Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640019507-5
D. Kozlov
In this article, the author examines the assessment of the Royal Navy’s command staff contained in official reports, correspondence, memoirs, and diaries of naval officers Mikhail Kedrov, Mikhai Smirnov, Gustav von Schultz, and Sergei Izenbek, who were official Russian representatives to the Grand Fleet during the Great War. The purpose of this article is to summarise the views of representatives of the Russian Navy on the traditions, general and professional culture of British naval officers, the level of their maritime, special and tactical training, the specifics of their mentality, service subordination, relationships in a naval environment, the ways of service and everyday life. Considerable differences in the professional qualities of the officers of the British and Russian fleets were noted, stemming mainly from the different principles of recruitment and training of the command staff, as well as the growing distrust of the British naval corporation towards Russia as an ally during the war. The author concludes that professional analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of the Royal Navy's command staff significantly complemented and updated the image of the British ally formed in the Russian naval milieu during the Great War and in the years following, and contributed to a more balanced self-assessment of Russian naval personnel.
{"title":"The Officer Corps of the British Navy in the Observations and Assessments of Russian Representatives to the Grand Fleet, 1914–1918","authors":"D. Kozlov","doi":"10.31857/s013038640019507-5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640019507-5","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, the author examines the assessment of the Royal Navy’s command staff contained in official reports, correspondence, memoirs, and diaries of naval officers Mikhail Kedrov, Mikhai Smirnov, Gustav von Schultz, and Sergei Izenbek, who were official Russian representatives to the Grand Fleet during the Great War. The purpose of this article is to summarise the views of representatives of the Russian Navy on the traditions, general and professional culture of British naval officers, the level of their maritime, special and tactical training, the specifics of their mentality, service subordination, relationships in a naval environment, the ways of service and everyday life. Considerable differences in the professional qualities of the officers of the British and Russian fleets were noted, stemming mainly from the different principles of recruitment and training of the command staff, as well as the growing distrust of the British naval corporation towards Russia as an ally during the war. The author concludes that professional analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of the Royal Navy's command staff significantly complemented and updated the image of the British ally formed in the Russian naval milieu during the Great War and in the years following, and contributed to a more balanced self-assessment of Russian naval personnel.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"115 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77118267","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640021317-6
D. Zhantiev
In this study, the author examines the reaction of the provincial society to the events of the first stage of the Young Turk Revolution in the Ottoman Empire in 1908 on the example of two large centers of the Syrian provinces of the Ottoman Empire – Beirut and Damascus. The Young Turks' restriction of the power of Sultan-Caliph Abdul-Hamid II caused an ambiguous, sometimes diametrically opposed reaction in the Arab periphery of the Ottoman Empire, the analysis of which is necessary to understand the mechanisms of further relations between the provincial elites and the imperial center. On the basis of consular reports and testimonies of a number of eyewitnesses of the events, two images of the Young Turks and their actions in 1908 are shown through the eyes of the Beirut and Damascus public. While in seaside Beirut, which served as the main “sea gate” of Ottoman Syria, liberal sentiments among local intellectuals and merchant families (both Muslims and Christians) served as a breeding ground for a positive and even enthusiastic perception of the revolution, in a more traditional and conservative Damascus the restoration of the constitution and the limitation of the Sultan's power was perceived with a wary negative. The destruction of the “patron-client” relationship that connected the large landowners and Muslim religious figures of Damascus with the Sultan's court gave rise to protest moods among the townspeople, which, in turn, led to mass riots in Damascus in the fall of 1908. The conducted research refutes the widespread thesis about the unambiguously positive perception of the Young Turk Revolution in the Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire.
