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Jill Susanna Dubisch (1943–2023) Jill Susanna Dubisch (1943-2023)
IF 1.7 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-04-24 DOI: 10.1111/aman.28068
Michael Herzfeld
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引用次数: 0
Commentary on “Unsettling the Self: Autoethnography and Related Kin” 评《不安的自我:自我民族志与亲属》
IF 1.7 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-04-24 DOI: 10.1111/aman.28064
Ruth Behar
<p>I have read these papers with awe, surprise, and joy, as well as with a touch of sadness—where was this anthropology when I was starting out almost half a century ago? An anthropology that's personal, intimate, compelling, humbling, healing, holistic, multigenre, poetic, written with grace and humility, and most of all so very human. I wish I were young now and starting out and knew I didn't have to ask for permission to write as freely as the authors here do—with such vulnerability, such deep feeling.</p><p>The editors of this volume, Christine Walley and Denielle Elliott, ask, why is this writing happening now? I wonder if in a world at once so fractured and so interconnected, a world at once on fire and collapsing into the sea, perhaps there simply isn't time to stand on ceremony and wait to be patted on the back. We must do the writing that doesn't alienate us from ourselves, the writing that is tender and tough, beautiful and unflinching, memorable and haunting. This is the writing that unsettles the self, because for many of us (I don't dare say “all of us” since there are circles where things haven't changed all that much), anthropology is no longer the study of the “other”; it is a study of our own otherness.</p><p>Going elsewhere, because elsewhere is where we're supposed to find our anthropological subject matter, ceases to make sense now that elsewhere is everywhere and nowhere. It's a moment when delving into the heart of things and examining who we are and how we reached our positions as thinkers has turned into a new kind of quest narrative where homecoming is at the center of the journeys we take, and we draw on research, self-reflection, and the art of writing to tell stories that would otherwise have been lost for seeming “too personal.”</p><p>Those of us doing this work aren't the hardy sorts that anthropologists once tried to be—getting appendices removed before setting off to do fieldwork, suffering through bouts of malaria while doing fieldwork. We are a tribe of sensitive anthropologists, keenly aware of our colonizing heritage and wary of causing more harm. We have learned to listen, and now we want to listen to those closest to us, our most intimate interlocutors—a grandmother, a father, a daughter. After all, the principles of kinship are part of our legacy as anthropologists. We are skilled at addressing genealogy. So, we are analyzing our own kinship structures, our own families, and offering chronicles based on different sorts of inheritances, including garments, documents, stories, and traumas left unspoken but remembered. And some of us turn the spotlight on ourselves, examining the lived experience of our vulnerability and our unsettledness through the study of illness, cancer, depression, loss, and grief, recognizing the urgency of being present in those moments and that studying anything else amid anguish and despair seems somehow false.