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Book Review:Lamentation over the Destruction of Ur. Samuel N. Kramer 书评:乌尔毁灭的悲叹。塞缪尔·克雷默
Pub Date : 1941-04-01 DOI: 10.1086/370605
T. Jacobsen
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引用次数: 0
Samuel and the Rise of the Monarchy 塞缪尔与君主政体的兴起
Pub Date : 1941-04-01 DOI: 10.1086/370598
W. Irwin
From the diverse and conflicting stories of the origin of the Hebrew monarchy given by the First Book of Samuel one fact stands out with the clarity almost of a demonstrated fact: chapter 11 is authentic history. It has certainly been touched up at points in the interests not of accuracy but of theological presuppositions; the introduction of Samuel in verse 7, the exaggerated numbers and the union of Judah with Israel in verse 8, and the account of the "renewal" of the kingdom at Gilgal in verses 14-15 are all palpably the harmonistic or tendenz addi-
从《撒母耳记》第一卷中关于希伯来君主制起源的各种不同和相互矛盾的故事中,有一个事实非常明显,几乎是一个已被证明的事实:第11章是真实的历史。当然,它在某些地方被触及,不是为了准确性,而是为了神学上的前提;第7节对撒母耳的介绍,第8节夸大的数字和犹大与以色列的联合,以及第14-15节对吉甲王国“复兴”的描述,都是很明显的和谐主义或倾向主义
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引用次数: 31
Graffiti of the Priesthood of the Eleventh Dynasty Temples at Thebes 第十一王朝底比斯神庙的祭司涂鸦
Pub Date : 1941-04-01 DOI: 10.1086/370601
H. Winlock
The simple, unpretentious inhabitants of Thebes during the Middle Kingdom have left very few records of their lives. It is seldom that so much as a line written spontaneously by any of them has survived the accidents of the four thousand years between their days and ours; and even when, on very rare occasions, some of them did scratch their names on the temptingly smooth, soft limestone of their native cliffs, they affected a minute, cramped, practically hieroglyphic hand which is far less likely to attract attention than the flowing hieratic of Ramesside scribes. Thus it is that comparatively few Middle Kingdom graffiti have been noticed among the hundreds of later scribblings on the rocks of Thebes today. The earliest known of these graffiti are near the temple of King Neb-hiepet-R~c Mentu-hotpe at Deir el Bahri. If one climbs as high as he can on the rocky spur which extends along the south side of the temple forecourt (Fig. 1),1 to the point where the cliff rises sheer above him and where the temple site lies some eighty meters below to the right, he will find scratched on the rock: "Horus Neter Hedjet, King of Upper and Lower Egypt (Neb)-hepet-Rc?, Son of Re2C Mentuhiotpe; (written) by his beloved Wenenef-Rac's son Nenen-R" (Fig. 2).3 Here we have a man who writes his king's name in the fashion common to the sculptors of the shrines of the princesses in the temple below and who must, therefore, have lived in the earliest years of the reign of Neb-hepet-RIc.4 Near by Nenen-R'c scratched his name once 1 This is the light-colored tongue of rock projecting from the cliff in the right of Fig. 1 -a photograph taken in 1919 by the late Harry Burton. 2 Written within the cartouche.
