讨论了它对解决国际层面上关于麻风病耻感的根源、严重性和持久性的争议的潜在贡献。
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引用次数: 35
Race, culture, and the colonization of childbirth in northern Canada. 种族、文化和加拿大北部分娩的殖民化。
Pub Date : 1997-12-01 DOI: 10.1093/SHM/10.3.383
Patricia Jasen
This paper traces the history, in northern Canada, of what childbirth has been made to stand for in the relationship between aboriginal women and the agents of colonization. During the early centuries of contact, European impressions of aboriginal women were dominated by associations with animal nature and the myth of painless childbirth, with the result that the culture of childbirth and the role of the midwife were overlooked. During the nineteenth century, the emphasis upon racial difference was reinforced by evolutionary theory, and the myth of the 'savage' woman's 'parturition without pain' was put to rhetorical use by health reformers, physicians, and feminists in Europe and North America. Meanwhile, the realities surrounding childbirth in aboriginal communities received little attention from colonial authorities until high infant and maternal death rates began to arouse official concern in the early twentieth century, when they were blamed on aboriginal women's ignorance of healthy child-bearing practices. As part of its 'civilizing mission', the Canadian government adopted an interventionist policy which led, in recent decades, to the practice of evacuating pregnant women to distant hospitals. This policy has had serious social consequences, and resistance on the part of aboriginal women includes the attempt to legitimize a traditional culture of childbirth disregarded throughout the colonization process.
这篇论文追溯了加拿大北部的历史,在土著妇女和殖民代理人之间的关系中,分娩被赋予了什么意义。在最初几个世纪的接触中,欧洲人对土著妇女的印象主要是与动物本性和无痛分娩的神话联系在一起,结果是分娩文化和助产士的作用被忽视了。在19世纪,进化论加强了对种族差异的强调,欧洲和北美的健康改革者、医生和女权主义者用“野蛮”妇女“无痛分娩”的神话来修饰。与此同时,殖民地当局很少注意土著社区分娩的实际情况,直到20世纪初,婴儿和产妇的高死亡率开始引起官方关注,当时人们将其归咎于土著妇女不了解健康的生育习惯。作为其"教化使命"的一部分,加拿大政府采取了一项干预政策,导致近几十年来将孕妇疏散到偏远医院的做法。这一政策产生了严重的社会后果,土著妇女的反抗包括企图使在整个殖民过程中被忽视的传统生育文化合法化。
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引用次数: 73
'My beloved chloroform'. Attitudes to childbearing in colonial Queensland: a case study. “我亲爱的氯仿”。昆士兰殖民地对生育的态度:个案研究。
Pub Date : 1997-12-01 DOI: 10.1093/SHM/10.3.437
H. Woolcock, M. Thearle, K. Saunders
In 1847 the anaesthetic and analgesic properties of chloroform were discovered. This technology generated a new era for midwifery: mothers could be relieved of pain in childbirth. The introduction of chloroform for childbirth saw increasing medical dominance in obstetrics, traditionally in the hands of the midwife. At the same time the use of chloroform sparked a medical and moral controversy which lasted for several decades. On the one hand women were destined by the 'curse of Eve' to experience pain during childbirth; on the other, medical humanitarians and practitioners believed that there were technical and moral reasons for alleviating pain in childbirth. In concentrating on the debate historians have largely ignored the reactions of mothers to the introduction of the technology. This paper explores changing attitudes to childbearing within the context of colonial Queensland society, 1860-90, by examining the correspondence of an upper-class mother. Her education and liberal outlook, and a certain ambivalence towards motherhood, all influenced her attitude to the use of chloroform and the process of childbirth.
1847年,氯仿的麻醉和镇痛特性被发现。这项技术开创了助产学的新纪元:母亲们可以从分娩的痛苦中解脱。氯仿用于分娩的引入,使传统上由助产士掌握的产科的医疗优势日益增强。与此同时,氯仿的使用引发了持续了几十年的医学和道德争议。一方面,女性被“夏娃的诅咒”注定要在分娩时经历痛苦;另一方面,医疗人道主义者和从业人员认为,减轻分娩疼痛有技术和道德上的原因。历史学家把注意力集中在争论上,在很大程度上忽略了母亲们对这项技术引入的反应。本文通过研究一位上层阶级母亲的信件,探讨了1860-90年殖民昆士兰社会背景下对生育的态度变化。她所受的教育和自由主义的观点,以及对母亲的某种矛盾心理,都影响了她对使用氯仿和分娩过程的态度。
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引用次数: 9
期刊
医疗社会史研究
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