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David Morton, Age of Concrete: housing and the shape of aspiration in the capital of Mozambique. Athens OH: Ohio University Press (hb US$90 – 978 0 8214 2367 7; pb US$36.95 – 978 0 8214 2368 4). 2019, 336 pp.
Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0001972022000687
Laurent Fourchard
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引用次数: 0
George Roberts, Revolutionary State-Making in Dar es Salaam: African liberation and the global Cold War, 1961–1974. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (hb £90 – 978 1 108 84573 1). 2021, xvi + 329 pp. 乔治·罗伯茨:《达累斯萨拉姆的革命建国:1961-1974年非洲解放与全球冷战》。剑桥:剑桥大学出版社(hb£90 - 978 1 108 84573 1). 2021,xvi + 329页。
Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0001972022000572
François Sennesael
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引用次数: 0
Federico Donelli, Turkey in Africa: Turkey’s strategic involvement in sub-Saharan Africa. London: I. B. Tauris (hb £85 – 978 0 7556 3697 6; pb £28.99 – 978 0 7556 3701 0). 2021/2022, 224 pp.
Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0001972022000560
Yusuf Kenan Küçük
autonomous vis-à-vis mediated elite discourses (such as politicians’ stigmatization of ‘homosexuals’ in their speeches). Yet the clunky, encompassing notion of public opinion leads Newell to tack constantly between generalizing statements and an acknowledgement that it is impossible to write of a singular, let alone unified, perspective on dirt in Lagos. The shifting focus of the book’s three parts can be challenging for the reader. It makes it difficult to pin down a set of overarching arguments, although the short conclusion is effective in this regard. The attempt to speak to three big concepts – dirt, media, urban life – inevitably means that the space to address each, and their interrelations, is limited. For example, there is little explicit sense of how the book contributes to longstanding anthropological work on dirt; likewise, it does not respond to burgeoning scholarship on the urban–media nexus. Still, the book is exemplary for the fluidity of its narrative arc, for its methodological reflexivity, for its detailed attention to vernacular language, and for its richly textured, polyphonic portrait of Lagos as a (post)colonial metropolis. By eschewing a central, driving line of argument, the book reveals the creative potentials opened up by interdisciplinary study and makes a distinctive contribution to the renewal of African urban and media studies.
自主面对-à-vis介导的精英话语(如政治家在演讲中对“同性恋者”的污名化)。然而,公众舆论这一笨拙的、包罗万象的概念导致纽维尔不断地在概括性陈述和承认不可能写出一个单一的、更不用说统一的、关于拉各斯肮脏的观点之间摇摆不定。对于读者来说,这本书的三个部分的焦点变化可能是一个挑战。虽然简短的结论在这方面是有效的,但这使得很难确定一套总体论点。试图谈论三个大的概念——泥土、媒体、城市生活——不可避免地意味着,讨论每个概念及其相互关系的空间是有限的。例如,这本书对长期以来关于泥土的人类学研究的贡献几乎没有明确的意义;同样,它也没有回应新兴的关于城市媒体关系的学术研究。尽管如此,这本书还是以其流畅的叙事、方法论上的反思性、对当地语言的细致关注、以及对拉各斯作为(后)殖民大都市的丰富质感和复调描绘而堪称典范。通过避开中心的、驱动的争论线,这本书揭示了跨学科研究开辟的创造潜力,并对非洲城市和媒体研究的更新做出了独特的贡献。
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引用次数: 0
The politics of literature in Malawi: Filemon Chirwa, Nthanu za Chitonga and the battle for the Atonga tribal council 马拉维的文学政治:Filemon Chirwa, Nthanu za Chitonga和Atonga部落委员会之战
Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S000197202200064X
T. Cochrane
Abstract In 1932, as Nyasaland (present-day Malawi) was heading to indirect rule, a small vocal community in the north of the country resisted the colonial government’s attempts to assign them a Native Authority. Instead, they proposed their own form of government: a council of thirty-two mafumu (chiefs) who would make decisions on an egalitarian basis, the Atonga tribal council. The champion of this alternative form of governance was a Tonga intellectual named Filemon K. Chirwa. At the height of the political manoeuvring to institute the Atonga tribal council, Filemon wrote and published his only book: Nthanu za Chitonga (Folktales in Chitonga). This article argues that this book was – and still is – an important piece of political literature. Through an exploration of the context of the creation of the Atonga tribal council, it sets out the stakes that were at play in the construction of local traditions and customs, and then shows how the book was part of a project of producing an image of these. It then explores the ‘afterlife’ of the book, as it became a symbolic force in contemporary village communities, not only articulating the sense of political marginalization experienced, but also capturing a new form of political agency. The article concludes by suggesting that Filemon Chirwa’s collection of stories is an astounding example of the deeply political role that folktale literature can play within colonial and (post)colonial Africa.