中王国时期底比斯简朴朴实的居民很少留下关于他们生活的记录。在他们的时代和我们的时代之间的四千年中,很少有哪怕是他们自发写的一行字能在偶然事件中幸存下来;即使在极少数情况下,他们中的一些人确实在当地悬崖上光滑柔软的石灰岩上写下了自己的名字,他们也会用一种微小的、局促的、几乎是象形文字的笔迹,这种笔迹远不如拉美赛德潦草流畅的笔迹引人注目。因此,在今天底比斯岩石上成百上千的涂鸦中,相对而言,很少有人注意到中王国的涂鸦。已知最早的这些涂鸦出现在Deir el Bahri的国王Neb-hiepet-R~c Mentu-hotpe神庙附近。如果一个人沿着神庙前院南侧延伸的岩石尖(图1)爬得尽可能高,直到悬崖陡然耸立在他头顶上,神庙遗址位于右下方约80米的地方,他会发现岩石上刻着:“荷鲁斯·尼特·赫德杰,上下埃及之王(尼布)-赫皮特- rc ?, Re2C mentuhitype之子;(由他心爱的Wenenef-Rac的儿子Nenen-R撰写)在这里,我们看到一个人,他用下面神庙中公主神龛的雕刻家常用的方式写下了他国王的名字,因此,他一定生活在尼布希佩特-里克统治的早期在附近,Nenen-R'c划了一次他的名字1这是图1右侧从悬崖上伸出的浅色岩石舌——已故的Harry Burton于1919年拍摄的照片2。
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引用次数: 1
Four Safaitic Graffiti 四个Safaitic涂鸦
Pub Date : 1941-04-01 DOI: 10.1086/370604
W. H. Worrell
Early in the spring of 1933 Mr. Carl H. Rogers, a dealer in automobile tires, visited a spot in Transjordan described as "a hundred miles northeast of Philadelphia and about five miles off the road" and found "in a field of stones" an irregularly shaped piece of sandstone bearing two inscriptions. The stone had been, so he insisted, part of a large jar. Mr. Rogers presented the stone to Mr. Joseph Hawley, a photoengraver of Lansing, Michigan, who brought it to my notice and kindly permitted me to examine it in the fall of 1933. Working with stereoscopic photographs and the original, I found upon the stone no less than four graffiti. These I transcribed and worked out tentatively at the time, but did not publish. The photographs and correspondence were filed with the University Museum; and the latter institution in January, 1940, attempted to acquire the stone but could not locate Mr. Hawley. It remains, therefore, to place the information beyond danger of loss by making the present statements. A spot "about a hundred miles northeast of Philadelphia" (that is, Amman) would be about eighteen miles southwest of the oasis ar-Ruhlba, precisely the region where other Safaitic inscriptions have been found. The stone has maximum dimensions of about 5X14 inches. It is slightly concave on one side and flat upon the other, very heavy, and red in color. It appears to have been originally a piece of architectural molding (P1. I). On the concave side are two inscriptions, in two different hands. The first begins at the upper right-hand corner and turns back toward the center after reaching the left-hand edge. The second is underneath the first and inclosed in a sort of cartouche, at one end of which are strokes resembling a mane or a fin. On the flat side is another inscription, in a third hand. This begins at the lower right-hand corner and runs completely around the edge of the surface, which has been outlined, turning inward after completing the circuit. In the center is a figure of the sun with rays. The inscriptions are all in the Safaitic character. Since the third inscription contains two statements, though written in one hand, I here give the text in the form of four graffiti.
1933年早春,汽车轮胎经销商卡尔·h·罗杰斯(Carl H. Rogers)来到外约旦的一个地方,据说那里“距离费城东北100英里,离公路大约5英里”,他在“一片石头中”发现了一块形状不规则的砂岩,上面刻着两行碑文。他坚持说,这块石头是一个大罐子的一部分。罗杰斯先生把这块石头送给了密歇根州兰辛的照相雕刻师约瑟夫·霍利先生,他让我注意到了它,并在1933年秋天好心地允许我检查它。结合立体照片和原作,我在石头上发现了不少于四个涂鸦。当时我对这些内容进行了初步的转录和整理,但没有发表。照片和信件都保存在大学博物馆;1940年1月,后者试图获得宝石,但找不到霍利先生。因此,提出本声明仍然是为了使资料不受损失的危险。“费城东北约一百英里”(也就是安曼)的一个地点,在鲁尔巴绿洲西南约十八英里处,正是在其他萨法蒂文铭文被发现的地方。这种石头的最大尺寸约为5X14英寸。它的一边略凹,另一边平,很重,颜色是红色的。它最初似乎是一块建筑模塑(P1。1).凹面上有两个不同笔迹的铭文。第一个从右上角开始,在到达左手边后转向中心。第二块在第一块的下面,并以一种圆形的形式包含在其中,其中一端是类似鬃毛或鳍的笔画。在平坦的一面是另一个铭文,用第三只手写的。它从右下角开始,完全绕着表面的边缘运行,表面已经被勾画出来,在完成电路后向内转。中间是一个带着光线的太阳。碑文都是埃及文。由于第三个铭文包含两个语句,虽然是用一只手写的,我在这里以四种涂鸦的形式给出文本。
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引用次数: 0
Some Repercussions from Late Levitical Genealogical Accretions in P and the Chronicler 《P》和《编年史》对后期利未人家谱增加的一些影响
Pub Date : 1941-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/370588
L. Waterman
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引用次数: 0
Notice of a Second-Century Text in Coptic Letters 二世纪科普特字母文本的注释
