With the conquest of Islamic lands by European powers arose the question whether those persons who had been entitled to levy the land rents from the peasants on the eve of the conquest are now to be regarded as proprietors of the respective estates, or as having only temporary right of lease, which may be revoked by the government (especially in the case of the so-called Khardj lands). This administrative question, which was for the most part answered in practice to the benefit of the landholders,' made the juridic classification of lands in the Islamic world the favorite topic of those orientalists who took interest in the agrarian problems. Though in reality the agrarian relations in Islamic lands were not always founded on the Islamic law,2 this law became the main object of investigation. The principal theories were those of (a) Hammer-Purgstall,3 according to whom there were three main classes of lands: (1) cUshri lands, which were distributed at the time of the Moslem conquest among the conquerors as their property (mulk); (2) Khardji lands, left to their non-Moslem owners as their property, with no other distinction from the former than heavier taxation; and (3) the state domains, denoted in Turkey as ard-i-mamlakat, which were employed as military fiefs. This classification, based by Hammer-Purgstall on the authority of Ottoman writers, the Mufti Abfi Sucfld (the counselor of Sulaymdn the Magnificent) and Muhammad-Chalabi, was accepted by W. Padel,4 but a more 1 So in British India by the Permanent Settlement of 1793; in French Egypt by decree (arrdtt) of 30 Fructidor, Year VI (1798); in Algeria (this action of the French administration was severely criticized by Dr. Worms in Journal asiatique, XIV (3d ser.; 1842), 22526); in Russian Turkestan by Rules of 1886. 2 See my article on the feudal system of the Mamlfiks in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, I (1937), 97-107. Only Waqfs and allodial lands (amlak) were administered in the Mamlfik state more or less according to the Islamic law, and therefore the documents relating to them were designated as makatib sharciyya (Ibn Iy~s, V, 189, 11. 16-20; p. 219, 1. 12; Ibn al-Ji~in, p. 38, 1. 3). 3 Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches (2d ed.; 1834), II, 341. More fully in his Des osmanischen Reichs Staat8verfassung und Staat8verwaltung. 4 Das Grundeigentum in der Tirkei nach der neuern Gesetzgebung (Jahrbuch der intern. Vereinig. fiir vergl. Rechtsw. und Volkswirtschaftslehre, Vols. VI-VII, Abt. I [1903]). Cf. W. Padel and L. Steeg, De la legislation fonciare ottomane (Paris, 1904). The opinion that Kharaji lands are the property of their holders was expressed also by Belin in Journal asiatique, 1861, pp. 414 ff. 50
{"title":"Classification of Lands in the Islamic Law and Its Technical Terms","authors":"A. Poliak","doi":"10.1086/370563","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370563","url":null,"abstract":"With the conquest of Islamic lands by European powers arose the question whether those persons who had been entitled to levy the land rents from the peasants on the eve of the conquest are now to be regarded as proprietors of the respective estates, or as having only temporary right of lease, which may be revoked by the government (especially in the case of the so-called Khardj lands). This administrative question, which was for the most part answered in practice to the benefit of the landholders,' made the juridic classification of lands in the Islamic world the favorite topic of those orientalists who took interest in the agrarian problems. Though in reality the agrarian relations in Islamic lands were not always founded on the Islamic law,2 this law became the main object of investigation. The principal theories were those of (a) Hammer-Purgstall,3 according to whom there were three main classes of lands: (1) cUshri lands, which were distributed at the time of the Moslem conquest among the conquerors as their property (mulk); (2) Khardji lands, left to their non-Moslem owners as their property, with no other distinction from the former than heavier taxation; and (3) the state domains, denoted in Turkey as ard-i-mamlakat, which were employed as military fiefs. This classification, based by Hammer-Purgstall on the authority of Ottoman writers, the Mufti Abfi Sucfld (the counselor of Sulaymdn the Magnificent) and Muhammad-Chalabi, was accepted by W. Padel,4 but a more 1 So in British India by the Permanent Settlement of 1793; in French Egypt by decree (arrdtt) of 30 Fructidor, Year VI (1798); in Algeria (this action of the French administration was severely criticized by Dr. Worms in Journal asiatique, XIV (3d ser.; 1842), 22526); in Russian Turkestan by Rules of 1886. 