</p><p>Writing any kind of ethnography involves a strong commitment to tell
我怀着敬畏、惊奇和喜悦的心情读着这些论文,同时也带着一丝悲伤——当我近半个世纪前刚开始从事人类学研究时,这种人类学在哪里?这是一本个人的、亲密的、引人注目的、谦卑的、治愈的、整体的、多流派的、诗意的、优雅而谦逊的、最重要的是非常人性化的人类学。我希望我现在还年轻,可以开始写作,知道我不必像这里的作者那样自由地写作——带着这样的脆弱,这样的深情。这本书的编辑克里斯汀·沃利(Christine Walley)和丹妮尔·埃利奥特(Denielle Elliott)问道,为什么现在会出现这种写作?我在想,在一个既如此支离破碎又如此相互联系的世界里,在一个既着火又沉入大海的世界里,也许根本没有时间拘泥于礼节,等待别人的鼓励。我们必须写出不使我们与自己疏远的作品,写出温柔而坚韧、美丽而坚定、令人难忘而难忘的作品。这是一种让自我不安的写作,因为对我们中的许多人(我不敢说“我们所有人”,因为有些圈子的事情并没有发生太大的变化)来说,人类学不再是对“他者”的研究;它是对我们自身差异性的研究。去其他地方,因为其他地方是我们应该找到我们人类学主题的地方,现在不再有意义了,因为其他地方无处不在。在这个时刻,我们深入探究事物的核心,审视我们是谁,以及我们如何达到我们作为思想家的地位,这已经变成了一种新的探索叙事,回归是我们旅程的中心,我们利用研究、自我反思和写作艺术来讲述那些本来会因为看起来“太私人”而丢失的故事。我们这些从事这项工作的人并不是人类学家曾经尝试过的那种坚强的人——在开始田野调查之前切除阑尾,在田野调查中遭受疟疾的折磨。我们是一群敏感的人类学家,敏锐地意识到我们的殖民遗产,警惕造成更多的伤害。我们已经学会了倾听,现在我们想倾听那些与我们最亲近的人,我们最亲密的对话者——祖母、父亲、女儿。毕竟,作为人类学家,亲属关系原则是我们遗产的一部分。我们擅长处理家谱。因此,我们正在分析我们自己的亲属结构,我们自己的家庭,并根据不同类型的遗产提供编年史,包括服装,文件,故事和未说出口但仍记得的创伤。我们中的一些人把焦点放在自己身上,通过研究疾病、癌症、抑郁、失去和悲伤来审视我们的脆弱和不安的生活经历,认识到在这些时刻活在当下的紧迫性,在痛苦和绝望中研究其他任何事情似乎都是错误的。写任何一种民族志都需要坚定的承诺,告诉你所听到和看到的东西,而不是你想要的东西。人种学不同于小说,在小说中你可以想象你不知道的东西,你可以用可能存在的现实或应该存在的现实来填补历史记录中的空白。与此同时,我们比以往任何时候都更加模糊了类型,扭曲了类型,把把关抛在后面,把内省的作品与仔细研究的公共历史和社会政治背景混合在一起。这是一个新时代的拼凑,涉及艺术和美学的一种令人兴奋的方式,我们已经意识到语言的无限可能性和多模态的交流形式,使我们的故事生动起来。对包容性和可及性的关注对这项工作至关重要。它不应该被封闭在学院里,让少数特权阶层来审问。这是一本跨国界分享的著作,不仅人类学家可以阅读,我们没有受过大学教育的母亲也可以阅读。没有什么比我们用心所写的东西落在意想不到的读者手中更有意义的了,他们的心为我们的故事而痛苦。在人类学的历史上,有前人,其中包括佐拉·尼尔·赫斯顿、露丝·本尼迪克特和爱德华·萨皮尔,他们试图写小说、回忆录和诗歌,并拥抱他们的艺术灵魂。但他们一直是少数。他们感到被束缚住了,尤其是那些进入学院行列的人,以至于他们倾向于隐藏自己的创造性工作。例如,本尼迪克特以笔名发表她的诗歌,因为担心她的导师弗朗茨·博阿斯(Franz Boas)会知道她的轻率行为。我们所有渴望成为作家、艺术家和创造者的人类学家都继承了这种恐惧,现在我们中的许多人终于放下了这种恐惧,对于人类学的可能性,我们有一种自由的感觉。 但问题来了:我们如何坚持我们学科的科学维度?我们不能只是成为创意写作的一个分支,不是吗?我的研究生们担心这些问题。当然,他们想要资助,来做他们的研究,他们想学习如何写资助提案,他们想要像我们这样的工作,他们问,他们会通过写自己的民族志、亲密的民族志、回忆录和小说来获得工作吗?这是终身教职后获得的奢侈品吗?多年来写的密集的学术散文的奖品?我认为我们需要停止这种思维方式。它限制和缩小了人类学作为一个知识领域的范围。我强烈地感觉到,我们可以用不同的体裁和不同的声音来写作,我们可以(也应该)从各种各样的学术和文学中找到灵感,我们可以写专栏文章、创造性的非小说类文章、回忆录、小说和人种学,也可以写同行评议的文章和经典形式的学术研究。我现在正在写图画书和中级小说,把关于身份、记忆、文化和遗产的人类学思想融入到写作中,让更年轻的群体看到,这是一件令人兴奋的事情,这是我从未想过的。我的一些人类学同事甚至把我的书送给他们的孩子!如今,人们对民族志写作有着浓厚的兴趣,无论是在学科领域还是在学术领域。每年当我教授民族志写作研讨会时,我都会看到这种情况。学生不仅来自人类学,也来自传播学、教育、历史、艺术、创意写作、比较文学、拉丁/拉丁裔研究和许多其他领域。我着迷于人类学家发明的这种不起眼的体裁为何显得如此重要和及时。我们为密切分析人际关系而开发的方法,让我们质疑我们所知道的和我们如何知道的自我反思,致力于在所有复杂的情况下参与地方的意义,这些都是我们写作的引人注目的维度,为不同背景的作家、思想家和艺术家提供灵感。人种学可以提供很多东西,这是毫无疑问的。我们也意识到,我们可以走得更深入,讲述一些紧迫、清晰、情感共鸣的故事,并且更加包容作为人类的意义。虽然我一开始就说过,当我开始从事民族志写作时,我对这些冒险并不普遍感到有点悲伤,但我很高兴看到现在有许多可能的表达形式。我对人类学抱有希望在这个很难抱有希望的时代。
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引用次数: 0
