Pub Date : 1940-04-01DOI: 10.1086/amerjsemilanglit.57.2.529029
Sudan Arabic Texts, Coplas DE Yoqef
SUDAN ARABIC TEXTS with translation and glossary By S. HILLELSON These texts have been chosen to illustrate the different types of Arabic spoken in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, many of them collected at first hand or with the help of native collaborators, and others reproduced from printed sources. Many of the extracts, besides being linguistic specimens, are interesting as being expressions of the native mind or as pictures of native life. $4.50
{"title":"Back Matter","authors":"Sudan Arabic Texts, Coplas DE Yoqef","doi":"10.1086/amerjsemilanglit.57.2.529029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/amerjsemilanglit.57.2.529029","url":null,"abstract":"SUDAN ARABIC TEXTS with translation and glossary By S. HILLELSON These texts have been chosen to illustrate the different types of Arabic spoken in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, many of them collected at first hand or with the help of native collaborators, and others reproduced from printed sources. Many of the extracts, besides being linguistic specimens, are interesting as being expressions of the native mind or as pictures of native life. $4.50","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"43 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1940-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122989591","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Shatt er Rig'll is one of several unimpressive little gaps in the edge of the western sandstone plateau, where it borders the Nile about 35 kilometers above Edfu and about 4 kilometers below Gebel Silsileh. It is inconspicuous from the river, although its entrance is only some fifty paces from the bank (Figs. 1-2). At its mouth it is perhaps thirty paces wide, and from there it follows a serpentine course for about a kilometer back into the low, sandstone hills to a point where it is crossed by sand dunes which can easily be ascended to the rolling desert plateau. Nowadays none of the regular passenger steamers stop in the neighborhood, and the nearest railway station, Kagilg across the river, is a stopping-place for an occasional local train only. It is not surprising, therefore, that in modern times its visitors have been few and far between, and those who have carried notebooks and pencils have broken its solitude scarcely more than half-a-dozen times in the last century. The earliest record of any of these modern visitors is a neatly carved A. C. Harris 18502 under the large relief, which he discovered and of which he made a copy. He communicated his discovery to Sir James Gardner Wilkinson, who seems to have visited the site when he was in Egypt in 1855, for there are copies of some of the inscriptions among the Wilkinson manuscripts now on deposit in the Bodleian Library at Oxford.3 A brief description of the site appears in Wilkinson's Handbook for Travellers in Egypt (1858), page 397, and later editions published by John Murray carried the same note. Seeing the 1867 edition, August Eisenlohr visited the site in 1869, eventually
{"title":"The Court of King Neb-Ḥepet-Rē Mentu-Hotpe at the Shaṭṭ er Rigāl","authors":"H. E. Winlock","doi":"10.1086/370572","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370572","url":null,"abstract":"The Shatt er Rig'll is one of several unimpressive little gaps in the edge of the western sandstone plateau, where it borders the Nile about 35 kilometers above Edfu and about 4 kilometers below Gebel Silsileh. It is inconspicuous from the river, although its entrance is only some fifty paces from the bank (Figs. 1-2). At its mouth it is perhaps thirty paces wide, and from there it follows a serpentine course for about a kilometer back into the low, sandstone hills to a point where it is crossed by sand dunes which can easily be ascended to the rolling desert plateau. Nowadays none of the regular passenger steamers stop in the neighborhood, and the nearest railway station, Kagilg across the river, is a stopping-place for an occasional local train only. It is not surprising, therefore, that in modern times its visitors have been few and far between, and those who have carried notebooks and pencils have broken its solitude scarcely more than half-a-dozen times in the last century. The earliest record of any of these modern visitors is a neatly carved A. C. Harris 18502 under the large relief, which he discovered and of which he made a copy. He communicated his discovery to Sir James Gardner Wilkinson, who seems to have visited the site when he was in Egypt in 1855, for there are copies of some of the inscriptions among the Wilkinson manuscripts now on deposit in the Bodleian Library at Oxford.3 A brief description of the site appears in Wilkinson's Handbook for Travellers in Egypt (1858), page 397, and later editions published by John Murray carried the same note. Seeing the 1867 edition, August Eisenlohr visited the site in 1869, eventually","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"135 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1940-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115620947","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Berlin Druze Lexicon (Continued)","authors":"M. Sprengli̇ng","doi":"10.1086/370566","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370566","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1940-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114477171","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Now the obstacle to this is the structure of qrP6. As a qatil noun it has been consistently taken by the translators as of passive force. And in this they are not alone; for there is apparently a widespread supposition that this class of noun is almost identical in force with the qagol, hence obviously is passive. But how fallacious this is will be evident from a glance at any good grammar (e.g., Harper-Smith ? 91b; GK ? 84a1; Barth, Nominalbildung ? 28). It is true many words of this structure have passive force, but also the active significance of the class is beyond dispute; for the moment no more is necessary than to remind of the words nabP^ and paqidh. So, then, it is entirely legitimate to interpret qrDe as active. The description of these associates of Dathan and Abiram in their revolt against Moses is, then, that they were "announcers of the festivals," an interpretation that gains support from the fact that the men were apparently Levites and that an analogous phrase with the finite verb occurs in Lev. 23:2, 4, 37; Lam. 1:15; 2:22, where there is no mistaking the meaning. And compare too the rendering by Ges.-Buhl cited above.