{"title":"Two Images of the Young Turk Revolution: Public Reaction in Beirut and Damascus to the Revolutionary Events of 1908 in the Ottoman Empir","authors":"D. Zhantiev","doi":"10.31857/s013038640021317-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640021317-6","url":null,"abstract":"In this study, the author examines the reaction of the provincial society to the events of the first stage of the Young Turk Revolution in the Ottoman Empire in 1908 on the example of two large centers of the Syrian provinces of the Ottoman Empire – Beirut and Damascus. The Young Turks' restriction of the power of Sultan-Caliph Abdul-Hamid II caused an ambiguous, sometimes diametrically opposed reaction in the Arab periphery of the Ottoman Empire, the analysis of which is necessary to understand the mechanisms of further relations between the provincial elites and the imperial center. On the basis of consular reports and testimonies of a number of eyewitnesses of the events, two images of the Young Turks and their actions in 1908 are shown through the eyes of the Beirut and Damascus public. While in seaside Beirut, which served as the main “sea gate” of Ottoman Syria, liberal sentiments among local intellectuals and merchant families (both Muslims and Christians) served as a breeding ground for a positive and even enthusiastic perception of the revolution, in a more traditional and conservative Damascus the restoration of the constitution and the limitation of the Sultan's power was perceived with a wary negative. The destruction of the “patron-client” relationship that connected the large landowners and Muslim religious figures of Damascus with the Sultan's court gave rise to protest moods among the townspeople, which, in turn, led to mass riots in Damascus in the fall of 1908. The conducted research refutes the widespread thesis about the unambiguously positive perception of the Young Turk Revolution in the Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"23 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76659728","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640025919-8
Yuri Iyerusalimskiy
{"title":"Historical Lessons of the North-Eastern Geopolitics of Peter the Great: Political, Social and Socio-Cultural Aspects (A.Yu. Petrov. Petrovskaya Age and Development of the Northern Part of the Pacific Ocean. Ryazan, 2022)","authors":"Yuri Iyerusalimskiy","doi":"10.31857/s013038640025919-8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640025919-8","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81438794","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640020087-3
A. Tikhonova
The author explores the history, formation and successful development of the only French-speaking foreign colony on the territory of the Russian Empire in the first half of the nineteenth century, established by the Swiss from the canton of Vaud near Ackerman and Odessa. While there is considerable historiography on the history of the Shabo (Shabagh) colony, this study, based on documents from the Russian State Historical Archive (RGIA) that are being introduced into the academic circuit for the first time, demonstrates concrete examples of interaction between the Russian authorities and the colonists. Founded in 1822, the Swiss colony had managed to establish effective self-government and become a successful wine-making enterprise in the south of the Russian Empire by the mid-nineteenth century. It was made possible by the support given to the colonists by Russian authorities at all levels. Louis-Vencent Tardent's project is an excellent example of such support, as it received approval despite the fact that it was submitted after the introduction of a new ban on the resettlement of foreign colonists. The authorities made an exception due to the intervention of influential Swiss, namely Louis de Saloz, a physician, and Frédéric-César de La Harpe, Alexander I's tutor. The author shows convincingly that during the reign of Nicholas I, as in the preceding period, the Russian government cooperated with the colonists, helping them to solve everyday problems while taking into account the interests of the local population. These favourable conditions contributed to the progressive economic growth of Shabo, which by the mid-nineteenth century had become a thriving community.
{"title":"Swiss Colony Shabo (Shabag): The Way to Economic Success","authors":"A. Tikhonova","doi":"10.31857/s013038640020087-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640020087-3","url":null,"abstract":"The author explores the history, formation and successful development of the only French-speaking foreign colony on the territory of the Russian Empire in the first half of the nineteenth century, established by the Swiss from the canton of Vaud near Ackerman and Odessa. While there is considerable historiography on the history of the Shabo (Shabagh) colony, this study, based on documents from the Russian State Historical Archive (RGIA) that are being introduced into the academic circuit for the first time, demonstrates concrete examples of interaction between the Russian authorities and the colonists. Founded in 1822, the Swiss colony had managed to establish effective self-government and become a successful wine-making enterprise in the south of the Russian Empire by the mid-nineteenth century. It was made possible by the support given to the colonists by Russian authorities at all levels. Louis-Vencent Tardent's project is an excellent example of such support, as it received approval despite the fact that it was submitted after the introduction of a new ban on the resettlement of foreign colonists. The authorities made an exception due to the intervention of influential Swiss, namely Louis de Saloz, a physician, and Frédéric-César de La Harpe, Alexander I's tutor. The author shows convincingly that during the reign of Nicholas I, as in the preceding period, the Russian government cooperated with the colonists, helping them to solve everyday problems while taking into account the interests of the local population. These favourable conditions contributed to the progressive economic growth of Shabo, which by the mid-nineteenth century had become a thriving community.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87570341","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640028076-1
