{"title":"The Two Persian Officers Named Bagoas","authors":"C. Torrey","doi":"10.1086/370547","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370547","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131338686","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Very interesting in connection with Dr. Godbey's essay on the unicorn and detection of poison by means of its horn is what KaBgari reports in his Diwan Lu'dt al-Turk, III, 164, 9-12. K~Sgari knew wares and ideas current among the Turks in the eleventh century A.D. as did few others. Defining the Turkish word Catuq, he says: "The horn of a deep-sea fish, which is imported from China. Some say, it is the root of a tree, from which knife-handles are made. By it poison is tested, when it is in food. The broth or whatever it may be is stirred with it in a wooden bowl, and the food boils without fire; or this horn is placed on a bowl, and it sweats without steam."
{"title":"The Horn of the Unicorn among the Turks","authors":"M. Sprengli̇ng","doi":"10.1086/370544","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370544","url":null,"abstract":"Very interesting in connection with Dr. Godbey's essay on the unicorn and detection of poison by means of its horn is what KaBgari reports in his Diwan Lu'dt al-Turk, III, 164, 9-12. K~Sgari knew wares and ideas current among the Turks in the eleventh century A.D. as did few others. Defining the Turkish word Catuq, he says: \"The horn of a deep-sea fish, which is imported from China. Some say, it is the root of a tree, from which knife-handles are made. By it poison is tested, when it is in food. The broth or whatever it may be is stirred with it in a wooden bowl, and the food boils without fire; or this horn is placed on a bowl, and it sweats without steam.\"","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127866698","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
An interesting Aramaic inscription written on fifteen glazed bricks of the wall of a cult room has been found in the Seleucid temple at Uruk-Warka.1 Two names, Anu-uballit, spelled in Aramaic 0tZ'=Rt, and Ke?phXwv, in Aramaic bSP, form the major part of the inscription, for the names are each written twice, the second time spelled out one letter to each brick. Thus, even though some letters are so damaged as to be almost illegible, there is an adequate check on the spelling. The difficulty of the inscription lies with the two single bricks that serve to connect the names. Each of these has a series of letters forming one long or two or more short words. Kriickmann says of the inscription on these problem bricks: "Zwischen diesen beiden Namen eine weitere Angabe, die noch gedeutet werden muss." He reads the first as (?) [ -] and the second as 11 (?) (?) 1 (?) ] [].2 A comparison of the two bricks, which, like the twicerepeated names, are duplicates, will clear up the reading entirely. Comparison shows that the final I is certain in both examples. In the first problem brick the two letters preceding the i are clearer than those in the second. Immediately before the " is a 1 or ' which in turn is preceded by the traces of a letter clearly unlike the 1 which is certainly before the X on the second brick. It is not a M but a r1 which can easily be confused with it in some letters of late Aramaic.3 The first brick thus concludes with '11/M. .... The second problem brick contains more letters than the first but needs confirmation from the other to establish the last few letters with certainty. With this second difficult brick the inscription can be picked up where the first brick became illegible. Before the 1r is a clear R which is pre-
在乌鲁克-瓦卡的塞琉古神庙中，人们在一间礼拜堂的15块釉面砖上发现了一段有趣的阿拉姆语铭文两个名字，Anu-uballit，用阿拉姆语拼写0tZ'=Rt，和Ke?phXwv，在阿拉姆语bSP中，形成了铭文的主要部分，因为每个名字都写了两次，第二次在每个砖上拼写一个字母。因此，即使有些字母损坏得几乎难以辨认，也要对拼写进行充分的检查。铭文的难点在于连接名字的两块砖。每一个都有一系列的字母组成一个长单词或两个或更多的短单词。克里克曼谈到这些问题砖上的铭文时说:“Zwischen diesen beiden Namen eine weitere Angabe, die noch gedeutet werden muss。”他把第一个读成(?)[-]，第二个读成11 (?)(?)1 (?)][]两块砖的比较，就像两个重复的名字一样，是重复的，将完全澄清阅读。比较表明，在这两个例子中，最后的I是确定的。在第一个问题中，砖块i前面的两个字母比第二个问题中更清晰。紧接在“”之前的是一个“1”或“”，而“1”的前面又有一个字母的痕迹，显然与“1”不同，“1”肯定在第二块砖上的“X”之前。它不是M，而是r1，在后期阿拉姆语的一些字母中很容易与它混淆。3因此，第一块砖以“11/M. ....”结尾第二个问题砖比第一个包含更多的字母，但需要从另一个确认，以确定最后几个字母。在第一块砖难以辨认的地方，用第二块难砌的砖可以刻上碑文。在1r之前是一个明显的R，前面是-
