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Chen Di’s Investigations of the Ancient Pronunciations of the Mao Odes (Mao Shi guyin kao) and Textual Research in the Late Ming 陈迪的《毛诗古音考》与晚明文字研究
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-12 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10905006
Leigh Jenco
Chen Di’s 1606 masterwork of historical phonology, Investigations of the Ancient Pronunciations of the Mao Odes, has been identified as foundational for Qing dynasty text-critical scholarship, providing systematic evidence for historical sound change via comparative analysis of the Odes’ rhyme schemes. I argue, however, that this research was motivated and shaped by Neo-Confucian xinxue commitments to embodied moral knowledge, typically seen at odds with later Qing approaches. Both Chen and his Taizhou school collaborator Jiao Hong located the moral substance of a text not in the intention of its sagely authors, but rather in the authentic emotional experiences prompted by its historically specific phonological and narrative features. Although recent scholarship has begun to reveal how xinxue fostered philological enquiry to reveal universal sagely truths, less well recognized is how xinxue could also motivate investigation of historical contexts—unsettling the division of moral concerns from the production of textual and historical knowledge.
陈第于 1606 年出版的历史音韵学巨著《毛诗古音考》被认为是清代文本批评学术的奠基之作,它通过对《毛诗》韵律的比较分析,为历史音韵变化提供了系统证据。但我认为,这项研究的动机和形成是新儒家新学对体现道德知识的承诺,这通常被视为与后来的清代研究方法相悖。陈寅恪和他的台州学派合作者焦竑都将文本的道德内涵定位于历史上特定的语音和叙事特征所引发的真实情感体验,而非其圣贤作者的意图。虽然近来的学术研究已开始揭示新学如何促进文字学探究以揭示普遍的圣贤真理,但较少被认识到的是新学如何也能激发对历史背景的探究--打破了将道德关切与文本和历史知识的生产割裂开来的做法。
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引用次数: 0
We don’t need no (Confucian) education! A Northern Song Reading of the Liezi 我们不需要(儒家)教育!北宋读《列子
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-12 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10905004
Richard J. Sage
One of the common traits ancient speculative Daoist texts share is their aversion to a society based on Confucian morals. The Liezi’s anecdote about Huazi has often been cited as prime example for this attitude and its inherent yearning for a return to the Dao. Remarkably, one of the most radical interpretations of this passage was authored by a high-ranking member of the Northern Song imperial court. Combining references to other classics with Buddhist concepts and terminology to expound a mysticism rooted in the Daoist tradition, Fan Zhixu’s 范致虛 (?–1129) commentary is not only a masterpiece of exegetical literature, but also provides valuable insights into the unique intellectual atmosphere at and around Emperor Huizong’s court. This case study serves as introduction to Fan’s forgotten work and simultaneously to a widely neglected set of sources regarding the religio-political developments during Huizong’s controversial reign.
古代推测性道教典籍的共同特征之一是厌恶以儒家道德为基础的社会。列子》中关于华子的轶事经常被作为这种态度及其对回归道的内在渴望的典型例子。值得注意的是,对这段话最激进的解释之一出自北宋朝廷的一位高官之手。范致虚(?-1129 年)的注释将其他经典与佛教概念和术语相结合,阐释了植根于道教传统的神秘主义,不仅是训诂文学的杰作,而且为了解徽宗宫廷及其周围独特的思想氛围提供了宝贵的见解。本案例研究不仅是对范的这部被遗忘的作品的介绍,同时也是对被广泛忽视的有关徽宗在位期间宗教政治发展的一系列资料的介绍。
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引用次数: 0
The Penumbra of the Great Tang: Poetry from the Margins of the Empire at the Turn of the Eighth Century 大唐奔马:八世纪之交的帝国边缘诗歌
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-12 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10905002
Xiaofei Tian
The turn of the eighth century witnessed, for the first time in Chinese history, a concentration of poems written by exiled courtiers. In an era when mobility was limited by curfews, passes, and vehicular technologies, banishment to faraway places, accomplished by a decreed use of exclusionary post-station horses, ironically became a sanctioned and expedited means of traversing new territories. Through the poetic texts circulated via the highly developed post-station system, the empire’s center in the north became more connected to its distant margins than ever before. This article argues that these poems, characterized by centripetalism and constituting a petitionary genre, contributed to a new way of envisioning the empire as a whole and in its totality, and if we define “court” as a field of dynamic power relations, then these poems are court poetry, whose definition must be expanded to reflect the catholic nature of the term “court” itself.