{"title":"Egyptian Dictionary Notes","authors":"T. G. Allen","doi":"10.1086/370568","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370568","url":null,"abstract":"Now the obstacle to this is the structure of qrP6. As a qatil noun it has been consistently taken by the translators as of passive force. And in this they are not alone; for there is apparently a widespread supposition that this class of noun is almost identical in force with the qagol, hence obviously is passive. But how fallacious this is will be evident from a glance at any good grammar (e.g., Harper-Smith ? 91b; GK ? 84a1; Barth, Nominalbildung ? 28). It is true many words of this structure have passive force, but also the active significance of the class is beyond dispute; for the moment no more is necessary than to remind of the words nabP^ and paqidh. So, then, it is entirely legitimate to interpret qrDe as active. The description of these associates of Dathan and Abiram in their revolt against Moses is, then, that they were \"announcers of the festivals,\" an interpretation that gains support from the fact that the men were apparently Levites and that an analogous phrase with the finite verb occurs in Lev. 23:2, 4, 37; Lam. 1:15; 2:22, where there is no mistaking the meaning. And compare too the rendering by Ges.-Buhl cited above.","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"150 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1940-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134325565","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1940-01-01DOI: 10.1086/amerjsemilanglit.57.1.528896
{"title":"Back Matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1086/amerjsemilanglit.57.1.528896","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/amerjsemilanglit.57.1.528896","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"57 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1940-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129509350","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
QRIP HA-cEDHAH This phrase occurs twice in the Old Testament: Num. 1:16 and 26:9; and in the parallel form qrP6 m6cedh also in Num. 16:2. In 1:16 and 16:2 the individuals so described are further identified as nst magtoth (or cedhah), but not in 26:9, though the reference is to Dathan and Abiram mentioned in 16:2. A.V. renders "renowned of the congregation" or "famous in the congregation." R.V. has altered this into "called of the congregation" and "called to the assembly," the latter clearly an attempt to find a solution of the difficult phrase in the circumstances of the revolt of Dathan and Abiram. This same idea in various wordings is almost uniform in the translations. J.V. has "select men"; Moffatt "men selected," "gathered to oppose," and "selected men"; American Translation "select men" and "picked men." It is as ancient as the LXX, with its 1rLdKXrot and oVbVKXfroL. Nor does Jerome disagree, though, as often, his rendering approaches paraphrase. It is significant, however, that he does not consent to the evaluation of m65edh as "assembly." The entire description he renders: "viri procures synagogae, et qui tempore concilii per nomina vocabuntur" (16:2). But now what is the validity of this consensus of translation? Certainly the rendering of R.V. in 1:16 is superficial; these men were not "called of the congregation" in the usual sense of this phrase: The congregation had nothing to do with their choice. The interpretation "called from the congregation" is possible, though improbable; for they were not of the rank and file of the congregation, though indeed cedhah may well have included the officials also. However, they were not "called" at all but designated by their rank; and, as well, in the two statements of their nomination the verb QARAD is avoided. In verse 4 they are mentioned by the colorless phrase "they shall be with you" (w ittkem yihyu); in verse 5 they are to "stand" with Moses (yacamdhu); and in verse 17 they are referred to as the men who were "mentioned by name" (niqqbhu bshemoth). Now, while these considerations do not conclusively refute the traditional translation, they do serve to call it into question. But the situation is yet worse in regard to 16:2. The rendering of R.V., "called to the assembly," is dubious in the extreme. For, if by the "assembly" is meant the general crowd who gathered for this episode, we should rather expect either qahal or cedhah; and, as a matter of fact, the latter is so used in the sequel. If, on the other hand, the reference is to the rebels who sided with Dathan and Abiram, the answer is again that these two are clearly