1932年,当尼亚萨兰(今马拉维)走向间接统治时,该国北部的一个小社区反对殖民政府分配给他们一个土著当局的企图。取而代之的是,他们提出了自己的政府形式:一个由32名马乌姆(酋长)组成的委员会,他们将在平等的基础上做出决定,即阿通加部落委员会。这种替代性治理形式的倡导者是汤加知识分子Filemon K. Chirwa。在建立阿通加部落会议的政治策略达到顶峰时,Filemon撰写并出版了他唯一的一本书:Nthanu za Chitonga (Chitonga民间故事)。本文认为,这本书过去是——现在仍然是——一部重要的政治文学作品。通过对Atonga部落会议创建背景的探索,它列出了在当地传统和习俗建设中发挥作用的利害关系,然后展示了这本书如何成为制作这些形象的项目的一部分。然后探讨了这本书的“来世”,因为它成为当代乡村社区的一种象征性力量,不仅表达了政治边缘化的经历,而且捕捉了一种新的政治代理形式。文章最后指出,Filemon Chirwa的故事集是民间故事文学在殖民时期和(后)殖民时期非洲所能发挥的深刻政治作用的一个令人震惊的例子。
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引用次数: 1
Getting by in a bibliometric economy: scholarly publishing and academic credibility in the Nigerian academy 在文献计量经济中生存:尼日利亚学术界的学术出版和学术信誉
Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0001972022000481
David S. Mills, A. Branford
Abstract Why are Nigeria’s universities launching a growing number of open access journals while simultaneously expecting their academic staff to publish ‘internationally’? And what impact do these expectations have on Nigerian journals? Drawing on interviews with editors and publishers, we describe the emergence of a hyperlocal ‘credibility economy’ within the Nigerian academy. The great majority of Nigerian scholarly journals are excluded from Scopus and Web of Science, the two main global citation indexes. Stigmatized by geography, Nigerian journals are ignored, rendered invisible, classed as poor quality or condemned as ‘predatory’. Historicizing these trends, we illustrate our argument with four case studies: two science and technology journals hosted by universities and two independent publishers, one with expertise in African studies, the other in information studies. In each case, we explore the motivations, commitments and strategies of editors and publishers. Their stories exemplify the impact of colonial histories, global discourses and bibliometric infrastructures on African research publishing cultures. The histories, logics and fragilities of this regional research ecosystem reveal how Africa’s scholars and publishers are getting by – but only just – amid the metricized judgements of the global research economy.
为什么尼日利亚的大学在开办越来越多的开放获取期刊的同时,又期望他们的学术人员在“国际”上发表文章?这些期望对尼日利亚的期刊有什么影响?通过对编辑和出版商的采访,我们描述了尼日利亚学术界出现的一种超本地化的“可信度经济”。绝大多数尼日利亚学术期刊被排除在Scopus和Web of Science这两个主要的全球引文索引之外。由于地理位置的原因,尼日利亚的期刊被忽视、被忽视、被归类为质量差或被谴责为“掠夺性”。将这些趋势历史化,我们用四个案例研究来说明我们的论点:两个由大学主办的科技期刊和两个独立出版商,一个在非洲研究方面有专长,另一个在信息研究方面有专长。在每种情况下,我们都探讨了编辑和出版商的动机、承诺和策略。他们的故事体现了殖民历史、全球话语和文献计量基础设施对非洲研究出版文化的影响。这个区域研究生态系统的历史、逻辑和脆弱性揭示了非洲的学者和出版商是如何在全球研究经济的量化判断中勉强度日的。
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引用次数: 0
Censorship, citizenship and cosmopolitan unity in Muslim and Christian creative responses to repression in northern Nigeria 审查制度、公民身份和世界主义团结在穆斯林和基督教对尼日利亚北部镇压的创造性反应
Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0001972022000651
Carmen McCain
Abstract Nigeria is often portrayed as having a ‘Muslim north’ and a ‘Christian south’. Such representations oversimplify the complicated interrelationships between the two religious communities and their geographic locations. Similarly, while much has been written on the conflict between Muslims and Christians in Nigeria’s Middle Belt region, there has been less scholarly attention to the philosophical and communal relationships between adherents of the two religions in northern Nigeria. I argue that there are parallels in the way in which Hausa-speaking Muslim artists responded to a censorship crisis in Kano State in 2007–11 and in the way in which Hausa-speaking Christian musicians from Nigeria’s north-east responded a few years later to the Boko Haram crisis. I examine Muslim filmmaker Hamisu Lamido Iyantama’s response to the Kano State Censorship Board, alongside Christian musician Saviour Y. Inuwa’s response to Boko Haram. Iyantama and Inuwa both counter repressive forces by expressing parallel understandings of their identities as citizens in the pluralistic state of Nigeria and as righteous members of universal religious communities that emphasize God’s justice in the end times. I argue that these Hausa-language artists present a vision of cosmopolitan unity across ethnicity and religion, as an alternative to the repressive forces of both state censorship and the anarchic violence of Boko Haram.