Dmitriy Kopelev
{"title":"Princess Lieven, or a Conversation with Living People (N.P. Tanshina. Princess Lieven. Untitled Queen of European Diplomacy. Saint-Petersburg, 2021)","authors":"Dmitriy Kopelev","doi":"10.31857/s013038640028076-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640028076-1","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135262581","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640028073-8
Artyom Zorin
Jan Masaryk (1886–1948) was the head of the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs during the most difficult period in the history of Czechoslovakia, from 1940 to 1948. The peak of his professional career came in the post-war years, when CSR was at the centre of the unfolding Soviet-American confrontation. As a son of the first Czechoslovak President Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk and the closest associate of his successor Edvard Beneš, Jan Masaryk was trying to advocate democratic traditions in his country and preserve close relations with the West. But in practice, Prague was increasingly drawn into Moscow's sphere of influence. His life was tragically cut short in March 1948, soon after the Communists takeover. Until now his death remains the subject of various theories and discussions. The question of how the fate of this politician and his country would have unfolded had he stayed alive remains open. The purpose of the article is to consider Masaryk in a new context, namely through his perception by American diplomats. The author attempts to ascertain whether they associated their hopes for strengthening the western orientation of the Czech Socialist Republic and countering Soviet influence with Masaryk, and what they believed to be the reasons for his sudden death. The article draws on a study of American diplomatic correspondence. The author concludes that despite Masaryk's reputation as a pro-Western politician, in the United States he was not considered an important and influential figure in Czechoslovakia. His refusal to join anti-communist forces at home and his support for Moscow in the international arena caused resentment in Washington. Masaryk's death resonated in American political circles. Yet the State Department made no attempt to investigate its causes in detail or to question the official version of his suicide. Nevertheless, Masaryk became a tragic symbol of resistance to communism and the collapse of the last hopes for maintaining close relations between Czechoslovakia and the West.
{"title":"Jan Masaryk in American Diplomatic Correspondence, 1945–1948","authors":"Artyom Zorin","doi":"10.31857/s013038640028073-8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640028073-8","url":null,"abstract":"Jan Masaryk (1886–1948) was the head of the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs during the most difficult period in the history of Czechoslovakia, from 1940 to 1948. The peak of his professional career came in the post-war years, when CSR was at the centre of the unfolding Soviet-American confrontation. As a son of the first Czechoslovak President Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk and the closest associate of his successor Edvard Beneš, Jan Masaryk was trying to advocate democratic traditions in his country and preserve close relations with the West. But in practice, Prague was increasingly drawn into Moscow's sphere of influence. His life was tragically cut short in March 1948, soon after the Communists takeover. Until now his death remains the subject of various theories and discussions. The question of how the fate of this politician and his country would have unfolded had he stayed alive remains open. The purpose of the article is to consider Masaryk in a new context, namely through his perception by American diplomats. The author attempts to ascertain whether they associated their hopes for strengthening the western orientation of the Czech Socialist Republic and countering Soviet influence with Masaryk, and what they believed to be the reasons for his sudden death. The article draws on a study of American diplomatic correspondence. The author concludes that despite Masaryk's reputation as a pro-Western politician, in the United States he was not considered an important and influential figure in Czechoslovakia. His refusal to join anti-communist forces at home and his support for Moscow in the international arena caused resentment in Washington. Masaryk's death resonated in American political circles. Yet the State Department made no attempt to investigate its causes in detail or to question the official version of his suicide. Nevertheless, Masaryk became a tragic symbol of resistance to communism and the collapse of the last hopes for maintaining close relations between Czechoslovakia and the West.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135262787","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640028071-6
Andrey Pavlov
At the beginning of 1916, the Caucasus was the only theatre of operations of the Great War from which good news for the Entente were coming. The Russian Caucasus Army successfully advanced on Erzurum and captured this Turkish fortress in early February. In February 1916, the forces of the Russian Caucasus Army’s right flank group started an offensive along the southern coast of the Black Sea. It soon became clear that the main factor of its success will be naval support. Mountainous territory and the absence of roads made the Army entirely dependent on the Russian Navy. It provided the land forces with artillery support, logistics, communication and reconnaissance. Even tactical maneuvers were not possible without the Navy: the only way to envelop a Turkish defensive line was to land troops in its’ rear. The Russian Black Sea Fleet managed to establish an effective system of communication and coordination with the advancing army units, helping them reach their goals. This is one of not well-known examples of the dominant role of naval support in the success of the army offensive. In this article, the author examines the scope and forms of interaction between the Army and the Navy in order to demonstrate how the warfare conditions could force to overcome traditional mistrust and misunderstanding of the two Services.