2 See my article on the feudal system of the Mamlfiks in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, I (1937), 97-107. Only Waqfs and allodial lands (amlak) were administered in the Mamlfik state more or less according to the Islamic law, and therefore the documents relating to them were designated as makatib sharciyya (Ibn Iy~s, V, 189, 11. 16-20; p. 219, 1. 12; Ibn al-Ji~in, p. 38, 1. 3). 3 Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches (2d ed.; 1834), II, 341. More fully in his Des osmanischen Reichs Staat8verfassung und Staat8verwaltung. 4 Das Grundeigentum in der Tirkei nach der neuern Gesetzgebung (Jahrbuch der intern. Vereinig. fiir vergl. Rechtsw. und Volkswirtschaftslehre, Vols. VI-VII, Abt. I [1903]). Cf. W. Padel and L. Steeg, De la legislation fonciare ottomane (Paris, 1904). The opinion that Kharaji lands are the property of their holders was expressed also by Belin in Journal asiatique, 1861, pp. 414 ff. 50","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1940-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123814838","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Babylonian Collection at Yale University owns a number of terra-cotta bowls adorned on their inside surfaces with texts written in alphabetic characters. The entire group consists of ten inscriptions, none of which has hitherto been published. Although I have so far been able to examine more closely only six of the inscribed vessels, it is very safe to say that in all of them we have to do with the wellknown species of inscriptions designed to serve the purpose of practical magic, that is, with incantation texts of one kind or another. Certainly by the type of Aramaic alphabet in which they are written, less certainly by their dialectical differences, the six bowl inscriptions just referred to divide themselves into three classes: (a) in four of them the writing is of the particular category of Aramaic generally known by the somewhat misleading name of Square Hebrew; (b) one bowl is written in Mandaic script and language; and (c) one bowl is inscribed with a peculiar type of Syriac estrangelo-a type that previously had been known to me only from facsimiles given in Professor Montgomery's celebrated volume Aramaic Incantation Texts from Nippur, published by the University of Pennsylvania Museum in 1913.1 In fact, the forty bowl inscriptions published in that volume
{"title":"Two Magic Bowls: New Incantation Texts from Mesopotamia","authors":"Julian Obermann","doi":"10.1086/370561","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370561","url":null,"abstract":"The Babylonian Collection at Yale University owns a number of terra-cotta bowls adorned on their inside surfaces with texts written in alphabetic characters. The entire group consists of ten inscriptions, none of which has hitherto been published. Although I have so far been able to examine more closely only six of the inscribed vessels, it is very safe to say that in all of them we have to do with the wellknown species of inscriptions designed to serve the purpose of practical magic, that is, with incantation texts of one kind or another. Certainly by the type of Aramaic alphabet in which they are written, less certainly by their dialectical differences, the six bowl inscriptions just referred to divide themselves into three classes: (a) in four of them the writing is of the particular category of Aramaic generally known by the somewhat misleading name of Square Hebrew; (b) one bowl is written in Mandaic script and language; and (c) one bowl is inscribed with a peculiar type of Syriac estrangelo-a type that previously had been known to me only from facsimiles given in Professor Montgomery's celebrated volume Aramaic Incantation Texts from Nippur, published by the University of Pennsylvania Museum in 1913.1 In fact, the forty bowl inscriptions published in that volume","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1940-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129180928","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This statement was written some years ago in connection with Dr. Nejla M. Izzeddin's dissertation on the origins and ethnic composition of the Druzes. For various reasons, that excellent study will probably for some time to come not be published as originally intended. A renewed interest in some Druzic publication is in the offing in Germany. This writer has recently gathered material, which is now in course of publication. Although this essay bears the marks of the place for which it was originally composed, it has, perhaps, independence enough despite that fact to serve now as an introduction to renewed Druzic publication in this Journal and in ZDMG and perhaps in a complementary way to Professor Strothmann's studies in Der Islam.