Technological sovereignty in agroecology: Harnessing GIS and drones for socially just food systemsDrones and geographical information technologies in agroecology and organic farming: Contributions to technological sovereignty, Edited By Massimo De Marchi, Alberto Diantini, Salvatore Eugenio Pappalardo, Boca Raton: CRC Press. 2022. 308 pp. 农业生态学中的技术主权:利用地理信息系统和无人机实现社会公正的粮食系统农业生态学和有机农业中的无人机和地理信息技术:对技术主权的贡献,由Massimo De Marchi, Alberto Diantini, Salvatore Eugenio Pappalardo编辑,博卡拉顿:CRC出版社,2022。308页。
IF 1.7 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-04-24 DOI: 10.1111/aman.28073
Edo Hariyanto, Melinda Novi Maghfiroh, Rizqi Roikhan
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引用次数: 0
Spectral sonics: Field recordings from an extractive zone 谱声:采掘区的现场记录
IF 1.7 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-04-24 DOI: 10.1111/aman.28072
Zsuzsanna Ihar
<p>In the Lumière Brothers’ 36-s short, <i>Oil Wells of Baku: Close View</i> (1897),<sup>1</sup> we see wooden oil rigs consumed by ravenous flames in the foreground, thick black smoke billowing in the background. At eight frames per second, it is a (silent) spectacle which blurs the start of crude oil extraction with the birth of cinema itself, rendering the advance of the petrochemical age an aesthetic revolution as much as a scientific one (LeMenager <span>2012</span>). The short inspired the emergence of a distinct “oil canon” within Azerbaijan's film industry, with subsequent features depicting Baku, the capital city and a historical oil town, as a landscape of oilfields, derricks, wells, and obsidian pools of crude oil. Films like <i>The Reign of Oil and Millions</i>, Azerbaijan's first feature (financed by several oil tycoons), prioritized the ocular, encouraging viewers to marvel at the enchanting and entrancing aesthetics of oil and to identify the city as a composite of oil infrastructure, oil aesthetics, and oil culture. Oil emerged as a protocinematic medium, in the words of Susan Schuppli (<span>2015</span>, 435), where its optical effect constituted a “cinematic feature of its very ontology, its molecular structure and behavior,” producing a “slick image.”</p><p>This visuality has been a consistent feature across other media as well—from cartography and film to photography, literature, and journalism. Much like the Lumière Brothers, visitors like Charles Marvin focused on the visual attributes, fascinated by enormous quantities of “dense smoke, soot, and sludge” produced as oil moved through the refining process. Early travelogues, much like early films, narrowed descriptions of life in the oilfields of Baku down to “black and greasy” buildings, vast morasses of mud and oil and roads weaving between “jutting rock and drifting sand” (Marvin <span>1891</span>, [1884], 34). For foreigners particularly, it was all a “splendid spectacle” (35), easy to apprehend and part of a perfectly rational system, congruous with the science of the day. This slickness of depiction extended to early mapping projects of Baku, which tightly wove urbanism, the map