Previous work has found that speakers who move to a new dialect region may come to adopt features of the second dialect. This study investigates whether other types of dialect exposure – those present without ever leaving one’s home dialectal region – similarly result in differences in language use. An identification task and a dialect contact questionnaire were administered to two Spanish-speaking dialect groups in Latin America to determine the effect of different types of dialect contact on the perceptual categorization of the regionally and socially variable feature of syllable-final /s/-aspiration (e.g., fresco [fɾeh.ko], ‘fresh’). Short-term travel and exposure to Media from /s/-weakening regions were not found to play a role in identification of aspirated-/s/. However, the regional background of reported social contacts (i.e., the social network) was a significant factor in how the regional variant was identified. Findings highlight the importance of live social interaction in language contact and change.
{"title":"Not all forms of dialect contact are the same: Effects of regional media, travel, and social contacts on the perception of Spanish aspirated-/s/","authors":"Lauren B. Schmidt","doi":"10.7557/1.4.1.3284","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.4.1.3284","url":null,"abstract":"Previous work has found that speakers who move to a new dialect region may come to adopt features of the second dialect. This study investigates whether other types of dialect exposure – those present without ever leaving one’s home dialectal region – similarly result in differences in language use. An identification task and a dialect contact questionnaire were administered to two Spanish-speaking dialect groups in Latin America to determine the effect of different types of dialect contact on the perceptual categorization of the regionally and socially variable feature of syllable-final /s/-aspiration (e.g., fresco [fɾeh.ko], ‘fresh’). Short-term travel and exposure to Media from /s/-weakening regions were not found to play a role in identification of aspirated-/s/. However, the regional background of reported social contacts (i.e., the social network) was a significant factor in how the regional variant was identified. Findings highlight the importance of live social interaction in language contact and change.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124931732","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT. This paper recovers the point of view that ser focalizador constructions C-SF are syntactic blends, in opposition to two other contending views, according to which ser focalizador is either a focal proyection within a monoclausal structure or a reduced pseudo-cleft. It is also claimed that a merely constructionist analysis of C-SF is insufficient to account for the distributional properties of these hybrid constructions. Among the syntactic options, the monoclausal claim is chosen. Finally, it is shown that there are better alternatives, with a simpler syntax, than focal syntactic projections. Thus, complications are sent back to the study of rules projecting focus upwards in the syntactic tree, as a fundamental aspect of the interface between grammar, interpretation, and sound.
{"title":"'Ser' focalizador como mezcolanza sintactica","authors":"Miguel Vázquez-Larruscaín","doi":"10.7557/1.4.1.3162","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.4.1.3162","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT. This paper recovers the point of view that ser focalizador constructions C-SF are syntactic blends, in opposition to two other contending views, according to which ser focalizador is either a focal proyection within a monoclausal structure or a reduced pseudo-cleft. It is also claimed that a merely constructionist analysis of C-SF is insufficient to account for the distributional properties of these hybrid constructions. Among the syntactic options, the monoclausal claim is chosen. Finally, it is shown that there are better alternatives, with a simpler syntax, than focal syntactic projections. Thus, complications are sent back to the study of rules projecting focus upwards in the syntactic tree, as a fundamental aspect of the interface between grammar, interpretation, and sound.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133486228","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper focuses on resultative and progressive periphrases in Spanish: and , respectively. These periphrases have been associated with several negated constructions. On the one hand, the negative particle no ‘not’ can precede the auxiliary verb ( and ); on the other hand, we have the structure . Contrary to what has been suggested in the literature, I will show that these negative constructions have a different interpretation and develop a semantic analysis of them. Furthermore, I will offer new evidence in favor of the existence of negative events.