{"title":"Fleet Support to the Army Offensive on the Caucasus Front in 1916","authors":"Andrey Pavlov","doi":"10.31857/s013038640028071-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640028071-6","url":null,"abstract":"At the beginning of 1916, the Caucasus was the only theatre of operations of the Great War from which good news for the Entente were coming. The Russian Caucasus Army successfully advanced on Erzurum and captured this Turkish fortress in early February. In February 1916, the forces of the Russian Caucasus Army’s right flank group started an offensive along the southern coast of the Black Sea. It soon became clear that the main factor of its success will be naval support. Mountainous territory and the absence of roads made the Army entirely dependent on the Russian Navy. It provided the land forces with artillery support, logistics, communication and reconnaissance. Even tactical maneuvers were not possible without the Navy: the only way to envelop a Turkish defensive line was to land troops in its’ rear. The Russian Black Sea Fleet managed to establish an effective system of communication and coordination with the advancing army units, helping them reach their goals. This is one of not well-known examples of the dominant role of naval support in the success of the army offensive. In this article, the author examines the scope and forms of interaction between the Army and the Navy in order to demonstrate how the warfare conditions could force to overcome traditional mistrust and misunderstanding of the two Services.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135262800","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640023730-1
M. Bukharin
Historical scholarship in the USSR in the 1930s and 1940s developed along with the dynamics of foreign policy. The main issue that shaped the development of historical scholarship was Soviet-German relations. The Soviet alignment with Great Britain and France determined the dominance of the “anti-German” line even in those areas of historical research which, at first glance, were unrelated to modern history in general and German history in particular. Thus, this line is clearly evident in the discussion of the causes of the decline of the Harappan civilisation, which allegedly came about under pressure from the Indo-Aryan tribes, with whom Germany was implicitly identified in relevant studies in the second half of the 1930s. The initiator of the “anti-German” line in ancient history was Alexander Mishulin. After the conclusion of the Soviet-German Non-Aggression Treaty on 23 August 1939, the tone of the works on ancient history changed abruptly to “Germanophile” at the initiative of the same scholar. At the same time, the first – “anti-German” – line still persisted and developed in parallel with the second. Soviet-German academic cooperation was also progressing, as can be observed in the documents of the archives of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The “pro-German line” disappeared with the outbreak of the Great Patriotic War, while the “anti-German” (“anti-Indo-Aryan”) one disappeared with the independence of India in 1947 and the gradual forging of friendly relations between the USSR and India.
{"title":"Soviet Historical Science and Foreign Policy Dynamics in the Late 1930s and 1940s: The Mishulin Line","authors":"M. Bukharin","doi":"10.31857/s013038640023730-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640023730-1","url":null,"abstract":"Historical scholarship in the USSR in the 1930s and 1940s developed along with the dynamics of foreign policy. The main issue that shaped the development of historical scholarship was Soviet-German relations. The Soviet alignment with Great Britain and France determined the dominance of the “anti-German” line even in those areas of historical research which, at first glance, were unrelated to modern history in general and German history in particular. Thus, this line is clearly evident in the discussion of the causes of the decline of the Harappan civilisation, which allegedly came about under pressure from the Indo-Aryan tribes, with whom Germany was implicitly identified in relevant studies in the second half of the 1930s. The initiator of the “anti-German” line in ancient history was Alexander Mishulin. After the conclusion of the Soviet-German Non-Aggression Treaty on 23 August 1939, the tone of the works on ancient history changed abruptly to “Germanophile” at the initiative of the same scholar. At the same time, the first – “anti-German” – line still persisted and developed in parallel with the second. Soviet-German academic cooperation was also progressing, as can be observed in the documents of the archives of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The “pro-German line” disappeared with the outbreak of the Great Patriotic War, while the “anti-German” (“anti-Indo-Aryan”) one disappeared with the independence of India in 1947 and the gradual forging of friendly relations between the USSR and India.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"28 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75268904","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640019687-3
A. Schelchkov
The Soviet-Chinese rift in the international communist movement in the 1960s led to the emergence of Maoist communist parties in almost every country in the world, most of which broke away from the communist parties. In a number of places Maoism gained more support than Moscow-backed parties, notably in Peru, where the Maoist movement demonstrated mass appeal and political strength. Within this movement a radical, dogmatic wing emerged which absolutised violence as the only method of political struggle. It was the Peruvian Communist Party Sendero Luminoso (“The Shining Path”) which plunged the country into a decade-long civil war with thousands of victims. In this article the author analyses the ideology and political praxis of the movement, which was a project of militant totalitarian egalitarianism and a left-radical terrorist dictatorship. Sendero Luminoso is an extreme political project, the explanation of which requires not only a political and social but also a psychological approach. The Sendero Luminoso Party grew from a coterie exploring the ideas of José Carlos Mariátegui in the 1960s into a powerful underground insurgent movement in the 1970s and 1980s, which sometimes managed to successfully resist the Peruvian government with all its apparatus of violence, the army and the police. The tactics of the movement were based on the concept of a “protracted people's war” and the encirclement of the city by the countryside, and in practice on all-out violence, declared to be the main creative force of the revolution. The Maoist idea of “service to the people” and the self-sacrifice of revolutionaries was able to capture significant groups of young people, especially students, who devoted themselves wholeheartedly to the cause of the Senderist revolution. Excessive secrecy and rejection of the mass character of the movement made the leadership of the party, led by Abimael Guzmán, invulnerable for many years. The civil war unleashed by the Senderists did indeed bring Peru to the brink of collapse, becoming the starting point of neoliberal political and economic reforms that gained significant public support, explained only by the shock from the left-wing project proposed by the Senderists.