and oil together, depicting the city not as geometric configurations of inhabitable space, but as parcels of Crown-owned or private oil lands. A good illustration of this is Baku City Administration's 1913 Plan of Baku, which alongside demarcating land allocated for sale by the annual treasury, primarily concerned parcels of oil land and parcels intended for commercial oil production, leaving out other spheres of life and production (Blau et al. <span>2018</span>).</p><p>However, through their ocularcentrism (Jay <span>1988</span>),<sup>2</sup> such narratives and forms have tended to neglect the other sensoriums of oil—namely, the soundscape of petroleum, its extraction, and refinement. This essay and accompanying multimodal piece attempts to expose the “slick image” (Schuppli <span>2015</span>
本文以类似的方式绘制了声波发展图表,3关注原油如何塑造巴库人的生活,特别是居住在当前和以前的石油开采和生产区域附近的国内流离失所者(IDPs)社区。这篇文章和随附的多模式项目强调了当地词汇、谈话风格、讲故事策略和音乐制作的变化,这些变化是由历史上的榨取主义和当代向绿色中产阶级化和后榨取主义发展的转变所造成的。实际上,消失的声音也同样令人感兴趣,这就要求巴库人去听那些不再存在的声音,并发展出新的调谐策略通过从田野记录的通常文本范式转向与档案记录、商业曲目和偶然捕获的重新混合、分层和纠缠在一起的田野记录,这是对詹姆斯·克利福德(1986)几十年前的问题的回应:“但是民族志耳朵呢?”论文和多模态项目的核心是民族志知识生产理论,它远离了分离的注册或对完美符号学的希望(Erlmann 2020),而是认识到回声、回响、嗡嗡声、噪音、中断和低语的重要性——这些信息形式往往是不完整和不确定的。本文试图将2019年夏季和秋季在巴库balaxanir (Balakhani)、S / bail (Sabail)和Qara/ akul Ş / h / r (Black/White City)街区拍摄的一系列现场录音置于背景中。该文本与一个多媒体网站协同工作,该网站的特色是首都的地图,上面布满了原油的“声波”痕迹。文章和网站都试图处理证词的本质,历史文物,以及随着采掘资本主义转向新的形态和模式而变化的感觉(Peterson 2021)。网站上的音轨(在文章中也有讨论)大致可以分为三类:石化工业和工业街区的历史声音,从城市更新的定居点拍摄的现场录音,以及当地人(通常是国内流离失所者)讲述的鬼故事/城市传说。不仅仅是表现,每条轨道都沉浸在20世纪城市化的资源开采主义和21世纪的生态开采主义中。调到巴库都市的频率有助于人们谈论声音和声音的缺失——不仅是过去的声音,还有更新、拆除的声音,或者,也许是冒泡抵抗的声音。传统的地图,依赖于传统的制图原则“精度、方向、比例、参考点和传说”(Powell 2016, 405),未能记录下像黑城这样的地方奇怪的声音特征,将其生动的不确定的声音驱逐到讲故事、娱乐和日常未记录的领域。也许正是这种对制图的抗拒,在将声音和频谱一起绘制时,创造了一种联系。两者都是非物质的,在空间上非特定的,由一般无法承担主体性,因此在社区中有一个具体的位置来定义。正如安东尼·维德勒(1994,3)所言,“在废弃或破败的购物中心周围的空停车场……在后工业文化的浪费边缘和表面现象中,不可思议的爆发”,从而给城市景观带来切实的变化——很像一种奇怪的声音或意想不到的噪音。同样,Peter Ackroyd(2001)认为,在精心规划和管理的空间中,光谱激发了不可控性。幽灵,我认为幽灵的声音,是“超出任何计划或调查范围”的破坏代理人(216),对政策委员会或中央计划的不响应是尖锐的。这种战略能力是该项目的核心,展示声音作为证词、政治主张和空间威慑的工具。一个奇怪的节拍器设定了巴库的生活节奏:推土机。碎片和岩石撞击金属装载机的铿锵声标志着巴库近代史上最大的城市发展和修复项目的进展,伴随着它的是一种消失和竞争的声音。自从2006年总统伊利哈姆·阿利耶夫(Ilham Aliyev)推出改善“生态条件”的“综合行动计划”以来,许多以前的石油开采和石化工业场所已经让位给高档住宅区和商业区,以迎合越来越多的国际客户。 黑城附近居住着首都大部分的国内流离失所人口,已经被部分拆除,为一个221公顷的“后石油”开发项目让路,该项目被称为“白城”:一个资本主义的梦幻景观,有纪念碑般的石头建筑、宏伟的大道、闪闪发光的办公大楼、酒店和一条新的地铁线路(Grant 2014)。这些新建筑也带来了新的声音,取代了巴库以前石油工业的嘎吱声、铃声和汩汩声。越来越多的人可以听到名牌狗的吠叫,空调的嗡嗡声,英语广告,以及晚上24小时保安和闭路电视的寂静。巴库后工业时代士绅化和城市化的视觉标志通常是直接和公开的(例如,公开的驱逐和快速拆除),而声音标志则更加模糊,通常需要仔细而缓慢的追踪。网站上的录音是用一系列不同的录音设备连续几个月拍摄的。有时,在一整天的时间里,声音被被动地捕获,但只有极小的部分被证明是有用的或相关的。为了正确理解White City新音景的暴力,节奏、速度和媒介等元素都需要考虑,这反映了Rob Nixon(2011, 2)关于缓慢暴力的概念,这种暴力“逐渐发生,在视线之外,一种延迟破坏的暴力,分散在时间和空间中,一种消耗性暴力,通常根本不被视为暴力。”正如Linda Keeffe(2017)、Christina Zanfagna和Alex Werth(2021)、Christina Zanfagna和Alex Werth(2021)、Piyusha Chatterjee和Steven High(2017)以及Steven High和David Lewis(2007)等学者所认为的那样,士绅化和城市流离失所的过程是多感官的,不仅影响了地方的视觉体验,还影响了人们的嗅觉、视觉、味觉、触觉和听到的东西。去工业化带来了一种权衡,即消除被认为是刺耳的、响亮的或令人恼火的声音也意味着消除充满活力和活力的社区。