{"title":"NEGATION OF RESULTATIVE AND PROGRESSIVE PERIPHRASES","authors":"Raquel González Rodríguez","doi":"10.7557/1.4.1.3317","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.4.1.3317","url":null,"abstract":"This paper focuses on resultative and progressive periphrases in Spanish: and , respectively. These periphrases have been associated with several negated constructions. On the one hand, the negative particle no ‘not’ can precede the auxiliary verb ( and ); on the other hand, we have the structure . Contrary to what has been suggested in the literature, I will show that these negative constructions have a different interpretation and develop a semantic analysis of them. Furthermore, I will offer new evidence in favor of the existence of negative events.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"76 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127257214","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper addresses the formal representation of Degree Verbs (DVs), also known as degree achievements. After assessing the similarities and differences of DVs vis-a-vis the accomplishment predicates within the set of “incremental theme verbs”, a double scale system is proposed to account for the telicity calculus. It is shown that DVs should be regarded as telic even though in most cases ,they do not imply culmination, but rather the mere attainment of a “contingent” telos. This formalism can be exploited to account for related phenomena, such as the so-called “conative oblique constructions” and “non-culminating” telic predicates
{"title":"The semantics of degree verbs and the telicity issue","authors":"E. Civardi, Pier Marco Bertinetto","doi":"10.7557/1.4.1.3398","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.4.1.3398","url":null,"abstract":"This paper addresses the formal representation of Degree Verbs (DVs), also known as degree achievements. After assessing the similarities and differences of DVs vis-a-vis the accomplishment predicates within the set of “incremental theme verbs”, a double scale system is proposed to account for the telicity calculus. It is shown that DVs should be regarded as telic even though in most cases ,they do not imply culmination, but rather the mere attainment of a “contingent” telos. This formalism can be exploited to account for related phenomena, such as the so-called “conative oblique constructions” and “non-culminating” telic predicates","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124422270","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
En este trabajo proponemos un analisis componencial de la relacion forma-funcion dentro de las oraciones hendidas en espanol, y en concreto, un mecanismo formal que determina la asignacion de los valores de foco y de topico contrastivo dentro de las mismas. Las oraciones hendidas son vistas como una amalgama de una oracion copulativa y de una construccion estructuralmente simple con el mismo contenido proposicional que la hendida correspondiente.
{"title":"La conexión entre la forma y la funcion en las construcciones hendidas españolas como expresiones de foco (y tópico) contrastivo","authors":"Miguel Vázquez-Larruscaín","doi":"10.7557/1.3.2.3128","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.3.2.3128","url":null,"abstract":"En este trabajo proponemos un analisis componencial de la relacion forma-funcion dentro de las oraciones hendidas en espanol, y en concreto, un mecanismo formal que determina la asignacion de los valores de foco y de topico contrastivo dentro de las mismas. Las oraciones hendidas son vistas como una amalgama de una oracion copulativa y de una construccion estructuralmente simple con el mismo contenido proposicional que la hendida correspondiente.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"117 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130856854","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Review of M. Lacorte (ed.), The Routledge Handbook of Hispanic Applied Linguistics","authors":"Antonio Fábregas","doi":"10.7557/1.3.2.3163","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.3.2.3163","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"77 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122839243","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
En este articulo defendemos que la seleccion de un verbo de apoyo por parte del nombre que lo acompana, dentro del contexto de una construccion con verbo de apoyo, se basa en criterios semanticos. En concreto, el objetivo del estudio sera el de descubrir que componente(s) del significado del nombre determina(n) la seleccion de dar y cual(es), la de hacer , dos de los verbos de apoyo mas frecuentes en espanol. Para llevar a cabo esta tarea, analizamos nombres pertenecientes al campo semantico de la comunicacion verbal que pueden coocurrir con ambos verbos, dar y hacer ( dar/hacer una sugerencia ), y los contrastamos con otros dos grupos de nombres de comunicacion: 1) los que se combinan con dar , pero rechazan *hacer ( dar/*hacer una respuesta ) y 2) los coocurren con hacer , pero no con *dar (* dar/hacer una pregunta ). En la comparacion de los grupos trataremos de probar dos hipotesis: una que opera a nivel paradigmatico, describiendo los vinculos semanticos entre los verbos de apoyo y los correspondientes verbos plenos y otra, a nivel sintagmatico, analizando que otros verbos, aparte de dar y/o hacer , constituyen la coocurrencia lexica restringida de los nombres de comunicacion objeto de estudio.