尼日利亚经常被描绘成“北部是穆斯林”,南部是基督教。这样的表述过分简化了两个宗教团体及其地理位置之间复杂的相互关系。类似地,虽然有很多关于尼日利亚中部地带穆斯林和基督徒之间冲突的文章,但很少有学者关注尼日利亚北部两种宗教信徒之间的哲学和社区关系。我认为,说豪萨语的穆斯林艺术家对2007 - 2011年卡诺州审查危机的反应,与几年后来自尼日利亚东北部说豪萨语的基督教音乐家对博科圣地危机的反应是相似的。我研究了穆斯林电影制作人Hamisu Lamido Iyantama对卡诺州审查委员会的回应,以及基督教音乐家Saviour Y. Inuwa对博科圣地的回应。Iyantama和Inuwa都通过表达对自己作为尼日利亚多元化国家公民身份的平行理解,以及作为强调上帝在末日正义的普世宗教团体的正义成员,来对抗镇压力量。我认为,这些豪萨语艺术家呈现了一种跨越种族和宗教的世界主义团结的愿景,作为国家审查制度和博科圣地无政府主义暴力的压迫力量的替代品。
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引用次数: 0
Embracing and denouncing the ‘Mecca uniform’ in Nigerian mass media, 1950s–1970s 20世纪50 - 70年代,尼日利亚大众媒体对“麦加制服”的拥护和谴责
Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0001972022000638
Sara Katz
Abstract Nigerian Muslims have undertaken the hajj for centuries. As Nigeria approached independence in the 1950s, Muslims began to discuss and debate this practice on a national scale, through Islamic associations and political committees and in the Nigerian press. At the same time, Muslim politicians began to publicly don the ‘Mecca uniform’, the white robe (thawb) and black cord (‘iqāl) common to Saudi Arabia. While Nigerian pilgrims had worn these garments for decades, their conspicuous adoption by the political elite was novel. This sartorial link between politicians and the East was amplified by photographs and commentary circulating nationally in the press, and generated a mix of admiration and concern. Christians (and some Muslims) questioned whether a secular state ought to oversee the hajj. Within roughly a decade, politicians ceased their official use of the Mecca uniform as the press became saturated with exaggerated stories of ‘corrupt’ pilgrims engaged in smuggling and other crimes. The proliferation of other mass media, such as radio and novels, contributed to this critique. This was not the end of the Mecca uniform’s public life, however, as others – such as Yoruba women in the south-west – continued to employ it in self-fashioned public images, including obituary notices. The transformation of the Mecca uniform into an object of national discourse engaging a range of Muslims and also Christians speaks to the complex dynamics shaping Islam in modern Nigeria.