八世纪之交,中国历史上首次出现了流放朝臣集中创作诗歌的现象。在一个行动受到宵禁、通行证和车辆技术限制的时代,通过法令规定的驿站马匹实现的流放远方,具有讽刺意味的是,成为了穿越新领土的一种受认可的快捷方式。通过高度发达的驿站系统流传的诗歌文本,帝国在北方的中心与遥远的边缘之间的联系比以往任何时候都更加紧密。如果我们将 "宫廷 "定义为动态权力关系的领域,那么这些诗歌就是宫廷诗歌,其定义必须扩展以反映 "宫廷 "一词本身的天主教性质。
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引用次数: 0
The Quanzhou Qianfo xinzhu zhuzushi song (Or.8210/S.1635): Manuscript, Textual History, and Genealogy 泉州千佛新渚集歌》(Or.8210/S.1635):手稿、文本历史和家谱
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-12 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10905003
Laurent Van Cutsem
This article explores the textual history and genealogical claims in the Quanzhou Qianfo xinzhu zhuzushi song 泉州千佛新著諸祖師頌 (Or.8210/S.1635), a collection of encomia composed by Wendeng 文僜 (d. 972) that documents the formation of the so-called “southern” Chan lineage and provides a crucial link between the Baolin zhuan 寶林傳 and the Zutang ji 祖堂集. The focus of this paper is on reexamining the potentially layered nature of Wendeng’s work based on the preface by Huiguan 慧觀 (d.u.), internal evidence from the Dunhuang manuscript, and related accounts in Chan records and local gazetteers. In addition, this study investigates the genealogical glosses in S.1635 and suggests that these were probably not authored by Wendeng and therefore cannot be taken as evidence of his understanding of the pedigree of the presumed successors to Huineng 慧能 (638–713).
本文探讨了泉州千佛新著诸祖师頌(Or.8210/S.1635)中的文本历史和谱系主张。文登文僜(卒于 972 年)的诰命集记录了所谓 "南方 "禅宗的形成,并提供了《宝林传》与《祖堂集》之间的重要联系。本文的重点是根据慧观(d.u.)的序言、敦煌手稿的内部证据以及禅宗记录和地方志中的相关记载,重新审视文登作品的潜在层次性。此外,本研究还调查了 S.1635 中的家谱注释,认为这些注释很可能不是文登所写,因此不能作为他了解慧能(638-713 年)假定继承人血统的证据。
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引用次数: 0
Books of Fate and Popular Culture in Early China: The Daybook Manuscripts of the Warring States, Qin, and Han , by Donald Harper and Marc Kalinowski (eds.) 中国早期的命运之书与大众文化:唐纳德-哈珀(Donald Harper)和马克-卡利诺夫斯基(Marc Kalinowski)(主编)的《战国、秦和汉的日书手稿》。
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-12 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10905007
Charles Sanft
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引用次数: 0
The Early Qing Compilation of the Ming History in Manchu: The Contexts, Contents, and Significance of the Ming gurun i suduri 清初满文《明史》的编纂:《明古录》的内涵、内容和意义
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-12 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10905005
Shoufu Yin
The Qing court produced an extensive history of the Ming empire in the Manchu language, which has survived in manuscript form in the Palace Museum under the title Ming gurun i suduri (History of the Ming State). Based on a close reading of this manuscript and scrutiny of related archival documents, this article elaborates on three observations. First, the Ming gurun i suduri resulted from the earliest stage (1645–1669) of the Qing compilation of the Ming history. With a primary focus on producing a chronicle in Manchu, it exemplifies the mid-seventeenth-century development of Inner Asian historiography. Second, it recounts Ming history by juxtaposing and connecting translated extracts from the Ming shilu 明實錄 (Ming Veritable Records) whenever it exists. This approach that combines compiling and translating, in effect, offers a reassessment of key political events and figures. Third, in light of the Ming gurun i suduri thus contextualized, the 1739 Ming shi 明史 (Ming History) is best seen as a product of a century-long history of negotiation (1645–1739) during which the ideological agenda and intellectual achievements of the early Qing court gradually sank into oblivion.
清朝宫廷用满语编写了一部内容广泛的明朝帝国史,以《明国史》(Ming gurun i suduri)为题,以手稿形式保存在故宫博物院。基于对该手稿的细读和对相关档案文件的研究,本文阐述了三点看法。首先,《明史》产生于清朝编纂明史的最早阶段(1645-1669 年)。该书以满文编年为主,是 17 世纪中期内亚史学发展的典范。其次,该书通过并列和连接《明实录》的翻译摘录来叙述明史。这种编译结合的方法实际上是对主要政治事件和人物的重新评估。第三,从《明实录》的背景来看,1739 年的《明史》最好被视为长达一个世纪的谈判历史(1645-1739 年)的产物,在此期间,清初宫廷的意识形态议程和思想成就逐渐被遗忘。
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引用次数: 0
From Stone Canal to Orchid Terrace: Libraries and Archives in the Two Han Capitals 从石渠到兰台:两汉都城的图书馆和档案馆
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-12 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10905001
Luke Waring
Recent scholarship has advanced our understanding of the Han dynasty’s most important textual repositories, including the distinctions between libraries and archives and the roles they played in early manuscript culture. There is no comprehensive survey in English, however, of the main facilities where different manuscripts were stored in the two Han capitals, Chang’an and Luoyang. This article seeks answers to key questions: Where were these facilities located? Who worked there and how was one appointed? What kinds of activities took place in them? I confirm the findings of scholars who have shown that there is scant evidence for editing or scholastic activity in the main textual repositories before late Western Han, and that even after Emperor Cheng’s reign, textual production, curation, and instruction were distributed between multiple centers that were often in competition with one another.