{"title":"La alternancia dar/hacer en construcciones con verbo de apoyo y nombre de comunicación","authors":"B. S. Vilas","doi":"10.7557/1.3.2.2946","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.3.2.2946","url":null,"abstract":"En este articulo defendemos que la seleccion de un verbo de apoyo por parte del nombre que lo acompana, dentro del contexto de una construccion con verbo de apoyo, se basa en criterios semanticos. En concreto, el objetivo del estudio sera el de descubrir que componente(s) del significado del nombre determina(n) la seleccion de dar y cual(es), la de hacer , dos de los verbos de apoyo mas frecuentes en espanol. Para llevar a cabo esta tarea, analizamos nombres pertenecientes al campo semantico de la comunicacion verbal que pueden coocurrir con ambos verbos, dar y hacer ( dar/hacer una sugerencia ), y los contrastamos con otros dos grupos de nombres de comunicacion: 1) los que se combinan con dar , pero rechazan *hacer ( dar/*hacer una respuesta ) y 2) los coocurren con hacer , pero no con *dar (* dar/hacer una pregunta ). En la comparacion de los grupos trataremos de probar dos hipotesis: una que opera a nivel paradigmatico, describiendo los vinculos semanticos entre los verbos de apoyo y los correspondientes verbos plenos y otra, a nivel sintagmatico, analizando que otros verbos, aparte de dar y/o hacer , constituyen la coocurrencia lexica restringida de los nombres de comunicacion objeto de estudio.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130894774","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I show that core implicit subjects in Spanish (i.e., the ones that occur with analytical passives, impersonal se , and causatives) can be derived from a theory under which absence of Merge in external subject position is a possible syntactic output. Core implicit arguments then have no syntactic representation ( pace Landau 2010). Absence of Merge can make to arise two different scenarios: (i) a conflict at the interfaces, which requires the implementation of some repair strategy, (ii) no conflict at the interfaces; i.e., a legitimate object at the interfaces. The first scenario is illustrated with reference to the so-called impersonal se in Spanish, and the second one with reference to analytical passives. The proposed system is able to capture a set of very intricate facts that does not have a satisfactory solution hitherto. Crucially, this particular view on implicit arguments, together with a purely syntactic theory of argument structure, derives the full distribution of impersonals and reflexives in hacer ‘to make’ causative contexts. Finally, it is shown that the arbitrary readings that the two scenarios above described display have a different source: whereas impersonal se requires (costly) default computation at the interface, arbitrary interpretations in analytical passives are calculated at the v P level.
{"title":"Syntax or nothing: Some theoretical and empirical remarks on implicit arguments","authors":"Andrés Saab","doi":"10.7557/1.3.2.2952","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.3.2.2952","url":null,"abstract":"I show that core implicit subjects in Spanish (i.e., the ones that occur with analytical passives, impersonal se , and causatives) can be derived from a theory under which absence of Merge in external subject position is a possible syntactic output. Core implicit arguments then have no syntactic representation ( pace Landau 2010). Absence of Merge can make to arise two different scenarios: (i) a conflict at the interfaces, which requires the implementation of some repair strategy, (ii) no conflict at the interfaces; i.e., a legitimate object at the interfaces. The first scenario is illustrated with reference to the so-called impersonal se in Spanish, and the second one with reference to analytical passives. The proposed system is able to capture a set of very intricate facts that does not have a satisfactory solution hitherto. Crucially, this particular view on implicit arguments, together with a purely syntactic theory of argument structure, derives the full distribution of impersonals and reflexives in hacer ‘to make’ causative contexts. Finally, it is shown that the arbitrary readings that the two scenarios above described display have a different source: whereas impersonal se requires (costly) default computation at the interface, arbitrary interpretations in analytical passives are calculated at the v P level.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"252 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131432476","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper argues that so-called subextraction (e.g., Who i has John seen a picture of t i ? ; cf. Corver 2006 for recent discussion) does not involve movement of a wh-phrase to a DP internal escape hatch position before reaching the CP layer. Instead, we claim that apparently subextracted wh-phrases are actually direct dependents of the verb after a process of reanalysis (or readjustment; cf. Chomsky 1977, Kayne 2002) applies. Our proposal rethinks an old (Bach & Horn 1976) idea, reframes it in modern terms and argues against the cyclic status of DPs (cf. Bruening 2009, Leu 2008, Ott 2008, and references therein), by leaning on new evidence from Spanish. The non-cyclic status of DPs is a fairly standard idea ever since clausal properties were assumed to hold for nominal domains (cf. Chomsky 1970, Brame 1982, Abney 1987, and much subsequent literature).