工人阶级或工业的生活方式因此“被转移到边缘”(High and Lewis, 2007, 106),使得像白城这样的地方失去了有意义的关系和交流。如果说原油开采和提炼的基础设施起到了“声音锚”或“社区的声音标识符”的作用,那么它们的拆除就损害了“一个地方在特定历史时刻的本质”(Smith et al. 2004,380)。事实上,即使是白城的新居民也经常抱怨住宅区的不和谐或不和谐的氛围,称环境“”(非常安静),需要更多的“canlılıq”(活力)。在后工业时代的中产阶级化中,到处都是支离破碎的关系,这种关系对他们来说有一种声音的品质。在该项目网站上的一个视频中,一名俄罗斯导游在白城游览时,混杂着扭曲和调制的警笛和商店警报,给人一种非法侵入和不安的感觉。在场地的另一部分,人们可以听到拆除的噪音与阵风融合,然后是寂静。通过这种方式,声音成为一种超越自然、超越人类的行为(Fernando 2022),提醒居民和游客帝国主义和资本主义榨取的不和谐影响。通过将白城的突现声音转化为令人不安和不和谐的形式,该项目试图对石油开采主义和后工业主义之间明显的明显分裂提出问题。这些声音的组合强调了可持续和后化石燃料的城市化依赖于已经流离失所的社区的进一步流离失所的方式——国内流离失所者、杂项摊贩、非官方企业、流浪狗和新到的农民工——部分通过噪音减少命令、口头警告/威胁和不断建设的雷鸣般的噪音来实现。最终,尽管阿利耶夫希望这个国家摆脱“后苏联”状态(Diener and Hagen 2013),但声音揭示了历史的顽固和粘性。与白城怪异而令人不安的声音景观不同,巴库剩余的工业区充满了噪音,尤其是苏莱曼瓦济罗夫附近的黑城小地带,我在那里进行了大部分的田野调查。截至2023年底,由于纳戈尔诺-卡拉巴赫冲突,阿塞拜疆仍然收容了658,0007名国内流离失所的阿塞拜疆族人,其中很大一部分人生活在巴库和工业城市Sumgait的前石油开采和生产区,有时活跃。 由于大多数人仍然在
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引用次数: 0
Cartographic archives: Excavating the subterranean with a camera 制图档案:用照相机挖掘地下
IF 1.7 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-04-24 DOI: 10.1111/aman.28071
Pablo Aguilera Del Castillo
<p>Maps are complex artifacts that can simultaneously illuminate and obscure. They bridge the realms of the visible and the invisible, probing the limits of what can or cannot be seen. Much like any piece of literature, maps carry with them an authorial voice, a specific vision of the world, and a desire to make that vision known to others. In any map, the mapmaker's voice conveys a desire to materialize the land through a specific signification system composed of names, lines, dots, and signs (Harley, <span>1988</span>;<span>1989</span>; <span>2002</span>). Yet close analysis of dozens of historical Hacienda maps of an Indigenous town in the Yucatán Peninsula in Mexico (drawn between 1866, 1918, and 1919 by Yucatec cartographers) reveals another possible reading of maps. This reading of maps is grounded in a photographic approach that explores the visual multiplicities of these documents, powerful reminders of Indigenous history tied to the Yucatec henequen (<i>Agave fourcroydes</i>) plantation system and the consolidation of both modern agrarian capitalism and the formation of the Mexican state at the beginning of the 20th century.<sup>1</sup></p><p>Using the camera as an instrument of observation, I dwell in the materiality of maps, allowing the different visions of the document to be the main point of departure for my thinking. This essay explores how map fragments shown here<sup>2</sup> can be understood as an archive of Yucatec subterranean history, characterized by the entanglement between Indigenous history, changing mapping practices, and different orientations toward the land. As my main instrument of visual analysis, the camera allows me to examine the cartographic history of a Mayan town called Homún.