{"title":"The Berlin Druze Lexicon","authors":"M. Sprengli̇ng","doi":"10.1086/370557","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370557","url":null,"abstract":"This statement was written some years ago in connection with Dr. Nejla M. Izzeddin's dissertation on the origins and ethnic composition of the Druzes. For various reasons, that excellent study will probably for some time to come not be published as originally intended. A renewed interest in some Druzic publication is in the offing in Germany. This writer has recently gathered material, which is now in course of publication. Although this essay bears the marks of the place for which it was originally composed, it has, perhaps, independence enough despite that fact to serve now as an introduction to renewed Druzic publication in this Journal and in ZDMG and perhaps in a complementary way to Professor Strothmann's studies in Der Islam.","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"44 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134314161","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
That the dating of the Book of Deuteronomy has been of central importance for the criticism and religious history of the Old Testament since the days of DeWette and still remains such is a thesis familiar to every worker in the field. The current theory has seen in the book a body of literature that can be fixed within reasonable time limits, thus offering a wealth of information on religious thinking and practices and social conditions at the height of the period of the kingdoms. It provides then a fixed point and definite criteria from which to work both backward and forward. Even the books of the prophets, in themselves somewhat precisely fixed and serving as further criteria for criticism and for the history of religion, have been subjected to this same measuring rod. However, such usefulness of Deuteronomy has depended upon the theory that identifies it with the lawbook of Josiah's reform. But this view, whatever its dependability, is not an obvious identification but a result hard won by a complicated process of induction from a variety of facts. That the argument is not devoid of high cogency is attested by its command of the support of successive generations of scholars and its survival of the intensely critical period that has intervened since DeWette's days. Yet, equally, that it is somehow deficient is apparent in that the issue has recently been thrown wide open once more, with conclusions so far apart as those of Kennett and Holscher, on one side, and Oestreicher and Welch, on the other, to say
{"title":"An Objective Criterion for the Dating of Deuteronomy","authors":"W. Irwin","doi":"10.1086/370553","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370553","url":null,"abstract":"That the dating of the Book of Deuteronomy has been of central importance for the criticism and religious history of the Old Testament since the days of DeWette and still remains such is a thesis familiar to every worker in the field. The current theory has seen in the book a body of literature that can be fixed within reasonable time limits, thus offering a wealth of information on religious thinking and practices and social conditions at the height of the period of the kingdoms. It provides then a fixed point and definite criteria from which to work both backward and forward. Even the books of the prophets, in themselves somewhat precisely fixed and serving as further criteria for criticism and for the history of religion, have been subjected to this same measuring rod. However, such usefulness of Deuteronomy has depended upon the theory that identifies it with the lawbook of Josiah's reform. But this view, whatever its dependability, is not an obvious identification but a result hard won by a complicated process of induction from a variety of facts. That the argument is not devoid of high cogency is attested by its command of the support of successive generations of scholars and its survival of the intensely critical period that has intervened since DeWette's days. Yet, equally, that it is somehow deficient is apparent in that the issue has recently been thrown wide open once more, with conclusions so far apart as those of Kennett and Holscher, on one side, and Oestreicher and Welch, on the other, to say","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116777990","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the article "The Antepenult Stressing of Old Hebrew and Its Influence on the Shaping of the Vowels" (AJSL, LVI [July, 1939], 225-30) I pointed out that in Hebrew the lengthening of an originally short vowel was due to the fact that this short vowel in a certain period bore the main stress of the word. But if we try to apply this observation to words and word forms such as debarim (from dabartm), maq6m (from maqdmum), sedaqt (from sadaqdtum), debardi (from dabardiia), debardy (from dabardihu), etc., a difficulty presents itself which might seem to indicate that these cases must be exceptions to the rule. As I showed in a paper on the plural formation in the Semitic languages (read in 1921 at the Deutsche Philologentag at Jena), the plural of ddbarum according to rule was dabardm) (gen.-acc. dabarim) in the oldest Hebrew, formed from the singular by lengthening the vowel of the case ending -um and moving the stress which in the singular rested on the antepenult to the now lengthened final syllable. The ultimate stress of the plural dedbarm of Massoretic Hebrew therefore would seem to be simply a continuation of the Old Semitic stressing, a fact which, however, in view of the conclusions drawn in the article just mentioned, would have offered no opportunity for lengthening the second a of dabarlm, since this form should regularly develop to **diberim and not to deb arim. Similarly, if the Massoretic forms mdq8m, seddqAt, debcarda, and debdrdy simply continued the Old Semitic