Pub Date : 1941-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/370591
W. H. Worrell
On January 2, 1932, the Egyptian Expedition of the University of Michigan found in the underground passage and adjacent rooms of House No. 1-1121 several score of papyri which seem to have formed a private archive, perhaps belonging to a certain Melas, son of Horion, a priest of the god Soknopaios. The house belonged to the top occupation level on the west side-a level which dates from the early first and early third Christian century. The Greek papyri in this archive range from the time of Trajan to the year A.D. 193. The demotic papyri, found in considerable number with the Greek, have not been examined. On the verso of one of the Greek papyri is a text in Coptic characters. The papyrus is in a very fragmentary condition, and the Greek text of the recto unfortunately has not yet given any clue to the arrangement of the pieces. A few isolated Coptic words, no two connected, and groups of letters which may be imagined as Coptic elements, can be made out, and the language may thus be supposed to be Coptic or Egyptian; but the character and content of the text remain unknown. A very natural disinclination to attempt the reproduction of a text so little understood and the impossibility of publication have been balanced by a feeling of obligation to make some statement in regard to it because of its great age.2 The date of the latest dated hieroglyphic text is August 24, A.D. 394, and of the latest dated demotic text, December 2, A.D. 452.3 The Old Coptic remains are well known:4 a horoscope of the years between A.D. 95 and 1305 on the back (really the recto) of a Greek
1932年1月2日,密歇根大学的埃及探险队在1-1121号房子的地下通道和邻近的房间里发现了几十张纸莎草纸,这些纸莎草纸似乎形成了一个私人档案,可能属于某个名叫梅拉斯的人,他是索诺帕约斯神的牧师霍里翁的儿子。这座房子属于西侧最高的一层,这一层可以追溯到公元一世纪和三世纪初。这个档案中的希腊纸莎草纸从图拉真时期到公元193年。与希腊人一起发现的大量平民纸莎草纸还没有被研究过。在其中一份希腊纸莎草纸的背面是一段科普特文字。莎草纸是一个非常零碎的条件,和希腊文本的recto不幸还没有给出任何线索的安排碎片。几个孤立的科普特语单词,没有两个相连的,以及一组可能被想象成科普特元素的字母,可以被辨认出来,因此这种语言可能被认为是科普特语或埃及语;但文本的性质和内容仍然未知。一种非常自然的不愿尝试复制一篇如此少人理解的文本和不可能出版的感觉,被一种有义务就它发表一些声明的感觉所平衡,因为它年代久远最新的象形文字日期是公元394年8月24日,而最新的通俗文字日期是公元452.3年12月2日。古科普特遗迹是众所周知的:在一个希腊人的背上(实际上是recto)有一个公元95年到1305年之间的星象
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引用次数: 1
Pre-Islamic Arab Queens 前伊斯兰阿拉伯女王
Pub Date : 1941-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/370586
N. Abbott
Arab queens make their first recorded appearance in history with the dramatic entry of the Queen of Sheba and her historic visit to King Solomon in the tenth century before Christ. The familiar biblical version of her story leaves the enterprising queen unnamed and the location of her kingdom within Arabia uncertain. But it depicts her as endowed with wealth, power, knowledge if not wisdom, and curiosity. It furthermore started her on her way to recognition in three great world-faiths. Her story soon captured the imagination of the entire Near East. Fascinating legends, varied by Jewish, Abyssinian, Arab, and Iranian fancies, grew and multiplied about her. These, though they surrounded her with romance and supernatural powers, left her free from neither scandal nor folly. Thus did this unnamed Arab queen, referred to in the Bible and Qur:In simply as the "Queen of Sheba" and "Queen of Saba:," respectively, come in time to acquire several names and to be known as the consort of Solomon the Great and the ancestress, if not the foundress, of two dynasties-the Himyars of South Arabia and the recently ended imperial line of Abyssinia. Western Christendom too fell under her spell. European story-tellers juggled the elements of the numerous tales to suit their own fancy, while medieval artists, not to be outdone, told her story in stone. Thus, even today, one may gaze on a statue of the Queen of Sheba as she