<sup>3</sup> The careful revision of this history shows the historical inscription of a number important number of subterranean sites, described in their original Mayan names: Xkeben, Yaxbacaltun, Onichen, Akabchen, Xmamil, Xcuchen, Acula, Oxola, Chelem, Koman, Kampepen Noria, Chen Kanun, Chenchibe, Pozo Jaybil, Tihohob. All these names will eventually disappear from the contemporary maps of this town. Nevertheless, when analyzing these older maps, the Mayan names of places are still there, and by looking at these sites, reinscribing them through the camera, we illuminate the narratives hidden in their Mayan toponymics. Here, the names and the very act of naming the subterranean foregrounds a particular history of Indigenous dwelling in the land. Even in the earliest accounts of the Maya, such as those recorded in the pages of the classic Mayan book of origins known as <i>Popol Wuj</i>, the underground space of Xibalba and the Seven Caves of Life is understood as the main source of the divine, all life, and the origins of humans (Breton et al., <span>2003</span>). Naming this subterranean place is thus a way of calling attention to the Indigenous relations sustained by the recognition of subterranean spaces and their histories. It is a fo
地图是复杂的人工制品,可以同时照亮和模糊。它们在可见和不可见的领域之间架起了一座桥梁,探索着看得见或看不见的界限。就像任何文学作品一样,地图带有作者的声音,对世界的特定看法,以及让他人了解这种看法的愿望。在任何地图中,制图者的声音都传达了一种愿望,即通过由名称、线条、点和符号组成的特定意义系统将土地具体化(Harley, 1988;1989;2002)。然而,对墨西哥Yucatán半岛上一个土著城镇的数十幅历史庄园地图(由尤卡泰克制图师在1866年、1918年和1919年之间绘制)的仔细分析,揭示了对地图的另一种可能的解读。这种对地图的解读以摄影的方式为基础,探索了这些文件的视觉多样性,有力地提醒人们,与尤卡泰克henequen (Agave fourcroydes)种植园制度有关的土著历史,以及20世纪初现代农业资本主义的巩固和墨西哥国家的形成。我将相机作为一种观察工具,沉浸在地图的物质性中,让文件的不同视角成为我思考的主要出发点。这篇文章探讨了这里展示的地图碎片如何被理解为尤卡泰克地下历史的档案,其特点是土著历史、不断变化的制图实践和对土地的不同方向之间的纠缠。作为我主要的视觉分析工具,相机让我得以研究一个名为Homún.3的玛雅小镇的制图历史对这段历史的仔细修订显示了一些重要的地下遗址的历史铭文,并以它们的原始玛雅名称进行了描述:Xkeben, Yaxbacaltun, Onichen, Akabchen, Xmamil, Xcuchen, Acula, Oxola, Chelem, Koman, Kampepen Noria, Chen Kanun, Chenchibe, Pozo Jaybil, Tihohob。所有这些名字最终都将从这个城市的当代地图上消失。然而,当分析这些古老的地图时,玛雅地名仍然存在,通过观察这些遗址,通过相机重新记录它们,我们阐明了隐藏在玛雅地名中的叙述。在这里,这些名字和命名地下前景的行为反映了土著居民在这片土地上居住的特殊历史。即使在玛雅人最早的记载中,比如经典的玛雅起源书《Popol Wuj》中所记载的,西巴尔巴的地下空间和七个生命洞穴也被认为是神、所有生命和人类起源的主要来源(Breton et al., 2003)。因此,为这个地下空间命名是一种唤起人们对地下空间及其历史的认识所维持的土著关系的关注的方式。这是一种纪念与地下相连的特定社会世界的形式,以及通过地下的一切使地面上的生活成为可能。这篇文章的论点同时是人类学和美学的,其中照片是作为社会记忆地点的地图的感官理解的基本要素。我对这些图像的处理方法是将地图的物质性作为一个起点,对墨西哥南部这个小镇的土著历史进行推测性解读。我把注意力集中在通过视觉放大产生的新材料形式上,以找到对这些地图的不同解读,一个位于该地区未知元素的极限。通过阐明纸张作为一个意想不到的历史地点的物理特征,已知和未知都得到了协商。这种土著灵感对地图作为隐藏工具的解读,使我们能够重新考虑将地图作为颠覆性工具的潜在重读,以破坏其固有的殖民凝视和历史沉默(Trouillot, 1995)。地图的物质性能否成为政治干预的重要空间,超越对其殖民起源的批评?对地图的重新解读是否能启发另一种分析性的行动?这样的阅读会给我们带来什么呢?我们可以在地图的物质痕迹中发现什么样的声音和主观性,这些痕迹被理解为一个充满活力的档案?两种紧密交织在一起的“居住”形式构成了我对这幅图像的思考(图1)。居住——既是一个居住在土地上的过程,也是一个占据地图视觉空间的过程。这两种形式的居住都涉及到为自己寻找一个空间。我对居住概念的使用受到玛雅作家的启发,他们诗意的想象力将土地视为“iik(风),cháak(雨),k ' áax(土地/森林)之间各种关系的结果,作为鸟类,动物,声音,寂静,梦想,颜色,光线和阴影共同创造的空间”(Uc, 2021)。这种土著玛雅人对多产土地的看法被基思H。 巴索(1996)对阿帕奇地图的研究,展示了叙述是如何通过地名被保存和传播的,从而成为基于居住实践的土著智慧的重要形式。更具体地说,巴索对“地名”的分析强调了居住是解释阿帕奇地图和玛雅地图的必要步骤。总的来说,我在这篇文章中对玛雅土著名字和命名实践的分析认为,注释是作者的行为,通过阅读、使用和误用的累积历史获得了意义(Kalir &amp;加西亚,2021)。我对这些地图的理解的核心是,地名和对这些地名的阅读和使用的集体历史如何通过记忆构成一种独特的代理形式。这是一种通过纪念人们与土地的不同遭遇而表现出来的特殊力量。