本文认为，所谓的子提取(例如，约翰见过他的照片吗?;参见Corver 2006最近的讨论)不涉及在到达CP层之前将h-短语移动到DP内部逃生舱口位置。相反，我们认为，在经过重新分析(或重新调整;cf. Chomsky 1977, Kayne 2002)适用。我们的建议通过借鉴西班牙语的新证据，重新思考了一个旧的(巴赫和霍恩1976年)的观点，用现代术语重新构建了它，并反对dp的循环地位(参见Bruening 2009, Leu 2008, Ott 2008，以及其中的参考文献)。自从假定子句性质适用于名义域(参见Chomsky 1970, Brame 1982, Abney 1987，以及随后的许多文献)以来，DPs的非循环状态是一个相当标准的概念。
{"title":"Reconsidering Subextraction: Evidence from Spanish","authors":"I. Bosque, Ángel J. Gallego","doi":"10.7557/1.3.2.2943","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.3.2.2943","url":null,"abstract":"This paper argues that so-called subextraction (e.g., Who i has John seen a picture of t i ? ; cf. Corver 2006 for recent discussion) does not involve movement of a wh-phrase to a DP internal escape hatch position before reaching the CP layer. Instead, we claim that apparently subextracted wh-phrases are actually direct dependents of the verb after a process of reanalysis (or readjustment; cf. Chomsky 1977, Kayne 2002) applies. Our proposal rethinks an old (Bach & Horn 1976) idea, reframes it in modern terms and argues against the cyclic status of DPs (cf. Bruening 2009, Leu 2008, Ott 2008, and references therein), by leaning on new evidence from Spanish. The non-cyclic status of DPs is a fairly standard idea ever since clausal properties were assumed to hold for nominal domains (cf. Chomsky 1970, Brame 1982, Abney 1987, and much subsequent literature).","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132636563","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Una de las propiedades que presentan las construcciones partitivas es la denominada Condicion de Anti-unicidad (ver Jackendoff 1977, Kayne 1994, Barker 1998), i.e., se trata de estructuras indefinidas. Sin embargo, hay una serie de datos que parecen poner en cuestion la condicion mencionada: (1) las construcciones partitivas en las variedades antiguas de las lenguas romances, que presentan la secuencia determinante definido + numeral (Esp.Ant. los dos de los soldados ) y (2) en espanol actual, aparece el determinante definido cuando el cuantificador es mas o menos ( los mas de los estudiantes ). En este trabajo nos proponemos demostrar que ninguna de estas construcciones viola la Condicion de Anti-unicidad y que la presencia del determinante es el resultado de que el movimiento del cuantificador a la posicion de Especificador del SD no tuvo lugar.
{"title":"La ocurrencia del artículo definido en construcciones partitivas","authors":"María Mare","doi":"10.7557/1.3.2.3153","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.3.2.3153","url":null,"abstract":"Una de las propiedades que presentan las construcciones partitivas es la denominada Condicion de Anti-unicidad (ver Jackendoff 1977, Kayne 1994, Barker 1998), i.e., se trata de estructuras indefinidas. Sin embargo, hay una serie de datos que parecen poner en cuestion la condicion mencionada: (1) las construcciones partitivas en las variedades antiguas de las lenguas romances, que presentan la secuencia determinante definido + numeral (Esp.Ant. los dos de los soldados ) y (2) en espanol actual, aparece el determinante definido cuando el cuantificador es mas o menos ( los mas de los estudiantes ). En este trabajo nos proponemos demostrar que ninguna de estas construcciones viola la Condicion de Anti-unicidad y que la presencia del determinante es el resultado de que el movimiento del cuantificador a la posicion de Especificador del SD no tuvo lugar.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"251 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122143953","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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