{"title":"Qrîê Ha-Edhah","authors":"W. A. Irwin","doi":"10.1086/370567","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370567","url":null,"abstract":"QRIP HA-cEDHAH This phrase occurs twice in the Old Testament: Num. 1:16 and 26:9; and in the parallel form qrP6 m6cedh also in Num. 16:2. In 1:16 and 16:2 the individuals so described are further identified as nst magtoth (or cedhah), but not in 26:9, though the reference is to Dathan and Abiram mentioned in 16:2. A.V. renders \"renowned of the congregation\" or \"famous in the congregation.\" R.V. has altered this into \"called of the congregation\" and \"called to the assembly,\" the latter clearly an attempt to find a solution of the difficult phrase in the circumstances of the revolt of Dathan and Abiram. This same idea in various wordings is almost uniform in the translations. J.V. has \"select men\"; Moffatt \"men selected,\" \"gathered to oppose,\" and \"selected men\"; American Translation \"select men\" and \"picked men.\" It is as ancient as the LXX, with its 1rLdKXrot and oVbVKXfroL. Nor does Jerome disagree, though, as often, his rendering approaches paraphrase. It is significant, however, that he does not consent to the evaluation of m65edh as \"assembly.\" The entire description he renders: \"viri procures synagogae, et qui tempore concilii per nomina vocabuntur\" (16:2). But now what is the validity of this consensus of translation? Certainly the rendering of R.V. in 1:16 is superficial; these men were not \"called of the congregation\" in the usual sense of this phrase: The congregation had nothing to do with their choice. The interpretation \"called from the congregation\" is possible, though improbable; for they were not of the rank and file of the congregation, though indeed cedhah may well have included the officials also. However, they were not \"called\" at all but designated by their rank; and, as well, in the two statements of their nomination the verb QARAD is avoided. In verse 4 they are mentioned by the colorless phrase \"they shall be with you\" (w ittkem yihyu); in verse 5 they are to \"stand\" with Moses (yacamdhu); and in verse 17 they are referred to as the men who were \"mentioned by name\" (niqqbhu bshemoth). Now, while these considerations do not conclusively refute the traditional translation, they do serve to call it into question. But the situation is yet worse in regard to 16:2. The rendering of R.V., \"called to the assembly,\" is dubious in the extreme. For, if by the \"assembly\" is meant the general crowd who gathered for this episode, we should rather expect either qahal or cedhah; and, as a matter of fact, the latter is so used in the sequel. If, on the other hand, the reference is to the rebels who sided with Dathan and Abiram, the answer is again that these two are clearly","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"320 12","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1940-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132418166","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It is well known that Assyrian kings occasionally and Persian kings regularly styled themselves "king of kings" and that the Greek sovereigns of Egypt regularly described themselves as "lord of kingdoms."' Early Northwest Semitic forms of the first of these titles are mlk mlkym (Ezek. 26:7)2 in Hebrew, and mlk zy m[lkyD] (CIS, II, 122) or mlk mlkyD (Dan. 2:37;2 Ezra 6:12). As regards the official designation of the Ptolemies, it has always been recognized that the Phoenician Ddn mlkm represents it in CIS, I, 93, 95, and elsewhere, and almost three years ago I was able to prove that it is in fact the exact linguistic equivalent of kyrios basilei6n.3 Since this observation made it seem stranger than ever that in CIS, I, 3 (the Eshmunazar inscription), the same title should, as had been generally assumed, designate an Achaemenian ruler, I re-examined the evidence for such an early dating of this document and found it inconclusive; and, on the other hand, I discovered that not only this monument but even that of its recipient's father, Tabnit, contained an unmistakable Hellenism.4 I was thus led to date the entire family of Eshmunazarid inscriptions,5 with Clermont-Ganneau and Cooke, in the late fourth and/or early third century B.C. A year and a half later, however, Galling,6 while admitting that Ddn mlkm means 'lord of kingdoms"'7 literally as well as-with the sole alleged exception of this case-by usage, took up the cudgels again