在这里,我反思了地图学在材料和视觉上的不稳定性,认为它们是充满活力的物体。与Yucatán的其他地图不同,在Yucatán国家档案馆(AGEY)发现的Homún镇的地图在描述复杂的当地地质方面是独一无二的,这些地图由数千个洞穴、天坑、地下河和其他地下空间定义,这些地下空间具有原始的玛雅名称。正如玛雅历史学家jos<s:1> Ángel Koyok Kú(2023)在他的著作中指出的那样,尤卡坦克的天坑和洞穴在历史上一直是玛雅社区的核心资源,是该地区唯一的饮用水来源,是农业生态丰富的地点,也是界定群体之间土地权利的重要地标。在殖民时期和后殖民时期,尤卡坦历史学家展示了地下遗址的物质和象征意义(Bracamonte Sosa, 1993,2003;Ortiz Yam, 2011)。然而,在一个面临快速发展的农业工业和大规模基础设施项目的地区,许多这些关键的地下遗址已经从地图和当地景观中抹去,取而代之的是更适合资本主义开采的同质和扁平空间。这篇文章反对这种资本主义的扁平化冲动,而是追踪抹除的迹象和玛雅存在的痕迹,这些痕迹仍然可以在纸上看到,这些痕迹仍然可以在地名中读到,这些痕迹与当地的玛雅历史和记忆密切相关。在这篇文章的基础上的多次曝光照片中,相机仔细地——甚至是微观地——观察着地图及其多层次的名称、擦除和缺失,寻求一种新的媒介来重新记录这个地方的当地历史和记忆。在这样做的过程中,我们从墨西哥南部一个土著小镇的有利位置推测地下世界的历史。看看这些地图和对当地地形的各种注释,摩擦的实例使地图绘制者的制作和地图的历史使用以及玛雅其他人的声音都清晰可见,他们对地方的经验被推到了边缘。使用摄影作为分析媒介,这件作品通过相机镜头的视觉放大、再现和叠加的多模式方法来询问这个小镇地下景观的历史。这样的过程也使我们能够将地下的“地名”及其相互关联的土著居住历史带回生活。在这种对Homún历史庄园地图的另类阅读中,照片中出现的模糊和不透明成为阅读每种制图的多种声音的开端。这些被遗忘已久的地下遗址的玛雅名字通过相机得以恢复,并再次成为叙述工具,将声音、寂静、梦想、色彩、光线和阴影呈现在人们眼前,使玛雅土地成为可能。庄园地图的变化证明了上个世纪资本主义农业世界的巩固。然而,它们也提供了一种解读这些玛雅符号的方式,作为当地土著抵抗历史的象征。玛雅社区通过保护这片土地的名字、记忆和物质现实来捍卫他们的领土,这片土地使生活成为可能。人类学家William Hanks(2009)曾经说过,任何与尤卡泰克人相处过的人都会意识到半岛上土著身份的复杂性。大多数玛雅人会告诉你,他们说的语言
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引用次数: 0
Writing in community: Relationship building and accountability in knowledge production 社群写作:知识生产中的关系建立与责任
IF 1.7 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-04-24 DOI: 10.1111/aman.28070
Jordi Armani Rivera Prince, Emily M. Blackwood, Madeleine Landrum, Emily B. P. Milton, Elizabeth L. Rodgers, Monica Barnes, Elizabeth Chin, Christa Craven, Kristina Douglass, María José Figuerero Torres, María A. Gutiérrez, Sarah Herr, Lisa Hodgetts, Kirk A. Maasch, Kylie E. Quave, Danilyn Rutherford, Daniel H. Sandweiss

As anthropology reckons with its past, present, and future, anthropologists increasingly seek to challenge inequities within the discipline and academia more broadly. Anthropology, regardless of subdiscipline, is a social endeavor. Yet research often remains an isolating (though not necessarily solitary) process, even within research teams and in coauthorship contexts. Here, we focus on peer-reviewed publication as the principal manifestation of knowledge production and propose a method for challenging division, hierarchy, power differentials, and adherence to tradition: writing in community. Writing in community is a collaborative form of writing that centers care, abundance, joy, and personal satisfaction over the individuality currently rewarded by the academy. This process engenders consensus, circumvents normative hierarchical research and writing, and promotes relationship building. Here, we experiment by inviting reviewers and editors into our community to collectively contribute to the writing process and reflect on that experience together. Ultimately, we challenge norms for scholarship, (co)authorship, and ways of knowing to offer a more equitable praxis of knowledge production. We propose that writing in community can help anthropologists enact values of multivocality and research transparency.