近来的学术研究推进了我们对汉代最重要的文字资料库的了解,包括图书馆和档案馆之间的区别以及它们在早期手稿文化中所扮演的角色。然而,对于汉代两京(长安和洛阳)存放不同手稿的主要设施,目前还没有全面的英文调查报告。本文试图回答以下关键问题这些设施位于何处?谁在那里工作?在其中开展了哪些活动?我证实了学者们的研究结果,他们指出,在西汉晚期之前,在主要的文字库中几乎没有编辑或学术活动的证据,即使在汉成帝统治之后,文字制作、收藏和教学也分布在多个中心,而这些中心之间往往存在竞争。
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引用次数: 0
Bathing through Time and Landscape: Everyday Encounters and Reconstructions at Huaqing Hot Springs (1000–1900) 沐浴在时间与景观中:华清温泉的日常相遇与重建(1000-1900)
3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-07 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10903003
Fei Huang
Abstract Despite the long-standing interest in hot springs in China, this subject has remained understudied. This article explores how the most famous hot springs in China, the Huaqing Hot Springs 華清池 at Mount Li 驪山, were selectively reused and negotiated by different social groups from the tenth to the nineteenth century. It retraces the historical process of reconstructions at the Huaqing Hot Springs by local officials, religious practitioners, literati, and local inhabitants after the Huaqing palaces were abandoned by the Tang central court. In the post-Tang life of the Huaqing Hot Springs, the long-term co-existence of activities between various social classes and across the gender divide are deeply rooted in the local everyday usage of the hot springs. This article reveals multiple transformations within continuity in reimaging and reconstructing the hot springs landscape in Chinese history.
尽管中国对温泉的兴趣由来已久,但这一主题仍未得到充分研究。本文探讨了从10世纪到19世纪,中国最著名的温泉——李峰山的华清温泉是如何被不同的社会群体有选择地利用和协商的。它追溯了华清宫被唐中央法院废弃后,当地官员、宗教从业者、文人和当地居民重建华清泉的历史过程。在华清温泉的后唐生活中,社会各阶层、跨性别活动的长期共存,深深植根于当地对温泉的日常使用。本文揭示了中国历史上对温泉景观的重新想象和重构过程中,连续性中的多重转变。
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引用次数: 0
Empty Reality, Luminous Mind: The Metaphysics of “One Reality” and “One Mind” in Shi Sengwei’s “Shizhu jing hanzhu xu” 虚实、明心:石圣维《石柱经汉竹序》中“一实”与“一心”的玄学
3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-07 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10903004
Sangyop Lee
Abstract This paper is the first in-depth study of Shi Sengwei’s 釋僧衛 (fl. late fourth and early fifth centuries) “ Shizhu jing hanzhu xu” 十住經含注序. By situating Sengwei’s text in the proper intellectual-historical context and proposing crucial emendations in its surviving recensions, I analyze its ontological and psychological claims that advance a unique metaphysical theory that explains the emergence of sense objects and individual minds as the result of the interaction between “one reality” ( yifa 一法) and “one mind” ( yixin 一心). I then identify philosophical and phraseological influences of Huiyuan’s 慧遠 (334–416) theory of the imperishability of the soul ( shen bumie 神不滅) on Sengwei’s thought, and furthermore argue that Sengwei’s “one mind” was the source of the theory of the “one mind” in the Dasheng qi xin lun 大乘起信論.
摘要本文首次深入研究了石圣维的《石柱经汉竹序》(4世纪末5世纪初)。通过将桑维的文本置于合适的知识历史语境中,并对其现存版本提出重要的修订,我分析了其本体论和心理学主张,这些主张提出了一种独特的形而上学理论,解释了感觉对象和个体心灵的出现是“一个现实”(一发)和“一个心灵”(一心)相互作用的结果。然后,我确定了汇源的灵魂不死理论(334-416)对桑维思想的哲学和用语的影响,并进一步论证了桑维的“一心”是《大生奇心论》中“一心”理论的来源。
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引用次数: 0
Heavenly Masters: Two Thousand Years of the Daoist State , by Vincent Goossaert 《天师:道家两千年》,Vincent Goossaert著
3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-07 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10903006
Richard G. Wang
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引用次数: 0
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T'oung Pao
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