{"title":"Penult Stressing Replacing Ultimate Stressing in Pre-Exilic Hebrew","authors":"A. Poebel","doi":"10.1086/370556","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370556","url":null,"abstract":"In the article \"The Antepenult Stressing of Old Hebrew and Its Influence on the Shaping of the Vowels\" (AJSL, LVI [July, 1939], 225-30) I pointed out that in Hebrew the lengthening of an originally short vowel was due to the fact that this short vowel in a certain period bore the main stress of the word. But if we try to apply this observation to words and word forms such as debarim (from dabartm), maq6m (from maqdmum), sedaqt (from sadaqdtum), debardi (from dabardiia), debardy (from dabardihu), etc., a difficulty presents itself which might seem to indicate that these cases must be exceptions to the rule. As I showed in a paper on the plural formation in the Semitic languages (read in 1921 at the Deutsche Philologentag at Jena), the plural of ddbarum according to rule was dabardm) (gen.-acc. dabarim) in the oldest Hebrew, formed from the singular by lengthening the vowel of the case ending -um and moving the stress which in the singular rested on the antepenult to the now lengthened final syllable. The ultimate stress of the plural dedbarm of Massoretic Hebrew therefore would seem to be simply a continuation of the Old Semitic stressing, a fact which, however, in view of the conclusions drawn in the article just mentioned, would have offered no opportunity for lengthening the second a of dabarlm, since this form should regularly develop to **diberim and not to deb arim. Similarly, if the Massoretic forms mdq8m, seddqAt, debcarda, and debdrdy simply continued the Old Semitic","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"246 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132961489","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
G. Hughes, A. D. Tushingham, D. McCown, H. Field, Eugene Prostov
Antino? (Sheikh cAbddeh). Papyrological Institute of the Royal University of Florence Work during March-April, 1939, brought to light a quantity of papyrus fragments in the mound of ancient debris in the northwestern necropolis. Excavation of the temple of Ramses II, first explored by the Frenchman Gayet in 1896, uncovered extensive areas of paving, inscribed fragments of architraves, and fragments of the roof, court, and hypostyle hall. Pieces of reliefs from Ikhnaton's reign were frequently encountered. On certain columns the name of Ramses II appeared on plaster covering surfaces previously defaced. Within the hypostyle hall was a colossal sandstone statue of a baboon. Trial diggings on some of the knolls at the edge of the ancient city uncovered a vast ensemble of vaulted funerary chambers built of limestone blocks and burnt bricks. They probably date to the Christian period. Plans were made of certain Roman rock-cut tombs at Deir el-Hawa, on the north of Antino?, which contain sarcophagi placed in niches. Still farther north, at Deir el-Dik, a rock-cut Christian chapel was visited. The Greek and Coptic inscriptions in it will be published with the epigraphic material from Antinoe. From a Department of Antiquities release sent by E. Drioton, also published in Egyptian Gazette, May 31, 1939.
{"title":"The Oriental Institute Archeological Report on the near East: Second Quarter, 1939","authors":"G. Hughes, A. D. Tushingham, D. McCown, H. Field, Eugene Prostov","doi":"10.1086/370560","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370560","url":null,"abstract":"Antino? (Sheikh cAbddeh). Papyrological Institute of the Royal University of Florence Work during March-April, 1939, brought to light a quantity of papyrus fragments in the mound of ancient debris in the northwestern necropolis. Excavation of the temple of Ramses II, first explored by the Frenchman Gayet in 1896, uncovered extensive areas of paving, inscribed fragments of architraves, and fragments of the roof, court, and hypostyle hall. Pieces of reliefs from Ikhnaton's reign were frequently encountered. On certain columns the name of Ramses II appeared on plaster covering surfaces previously defaced. Within the hypostyle hall was a colossal sandstone statue of a baboon. Trial diggings on some of the knolls at the edge of the ancient city uncovered a vast ensemble of vaulted funerary chambers built of limestone blocks and burnt bricks. They probably date to the Christian period. Plans were made of certain Roman rock-cut tombs at Deir el-Hawa, on the north of Antino?, which contain sarcophagi placed in niches. Still farther north, at Deir el-Dik, a rock-cut Christian chapel was visited. The Greek and Coptic inscriptions in it will be published with the epigraphic material from Antinoe. From a Department of Antiquities release sent