几个世纪以来,尼日利亚的穆斯林一直在朝觐。随着尼日利亚在20世纪50年代接近独立,穆斯林开始通过伊斯兰协会、政治委员会和尼日利亚媒体在全国范围内讨论和辩论这种做法。与此同时,穆斯林政治家开始公开穿上“麦加制服”,即沙特阿拉伯常见的白袍(thawb)和黑绳(iqāl)。虽然尼日利亚朝圣者穿着这些服装已经有几十年了,但政治精英们如此显眼地采用它们还是件新鲜事。政治家和东方之间的这种服装联系被全国媒体上流传的照片和评论放大了,并产生了钦佩和关注的混合。基督徒(和一些穆斯林)质疑一个世俗国家是否应该监督朝觐。在大约十年的时间里,政客们不再正式使用麦加制服,因为媒体充斥着有关“腐败”的朝圣者从事走私和其他犯罪活动的夸张报道。广播和小说等其他大众媒体的激增助长了这种批评。然而,这并不是麦加制服在公共生活中的终结,因为其他人——比如西南部的约鲁巴妇女——继续在自我塑造的公共形象中使用它,包括讣告。麦加制服的转变成为一种国家话语的对象,涉及一系列穆斯林和基督徒,这说明了在现代尼日利亚塑造伊斯兰教的复杂动力。
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引用次数: 0
The clash of sound, image and light: inter- and intra-religious entanglements and contestations during Mawlūd celebrations in the city of Jos, Nigeria 声音、图像和光线的冲突:尼日利亚乔斯市Mawlūd庆祝活动期间宗教间和宗教内部的纠缠和争论
Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0001972022000663
M. Ibrahim
Abstract This article explores recent inter- and intra-religious entanglements and contestations between Sufi Muslims, members of the Izala and Christianity, which have emerged as a result of a new way of celebrating Mawlūd in the Nigerian city of Jos. Through the adept use of loudspeakers, Izala projects a sense of dominance over the public sphere of the city and uses this as a platform to critique the Sufis. In part as a response, and as a counter-critique of Izala, the Sufis have rejuvenated their Mawlūd celebrations as a mass public spectacle, involving the use of Christmas lights to decorate the city and the construction at the entrance to major streets of temporary wooden arches decorated with flowers, Christmas lights, wreaths and images of Shaykh Ibrahim Nyass. This article argues that the Sufis, who are at a disadvantage in the practice of organized preaching and the use of sound media, have transformed the Mawlūd celebrations into a mechanism to counterbalance Izala’s dominance of the public sphere and to reassert their presence in the city. The Sufis’ incorporation of decorative Christmas objects reveals the fluid boundaries between Christians and Muslims in Nigeria, which sometimes generate dynamics of interreligious borrowing and mutual influence. This article attempts to remap and push the boundaries of studying Islam and Christianity in Nigeria, because focusing on one religion in isolation downplays the intertwining and intersection of practices between the two religious groups.
摘要本文探讨了最近在尼日利亚乔斯市庆祝Mawlūd的一种新方式所导致的苏菲派穆斯林、伊扎拉教派成员和基督教之间的宗教间和宗教内部的纠缠和争论。通过熟练地使用扬声器,Izala在城市的公共领域投射出一种主导感,并以此作为批评苏菲派的平台。在某种程度上,作为对伊扎拉的回应和反批评,苏菲派重新将他们的Mawlūd庆祝活动作为一种大规模的公共景观,包括使用圣诞彩灯装饰城市,并在主要街道的入口处建造临时木拱门,装饰着鲜花、圣诞彩灯、花环和谢赫·易卜拉欣·尼亚斯(Shaykh Ibrahim Nyass)的形象。本文认为,苏菲派在有组织的宣讲和使用声音媒体方面处于不利地位,他们已将Mawlūd庆祝活动转变为一种机制,以抗衡Izala在公共领域的主导地位,并重申他们在城市中的存在。苏菲派将装饰圣诞物品结合在一起,揭示了尼日利亚基督徒和穆斯林之间不稳定的界限,有时会产生宗教间相互借鉴和相互影响的动态。本文试图重新界定尼日利亚伊斯兰教和基督教研究的界限,因为孤立地关注一种宗教低估了这两个宗教团体之间实践的相互交织和交叉。
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引用次数: 1
Sunni and Shia Muslim and Christian encounters in northern Nigeria 尼日利亚北部逊尼派、什叶派穆斯林和基督徒的相遇
Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0001972022000614
M. Ibrahim
Abstract This article analyses how the circulation of ideas and hybrid rituals between Shia Muslims and Christians reveals a much more intentional political process whereby minority religious groups consciously create shared experiences and a sense of commonality in the face of political marginalization in northern Nigeria. One example is the Shia invention of Jesus’s Mawlid (Jesus’s birthday), which they perform in a different way from the conventional Christmas but that is attended by some Christians. Also, some Christians participate in the annual celebration of Mawlid al-Nabiy (the Prophet Muhammad’s birthday), organized by Shias. Despite the adherents of the two religions participating in mixed religious practices, they continue to see themselves separately as Muslims and Christians. Reactions to these hybrid rituals impact relationships among the mainline Sunni groups. Sufis (Tijanis and Qadiris), who were previously united in the face of the anti-Sufi reform movement (Izala), now diverge over how to respond to Shia Islam. While they disagree with Shias intellectually, not everyone supports the attacks against Shias by Salafi activists. These dynamics add to the understanding that the concept of ‘tolerance’ is not sophisticated enough to capture all forms of religious coexistence in Nigeria.