{"title":"Anu-uballiṭ. Kefalon","authors":"R. Bowman","doi":"10.1086/370540","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370540","url":null,"abstract":"An interesting Aramaic inscription written on fifteen glazed bricks of the wall of a cult room has been found in the Seleucid temple at Uruk-Warka.1 Two names, Anu-uballit, spelled in Aramaic 0tZ'=Rt, and Ke?phXwv, in Aramaic bSP, form the major part of the inscription, for the names are each written twice, the second time spelled out one letter to each brick. Thus, even though some letters are so damaged as to be almost illegible, there is an adequate check on the spelling. The difficulty of the inscription lies with the two single bricks that serve to connect the names. Each of these has a series of letters forming one long or two or more short words. Kriickmann says of the inscription on these problem bricks: \"Zwischen diesen beiden Namen eine weitere Angabe, die noch gedeutet werden muss.\" He reads the first as (?) [ -] and the second as 11 (?) (?) 1 (?) ] [].2 A comparison of the two bricks, which, like the twicerepeated names, are duplicates, will clear up the reading entirely. Comparison shows that the final I is certain in both examples. In the first problem brick the two letters preceding the i are clearer than those in the second. Immediately before the \" is a 1 or ' which in turn is preceded by the traces of a letter clearly unlike the 1 which is certainly before the X on the second brick. It is not a M but a r1 which can easily be confused with it in some letters of late Aramaic.3 The first brick thus concludes with '11/M. .... The second problem brick contains more letters than the first but needs confirmation from the other to establish the last few letters with certainty. With this second difficult brick the inscription can be picked up where the first brick became illegible. Before the 1r is a clear R which is pre-","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"210 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116519426","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since most of the Hebrew words and word forms as we know them from the Massoretic text of the Old Testament are stressed on the last syllable, it is the common opinion, to be found both in Hebrew and in comparative grammars, that, before the loss of its short endings and other final vowels, Hebrew like Aramaic, with which it is frequently taken together as Northwest Semitic, was characterized by penult stressing. For instance, according to Brockelmann, Vergleichende Grammatik der semitischen Sprachen, page 36, the third person masculine forms of the qal were originally qatadla and qatdlIt, the former developing to the historical qdtdl simply by dropping its final a, while qatdl became qatel by an assimilation of its stress to that of the singular qdtadl. Of the improbability of this theory and its complete uselessness for the explanation of the Hebrew vocalization system I became aware when I made my first acquaintance with Hebrew in the "Obersekunda" of the Gymnasium of my home town, Eisenach, and it was at that time, i.e., in 1897, more than forty years ago and eleven years before the publication of Brockelmann's Vergleichende Grammatik, that I also discovered that the seemingly complicated and most confusing vocalization of Hebrew finds an astonishingly simple solution by the assumption of a regular antepenult stressing in Old Hebrew, or, vice
由于我们从旧约的马索拉文本中所知道的大多数希伯来语单词和词形都重音在最后一个音节上，因此在希伯来语和比较语法中都可以找到一种普遍的观点，即在它的短结尾和其他最后的元音消失之前，希伯来语就像阿拉姆语一样，经常被认为是西北闪米特语，以次音重音为特征。例如，根据Brockelmann, Vergleichende Grammatik der semitischen Sprachen，第36页，qal的第三人称阳性形式最初是qatadla和qatdlIt，前者仅仅通过省略其词尾a而发展为历史上的qdtdl，而qatdl则通过将其重音同化为单数qdtadl而成为qatel。当我在家乡爱森纳赫体育馆的“Obersekunda”里第一次接触希伯来语时，我意识到这个理论是不可能的，它对解释希伯来语发声系统是完全无用的。那是在1897年，也就是40多年前，比布罗克尔曼的《语法汇编》出版早了11年。我还发现，希伯来语看似复杂、最令人困惑的发音，却有一个惊人的简单解决方案，那就是假设在古希伯来语中有一个规则的antepenult重音，或者，vice