众所周知，亚述国王偶尔会称自己为“万王之王”，波斯国王也会称自己为“万王之王”，而埃及的希腊君主也会称自己为“万王之王”。早期的西北闪米特语形式的第一个这些标题是希伯来语的mlk mlkym(以西结书26:7)2,mlk zy m[lkyD] (CIS, II, 122)或mlk mlkyD(但2:37;以斯拉记下6:12)。关于托勒密的官方名称，人们一直认为腓尼基语Ddn mlkm在CIS, I, 93, 95和其他地方代表它，几乎三年前，我能够证明它实际上是kyrios basilei6的确切语言等同物由于这一观察使得在CIS, I, 3 (Eshmunazar铭文)中，同样的标题应该，正如人们普遍认为的那样，指定一个阿契美尼亚统治者，似乎比以往任何时候都更奇怪，我重新检查了这份文件如此早的日期的证据，发现它不确定;,另一方面,我发现不仅这座纪念碑,甚至它的接受者的父亲,Tabnit,包含一个明白无误的Hellenism.4我因此导致日期Eshmunazarid铭文的整个家庭,5 Clermont-Ganneau和库克,在第四和/或公元前三世纪一年半后,然而,难堪的6尽管承认Ddn mlkm意味着“王国”的主”7字面上也与这个案子的唯一所谓的异常使用情况,又拿起了棍棒
{"title":"\"King of Kings\" and \"Lord of Kingdoms\"","authors":"H. Ginsberg","doi":"10.1086/370565","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370565","url":null,"abstract":"It is well known that Assyrian kings occasionally and Persian kings regularly styled themselves \"king of kings\" and that the Greek sovereigns of Egypt regularly described themselves as \"lord of kingdoms.\"' Early Northwest Semitic forms of the first of these titles are mlk mlkym (Ezek. 26:7)2 in Hebrew, and mlk zy m[lkyD] (CIS, II, 122) or mlk mlkyD (Dan. 2:37;2 Ezra 6:12). As regards the official designation of the Ptolemies, it has always been recognized that the Phoenician Ddn mlkm represents it in CIS, I, 93, 95, and elsewhere, and almost three years ago I was able to prove that it is in fact the exact linguistic equivalent of kyrios basilei6n.3 Since this observation made it seem stranger than ever that in CIS, I, 3 (the Eshmunazar inscription), the same title should, as had been generally assumed, designate an Achaemenian ruler, I re-examined the evidence for such an early dating of this document and found it inconclusive; and, on the other hand, I discovered that not only this monument but even that of its recipient's father, Tabnit, contained an unmistakable Hellenism.4 I was thus led to date the entire family of Eshmunazarid inscriptions,5 with Clermont-Ganneau and Cooke, in the late fourth and/or early third century B.C. A year and a half later, however, Galling,6 while admitting that Ddn mlkm means 'lord of kingdoms\"'7 literally as well as-with the sole alleged exception of this case-by usage, took up the cudgels again","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"83 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1940-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126216777","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The writing is inscribed in two columns, each divided into six registers. Each register has two lines of three, four, or five words. The two columns are divided by a series of diamonds in which is a prayer on behalf of the prophet, his family, and friends. There are fifty words in the first column and forty-eight in the second, making a total of ninety-eight words--one less than those making up the names of Allah. However, it seems certain that in some cases two or more words are read together to form a single idea, so that there are only eighty-seven epithets and the names of two suras on the plaque.
{"title":"Muhammad, a Talismanic Force","authors":"W. E. Staples","doi":"10.1086/370564","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370564","url":null,"abstract":"The writing is inscribed in two columns, each divided into six registers. Each register has two lines of three, four, or five words. The two columns are divided by a series of diamonds in which is a prayer on behalf of the prophet, his family, and friends. There are fifty words in the first column and forty-eight in the second, making a total of ninety-eight words--one less than those making up the names of Allah. However, it seems certain that in some cases two or more words are read together to form a single idea, so that there are only eighty-seven epithets and the names of two suras on the plaque.","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1940-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126783006","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
G. Hughes, R. S. Hardy, W. Dubberstein, H. Field, Eugene Prostov
Athribis (Tell Atrib) Siegfried Schott, "Zwei Obeliskensockel aus Athribis," Mitteilungen des Deutschen Instituts fir Agyptische Altertum8kunde in Kairo, VIII, Heft 2 (1939), 190-97. (Edfu). L'Institut Frangais d'Archdologie Orientale and University of Warsaw K. Michalowski et al., Tell Edfou 1938 ("Fouilles Franco-Polonaises, Rapports," Tome II, Fasc. 1 [Le Caire, 19381). (Gizeh). Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien Hermann Junker, Giza III: Die Mas.abas der vorgegchrittenen V. Dynastie auf dem Westfriedhof ("Bericht fiber die . . . . Gra ungen auf dem Friedhof des Alten Reiches bei den Pyramiden von Giza," Band III [Wien, 1938]).