本文分析了什叶派穆斯林和基督徒之间的思想流通和混合仪式如何揭示了一个更有意识的政治过程,即少数宗教团体在面对尼日利亚北部的政治边缘化时有意识地创造共享经验和共同性。一个例子是什叶派发明了耶稣的Mawlid(耶稣的生日),他们以一种不同于传统圣诞节的方式来表演,但也有一些基督徒参加。此外,一些基督徒参加由什叶派组织的一年一度的穆罕默德诞辰庆祝活动。尽管这两种宗教的信徒参与了混合的宗教活动,但他们继续将自己分别视为穆斯林和基督徒。对这些混合仪式的反应影响了逊尼派主流团体之间的关系。苏菲派(Tijanis和Qadiris)此前在面对反苏菲改革运动(Izala)时团结一致,现在在如何应对什叶派伊斯兰教的问题上出现了分歧。虽然他们在思想上不同意什叶派,但并不是每个人都支持萨拉菲派激进分子对什叶派的攻击。这些动态加深了人们的理解,即“宽容”的概念还不够复杂,不足以涵盖尼日利亚所有形式的宗教共存。
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引用次数: 0
Northern Nigerian intellectuals, Sudan, and the “eclectic style” in contemporary Islamic thought 北尼日利亚知识分子、苏丹,以及当代伊斯兰思想中的“折衷主义风格”
Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0001972022000602
Alexander Thurston
Abstract This article examines two northern Nigerian Muslim intellectuals – Aminu Sagagi and Sanusi Lamido Sanusi (enthroned as Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II of Kano, 2014–20) – whose approaches, in different ways, exemplify a self-consciously eclectic Islamic intellectual style. Their eclecticism breaks with categories familiar from the study of Islam in Africa and Nigeria, categories such as Sufis, Salafis and Islamists. The eclecticist style – or rather, styles – draw on northern Nigerian Islamic modernist traditions, the curriculum and atmosphere of Sudan’s International University of Africa (where both of these Nigerian intellectuals received degrees), and a wider set of global influences. Given their diverse intellectual formation, the eclecticists’ writings and careers allow for an examination of the translocal exchanges that have shaped what is sometimes perceived as a self-contained unit called ‘northern Nigeria’. The article further explores how the eclecticist style manifests in legal and political thought, analysing the critiques that Sagagi and Sanusi made of sharīʿa implementation in northern Nigerian states in the early 2000s. The article draws on Nigerian and Sudanese sources, as well as unpublished and published writings by Sagagi and Sanusi, to describe their intellectual trajectories and outlooks and offer a portrait of the eclecticist style.
本文考察了尼日利亚北部的两位穆斯林知识分子——Aminu Sagagi和Sanusi Lamido Sanusi(2014 - 2020年被封为卡诺埃米尔穆罕默德·萨努西二世)——他们的方法以不同的方式体现了一种自觉折衷的伊斯兰知识分子风格。他们的折衷主义打破了在非洲和尼日利亚研究伊斯兰教时所熟悉的分类,如苏菲派、萨拉菲派和伊斯兰派。折衷主义风格——或者更确切地说,风格——借鉴了尼日利亚北部的伊斯兰现代主义传统、苏丹非洲国际大学的课程和氛围(这两位尼日利亚知识分子都是在那里获得学位的),以及更广泛的全球影响。考虑到他们多样的知识形态,折衷主义者的著作和职业允许对跨地方交流进行考察,这些交流塑造了一个有时被认为是一个独立的单位,称为“北尼日利亚”。本文进一步探讨了折衷主义风格如何在法律和政治思想中表现出来,分析了Sagagi和Sanusi在21世纪初对尼日利亚北部各州实施sharia的批评。这篇文章引用了尼日利亚和苏丹的资料,以及Sagagi和Sanusi未发表和已发表的作品,描述了他们的思想轨迹和观点,并提供了一幅折衷主义风格的肖像。
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引用次数: 0
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Africa : notiziario dell'Associazione fra le imprese italiane in Africa
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