{"title":"Sendero Luminoso in Peru: terror is revolution","authors":"A. Schelchkov","doi":"10.31857/s013038640019687-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640019687-3","url":null,"abstract":"The Soviet-Chinese rift in the international communist movement in the 1960s led to the emergence of Maoist communist parties in almost every country in the world, most of which broke away from the communist parties. In a number of places Maoism gained more support than Moscow-backed parties, notably in Peru, where the Maoist movement demonstrated mass appeal and political strength. Within this movement a radical, dogmatic wing emerged which absolutised violence as the only method of political struggle. It was the Peruvian Communist Party Sendero Luminoso (“The Shining Path”) which plunged the country into a decade-long civil war with thousands of victims. In this article the author analyses the ideology and political praxis of the movement, which was a project of militant totalitarian egalitarianism and a left-radical terrorist dictatorship. Sendero Luminoso is an extreme political project, the explanation of which requires not only a political and social but also a psychological approach. The Sendero Luminoso Party grew from a coterie exploring the ideas of José Carlos Mariátegui in the 1960s into a powerful underground insurgent movement in the 1970s and 1980s, which sometimes managed to successfully resist the Peruvian government with all its apparatus of violence, the army and the police. The tactics of the movement were based on the concept of a “protracted people's war” and the encirclement of the city by the countryside, and in practice on all-out violence, declared to be the main creative force of the revolution. The Maoist idea of “service to the people” and the self-sacrifice of revolutionaries was able to capture significant groups of young people, especially students, who devoted themselves wholeheartedly to the cause of the Senderist revolution. Excessive secrecy and rejection of the mass character of the movement made the leadership of the party, led by Abimael Guzmán, invulnerable for many years. The civil war unleashed by the Senderists did indeed bring Peru to the brink of collapse, becoming the starting point of neoliberal political and economic reforms that gained significant public support, explained only by the shock from the left-wing project proposed by the Senderists.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"38 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73399069","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640025128-8
Olga Dmitrieva
In this article the author focuses on the first English compendium of information about the Americas and voyages in the North Atlantic, published by Richard Hakluyt in 1582. Unlike his major work, “The Principall Navigations, Voiages and Discoveries of the English Nation”, Hakluyt's earlier publishing project received little attention in academic literature. His “Diverse Voyages” has been interpreted by modern scholars as part of a propaganda campaign in favour of the establishment of English colonial settlements in North America. However, an analysis of all the texts selected by Hakluyt, the way they are organised, the author's comments and references to sources, shows that at that stage his main interest was the quest for the Northwest Passage to China and India. This global political project was designed to generate commercial profit and strengthen England's position in competition with the leading maritime empires of the era, Spain and Portugal. By presenting to the world the totality of English achievements in the exploration of the northern hemisphere, Hakluyt's first publication was instrumental in promoting English maritime expansion and in shaping English national identity. At the same time, Hakluyt's compendium, the first English adaptation of this particular form of scientific literature, marked an important stage in the development of geographical knowledge of the world, particularly of the New World, and in the evolution of the compiler's own views on polar voyages across the Atlantic.
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