公元前10世纪,示巴女王戏剧性地出场,历史性地拜访了所罗门王,这是阿拉伯女王在历史上第一次有记载的出现。在熟悉的圣经版本中,她的故事留下了这位进取的女王的名字,她的王国在阿拉伯半岛的位置也不确定。但它把她描绘成拥有财富、权力、知识(如果不是智慧的话)和好奇心的人。这进一步开启了她在世界三大信仰中获得认可的道路。她的故事很快引起了整个近东地区的遐想。根据犹太人、阿比西尼亚人、阿拉伯人和伊朗人的想象,关于她的迷人传说不断增多。这些事情,虽然使她充满了浪漫和超自然的力量,却使她既不能摆脱丑闻,也不能摆脱愚蠢。《圣经》和《古兰经》中提到的这位不知名的阿拉伯女王就是这样:分别被简单地称为“示巴女王”和“萨巴女王”,她及时获得了几个名字,并被称为所罗门大帝的配偶和两个王朝的祖先,如果不是创始人的话——南阿拉伯的希米亚王朝和最近结束的阿比西尼亚帝国。西方基督教世界也被她迷住了。欧洲的故事讲述者根据自己的喜好,将众多故事中的元素加以变通,而中世纪的艺术家也不甘落后,用石头来讲述她的故事。因此,即使在今天,人们也可以看到示巴女王的雕像
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引用次数: 43
A Simplified System of Hebrew-English and Aramaic-English Transliteration 简化的希伯来语-英语和阿拉姆语-英语音译系统
Pub Date : 1941-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/370589
A. A. Brux
A system of transliteration of Hebrew and Aramaic into English that would be suitable for general use and at the same time capable of serving the ordinary requirements of scholars without having recourse to a host of quaint and curious symbols of phoneticians, national or international, has long been a desideratum. In recent years the need for greater economy in printing philological papers has emphasized the desideratum to the point where it has ceased to be merely a matter of scholarly taste and is felt to be a necessity. The system of transliteration here proposed is offered in the hope that it may meet this twofold need. Since the Hebrew consonants and vowel signs are employed in Aramaic, we shall restrict ourselves in the following discussion to Hebrew, with the understanding that what holds for Hebrew applies to all corresponding phenomena in Aramaic. In evaluating the proposed system it should be borne in mind that it is meant to be a Hebrew-English, not an international system.2 This will explain why the symbols bh, gh, dh, kh, ph, and th have been chosen to represent the spirants, and sh to represent one of the sibilants.3 While v might have served in place of bh, and f in place of ph, the compound symbols were thought to be preferable because of consistency
长久以来,人们一直渴望一种将希伯来语和阿拉姆语音译成英语的系统,这种系统既适合于普遍使用,同时又能满足学者们的日常需求,而不必求助于一大堆古怪的语音学家的符号,无论是国内的还是国际的。近年来,由于在印刷语言学论文时需要更大的经济效益,这种愿望已经被强调到不再仅仅是学术趣味的问题,而被认为是一种必要。这里提出的音译系统是希望它能满足这两方面的需要。由于希伯来语的辅音和元音符号在阿拉姆语中被使用,我们将在接下来的讨论中局限于希伯来语,并理解希伯来语适用于阿拉姆语的所有相应现象。在评价拟议的制度时,应铭记这是一种希伯来-英语制度,而不是一种国际制度这就解释了为什么选择bh、gh、dh、kh、ph和th来代表灵体,而选择sh来代表一个音节虽然v可以代替bh, f可以代替ph,但由于一致性,复合符号被认为是更可取的
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引用次数: 1
"AL...." in the Superscriptions of the Psalms "AL...."在《诗篇》的附文里
Pub Date : 1941-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/370590
H. G. May
The variety of interpretations given to this rubric is some indication of the complexity of the problems involved and the difficulty of reaching a completely satisfactory conclusion.' It is hoped that this study will bring us at least one step closer to such a conclusion. It is evident to most recent commentators that this and other rubrics in the psalm superscriptions bear some sort of relation to the use of the Psalms in the temple; unanimity may perhaps be reached on the interpretation of ,:=Z2 as a reference to stringed instruments, but even the familiar MY ub, "to the director" (?), is a subject of controversy.3 We may assume that the significance of " cal .... " was known in at least the early part of the post-Exilic period, for we find it attached to postExilic psalms;4 but by the time of the Septuagint and later versions there appears to be confusion with regard to its interpretation and sig-
对这个标题的各种解释表明了所涉及问题的复杂性,以及得出一个完全令人满意的结论的难度。”希望这项研究至少能使我们离这样的结论更近一步。这是很明显的,最近的注释,这和其他的规则在诗篇的题词有某种关系,在圣殿中使用诗篇;对于,:=Z2作为弦乐器的解释,可能会达成一致意见,但即使是我们熟悉的MY ub, "to the director"(?),也是一个有争议的话题我们可以假设“cal ....”的意义至少在后流放时期的早期,人们就知道了这句话,因为我们发现它附属于后流放时期的诗篇;4但到了七十士译本和后来的版本,它的解释和符号似乎出现了混乱
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引用次数: 1
The Berlin Druze Lexicon (Continued) 柏林德鲁兹词典(续)
Pub Date : 1941-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/370592
M. Sprengli̇ng
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引用次数: 0
期刊
The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures
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