当人类学考虑它的过去、现在和未来时,人类学家越来越多地寻求挑战学科和学术界更广泛的不平等。人类学,不管是哪个分支学科,都是一项社会事业。然而,研究往往仍然是一个孤立的过程(尽管不一定是孤立的),即使在研究团队和合作的背景下也是如此。在这里,我们将重点放在同行评议出版作为知识生产的主要表现形式,并提出了一种挑战分工、等级、权力差异和对传统的坚持的方法:社区写作。社区写作是一种协作的写作形式,它将关怀、丰富、快乐和个人满足感集中在目前由学院奖励的个性之上。这个过程产生共识,绕过规范的等级研究和写作,并促进关系的建立。在这里,我们尝试邀请审稿人和编辑进入我们的社区,共同为写作过程做出贡献,并共同反思这一经历。最终,我们挑战学术、(共同)作者和知识方式的规范,以提供更公平的知识生产实践。我们提出社群写作可以帮助人类学家制定多元性和研究透明度的价值观。
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引用次数: 0
Jane Isabel Guyer (1943–2024) 简·伊莎贝尔·盖耶(1943-2024)
IF 1.7 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-04-22 DOI: 10.1111/aman.28069
Pauline E. Peters
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引用次数: 0
Testimonies of harm and refusal in the Texas assault of DEI 在德州袭击DEI案中伤害和拒绝的证词
IF 1.7 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-04-14 DOI: 10.1111/aman.28062
Mariela Nuñez-Janes, Frida Garcia, Joshua Hamilton
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引用次数: 0
Intimate ethnography: What's it good for? 亲密人种学:它有什么好处?
IF 1.7 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-04-14 DOI: 10.1111/aman.28065
Alisse Waterston

Anthropologist Barbara Rylko-Bauer and I coined the term “intimate ethnography” in 2006 to capture the research and writing approach in our respective life-history projects, she with her mother and I with my father. Since that time, the genre has seen growing recognition in anthropology. Intimate ethnography centers on an intimate other—family members or someone known to the ethnographer prior to the research—as the subject of an ethnographic project that is also a study of historical conditions and circumstances. Critical to intimate ethnography is attention to crafting accessible, evocative, and scholarly informed works that engage public conversation on serious sociocultural issues and political-economic conditions, past and present. In this article, I define and describe intimate ethnography in relation to the original vision Rylko-Bauer and I imagined for it. In doing so, I situate the genre in a series of intellectual concerns and conversations, sociocultural formations, and political circumstances and events from the writing culture debates to the politics of representation and discussions on ways to decolonize anthropology. In considering the value of intimate ethnography, I will assess its potential contributions and limitations in a time when the need to rethink and recount lives lived and experienced is increasingly urgent.

人类学家Barbara Rylko-Bauer和我在2006年创造了“亲密人种学”这个词,以捕捉我们各自生活史项目中的研究和写作方法,她和她的母亲,我和我的父亲。从那时起,这一流派在人类学中得到了越来越多的认可。亲密人种学以亲密的他人为中心——家庭成员或人种学家在研究之前认识的人——作为人种学项目的主题,也是对历史条件和环境的研究。亲密人种学的关键是关注制作易于理解的、令人回味的和学术性的信息作品,这些作品涉及严肃的社会文化问题和政治经济状况,过去和现在的公众对话。在这篇文章中,我定义和描述了与Rylko-Bauer和我为它设想的原始愿景相关的亲密民族志。在这样做的过程中,我将这一类型置于一系列知识分子的关注和对话、社会文化形态、政治环境和事件中,从写作文化辩论到代表政治,以及关于如何使人类学非殖民化的讨论。在考虑亲密人种学的价值时,我将评估它在重新思考和叙述生活和经历的需求日益迫切的时代的潜在贡献和局限性。
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引用次数: 0
The will to speak out: Medical anthropologist and patient in times of COVID-19 in Peru 发声的意愿:秘鲁2019冠状病毒病时期的医学人类学家和患者
IF 1.7 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-04-07 DOI: 10.1111/aman.28063
Carmen J. Yon

Using autoethnographic research, I analyze the experience of being an oncology patient during the COVID-19 pandemic in Lima, Peru, the country with the highest number of COVID-19 deaths per million people worldwide. I reflect on my own fears and decisions related to medical treatment and work, since they organized most of my daily life and were significantly impacted by the public health emergency. These experiences were shaped by global and local inequalities in labor conditions as well as access to healthcare facilities and systemic therapies. I speak out as a “vulnerable participant-observer” from my social position as a lower-middle-class working woman, contract university professor, and medical anthropologist facing a still stigmatized disease in her country.

通过自身人种志研究,我分析了在全球每百万人中COVID-19死亡人数最高的国家秘鲁利马,作为一名2019冠状病毒病大流行期间的肿瘤患者的经历。我反思自己对医疗和工作的恐惧和决定,因为它们组织了我的大部分日常生活,并受到突发公共卫生事件的重大影响。这些经历是由全球和地方的劳动条件不平等以及获得医疗保健设施和系统治疗的机会造成的。作为一名中下层职业女性、大学合同制教授和医学人类学家,我以一名“脆弱的参与者和观察者”的身份,在她的国家面临着一种仍然被污名化的疾病。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
American Anthropologist
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