by E. Drioton, also published in Egyptian Gazette, May 31, 1939.","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128245692","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A Note on the Meaning of Gen. 6:3","authors":"A. Guillaume","doi":"10.1086/370558","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370558","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125827196","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since this is an edition for the use of students, primarily Englishspeaking students, we print in this instalment our transliteration together with the heavily annotated, more or less literal translation of the first seventeen lines. The transliteration is constructed from the types available in our Journal's font. It will be good exercise for the student to construct from text and transliteration his own table of symbols. That, in general, palatal consonants go with the "lighter" vowel sounds, 6, i, 6, ii, and velar consonants with a, i, o, u, can be learned from any grammar of or introduction to Turkish. That in the k-sounds distinctions are more finely drawn, and with which vowels what symbols are used, will be easily seen by the attentive observer. Single symbols for two consonantal sounds in immediate succession are noted as follows: ss, 1_d, nd, and n_, the last to be pronounced nd; S= English ng; 0 is an n-sound so closely palatalized that it comes close to n followed by consonantal y, as in Tonyuquq, or that the n-sound practically disappears, the Qitan being usually written Kitay, the verb yan-, presently yay-, etc. TRANSLITERATED TEXT
由于这是一个供学生使用的版本，主要是讲英语的学生，我们在这一期中打印了我们的音译和大量注释，或多或少字面翻译的前十七行。音译是根据我们的期刊字体中可用的类型构造的。这将是一个很好的练习，让学生从课文和音译中构建自己的符号表。一般来说，腭辅音与“较轻”的元音一起发音，6,i, 6, ii，以及带a, i, o, u的腭辅音，可以从土耳其语的任何语法或介绍中学习到。细心的观察者很容易看出，在k音中，区别更细微，哪些元音和哪些符号一起使用。两个连续的辅音的单个符号如下:ss, 1_d, nd和n_，最后一个要读成nd;S=英文ng;0是一个n音，它的发音非常接近于n，后面跟着辅音y，比如在Tonyuquq中，或者n音几乎消失了，“Qitan”通常写成Kitay，动词yan-，现在是yay-，等等。音译文本
{"title":"Tonyuquq's Epitaph","authors":"","doi":"10.1086/370555","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370555","url":null,"abstract":"Since this is an edition for the use of students, primarily Englishspeaking students, we print in this instalment our transliteration together with the heavily annotated, more or less literal translation of the first seventeen lines. The transliteration is constructed from the types available in our Journal's font. It will be good exercise for the student to construct from text and transliteration his own table of symbols. That, in general, palatal consonants go with the \"lighter\" vowel sounds, 6, i, 6, ii, and velar consonants with a, i, o, u, can be learned from any grammar of or introduction to Turkish. That in the k-sounds distinctions are more finely drawn, and with which vowels what symbols are used, will be easily seen by the attentive observer. Single symbols for two consonantal sounds in immediate succession are noted as follows: ss, 1_d, nd, and n_, the last to be pronounced nd; S= English ng; 0 is an n-sound so closely palatalized that it comes close to n followed by consonantal y, as in Tonyuquq, or that the n-sound practically disappears, the Qitan being usually written Kitay, the verb yan-, presently yay-, etc. TRANSLITERATED TEXT","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"27 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126911250","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1939-10-01DOI: 10.1086/amerjsemilanglit.56.4.529162
{"title":"Back Matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1086/amerjsemilanglit.56.4.529162","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/amerjsemilanglit.56.4.529162","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130231322","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
(I am indebted to Professor Sprengling for the interest he has shown in the publication of these coins and for his confirmation of my reading of their important dates. Likewise, I am indebted to Dr. Boyes for his co-operation in making these coins available and in providing the accompanying photographs.) 1. Oriental Institute No. A. 6858. Silver dirham, 2.5 cm. in diameter. The coin was acquired in 1929 with the Moritz Collection and was recognized by Moritz as unique. It is inscribed in simple Kilfic with hints of elaboration seen in dropping ligatures below the line.
{"title":"Two Būyid Coins in the Oriental Institute","authors":"N. Abbott","doi":"10.1086/370554","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370554","url":null,"abstract":"(I am indebted to Professor Sprengling for the interest he has shown in the publication of these coins and for his confirmation of my reading of their important dates. Likewise, I am indebted to Dr. Boyes for his co-operation in making these coins available and in providing the accompanying photographs.) 1. Oriental Institute No. A. 6858. Silver dirham, 2.5 cm. in diameter. The coin was acquired in 1929 with the Moritz Collection and was recognized by Moritz as unique. It is inscribed in simple Kilfic with hints of elaboration seen in dropping ligatures below the line.","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"114 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124645617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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