{"title":"The Oriental Institute Archeological Report on the near East: Third Quarter, 1939","authors":"G. Hughes, R. S. Hardy, W. Dubberstein, H. Field, Eugene Prostov","doi":"10.1086/370570","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370570","url":null,"abstract":"Athribis (Tell Atrib) Siegfried Schott, \"Zwei Obeliskensockel aus Athribis,\" Mitteilungen des Deutschen Instituts fir Agyptische Altertum8kunde in Kairo, VIII, Heft 2 (1939), 190-97. (Edfu). L'Institut Frangais d'Archdologie Orientale and University of Warsaw K. Michalowski et al., Tell Edfou 1938 (\"Fouilles Franco-Polonaises, Rapports,\" Tome II, Fasc. 1 [Le Caire, 19381). (Gizeh). Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien Hermann Junker, Giza III: Die Mas.abas der vorgegchrittenen V. Dynastie auf dem Westfriedhof (\"Bericht fiber die . . . . Gra ungen auf dem Friedhof des Alten Reiches bei den Pyramiden von Giza,\" Band III [Wien, 1938]).","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"54 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1940-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121545875","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Justice as conceived of in Islam was the privilege of the Moslem. It purported to affirm the rights of the poor and the humble but shirked any great or serious responsibility for those outside the pale of the faith. In Greek civilization two opposing conceptions of justice confront us: first, the popular conception as expressed in the tragedies; second, the philosophical conception as it was worked out by Plato and Aristotle, who, though they freed the idea of justice from the shackles of popular religion, failed to divorce justice from morality. Almost the reverse took place in Islam. Here legists brought about a partial separation between morality and the idea of justice, but they failed to disentangle justice from the fetters of religion. Their approach to the one-sided universalist conception of justice led the Greeks to identify morals with the philosophy of law and finally produced the so-called Stoic justice representing a transition toward the individualization of the Roman jurists, who borrowed the Stoic philosophy and wove it into their judicial system. Greek philosophy, however, had regarded law as impersonal in origin-a conclusion of reason and not an expression of will. Roman jurisprudence ascribed the character of law to either a conclusion of reason or an expression of will. This progressive enhancing of the volitional element finds its explanation in the importance, respectively, of the Roman emperor and the Christian God, as concepts dominating human reflection.' It is doubtful whether Islamic justice could ever have become what it is had it depended entirely upon the contents of the Koran and Tradition. Even the advent of analogical deduction (qiyds), consensus of opinion (ijmdc), the legal right of further interpreting the Koran and the Sunnah or of forming a new opinion by applying analogy (ijtihad), and private and legal opinion (ra y) would not have availed, or have been possible, but for the process of borrowing from outside sources.2 It may be desirable at this point to conceive
{"title":"Islamic Law in Operation","authors":"E. J. Jurji","doi":"10.1086/370562","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370562","url":null,"abstract":"Justice as conceived of in Islam was the privilege of the Moslem. It purported to affirm the rights of the poor and the humble but shirked any great or serious responsibility for those outside the pale of the faith. In Greek civilization two opposing conceptions of justice confront us: first, the popular conception as expressed in the tragedies; second, the philosophical conception as it was worked out by Plato and Aristotle, who, though they freed the idea of justice from the shackles of popular religion, failed to divorce justice from morality. Almost the reverse took place in Islam. Here legists brought about a partial separation between morality and the idea of justice, but they failed to disentangle justice from the fetters of religion. Their approach to the one-sided universalist conception of justice led the Greeks to identify morals with the philosophy of law and finally produced the so-called Stoic justice representing a transition toward the individualization of the Roman jurists, who borrowed the Stoic philosophy and wove it into their judicial system. Greek philosophy, however, had regarded law as impersonal in origin-a conclusion of reason and not an expression of will. Roman jurisprudence ascribed the character of law to either a conclusion of reason or an expression of will. This progressive enhancing of the volitional element finds its explanation in the importance, respectively, of the Roman emperor and the Christian God, as concepts dominating human reflection.' It is doubtful whether Islamic justice could ever have become what it is had it depended entirely upon the contents of the Koran and Tradition. Even the advent of analogical deduction (qiyds), consensus of opinion (ijmdc), the legal right of further interpreting the Koran and the Sunnah or of forming a new opinion by applying analogy (ijtihad), and private and legal opinion (ra y) would not have availed, or have been possible, but for the process of borrowing from outside sources.2 It may be desirable at this point to conceive","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1940-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133120381","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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