{"title":"The Antepenult Stressing of Old Hebrew and Its Influence on the Shaping of the Vowels","authors":"A. Poebel","doi":"10.1086/370539","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370539","url":null,"abstract":"Since most of the Hebrew words and word forms as we know them from the Massoretic text of the Old Testament are stressed on the last syllable, it is the common opinion, to be found both in Hebrew and in comparative grammars, that, before the loss of its short endings and other final vowels, Hebrew like Aramaic, with which it is frequently taken together as Northwest Semitic, was characterized by penult stressing. For instance, according to Brockelmann, Vergleichende Grammatik der semitischen Sprachen, page 36, the third person masculine forms of the qal were originally qatadla and qatdlIt, the former developing to the historical qdtdl simply by dropping its final a, while qatdl became qatel by an assimilation of its stress to that of the singular qdtadl. Of the improbability of this theory and its complete uselessness for the explanation of the Hebrew vocalization system I became aware when I made my first acquaintance with Hebrew in the \"Obersekunda\" of the Gymnasium of my home town, Eisenach, and it was at that time, i.e., in 1897, more than forty years ago and eleven years before the publication of Brockelmann's Vergleichende Grammatik, that I also discovered that the seemingly complicated and most confusing vocalization of Hebrew finds an astonishingly simple solution by the assumption of a regular antepenult stressing in Old Hebrew, or, vice","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"79 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121469856","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
House."3 Professor Albright has analyzed the Eliakim seal impressions, and he has come to the conclusion that Eliakim was a steward charged with the administration of the property of Jehoiakin (=Jokin) during the reign of Zedekiah. He concluded that, although Zedekiah had been designated as king de jure by Nebuchadrezzar, the majority of people regarded him as regent for his nephew Jehoiakin.4 The Jaazaniah and Gedaliah seals may be taken as further evidence that Jehoiakin was regarded as king by the Hebrews during his exile. They may support even the conclusion that Gedaliah was considered as regent for Jehoiakin not only by the people of Judah but also by the Babylonians themselves. The Jaazaniah seal was doubtless deposited in the tomb at Mizpeh with its owner, who may have been killed in the Ishmael fracas.This implies the use of the seal during the governorship of Gedaliah, and at this time
{"title":"Three Hebrew Seals and the Status of Exiled Jehoiakin","authors":"H. G. May","doi":"10.1086/370533","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370533","url":null,"abstract":"House.\"3 Professor Albright has analyzed the Eliakim seal impressions, and he has come to the conclusion that Eliakim was a steward charged with the administration of the property of Jehoiakin (=Jokin) during the reign of Zedekiah. He concluded that, although Zedekiah had been designated as king de jure by Nebuchadrezzar, the majority of people regarded him as regent for his nephew Jehoiakin.4 The Jaazaniah and Gedaliah seals may be taken as further evidence that Jehoiakin was regarded as king by the Hebrews during his exile. They may support even the conclusion that Gedaliah was considered as regent for Jehoiakin not only by the people of Judah but also by the Babylonians themselves. The Jaazaniah seal was doubtless deposited in the tomb at Mizpeh with its owner, who may have been killed in the Ishmael fracas.This implies the use of the seal during the governorship of Gedaliah, and at this time","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130946484","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the article "Darius and His Behistun Inscription," which appeared in AJSL, LV (1938), 392 ff., Professor Olmstead on page 398 arrives at the conclusion that the Magian GaumAta, who claimed to be Bardia, son of Cyrus,' ruled not seven months but one year and seven months, namely, from March 11, 522, to October 17, 521. As a consequence he places Darius' aiccession to the throne not on Teiritu 10, 522/21, but on Tesritu 10, 521/20, a dating which if proved correct would make it necessary to drop all dates given in my table for the events of the first and second years of Darius' reign (AJSL, LV, 14347) by one year. Professor Olmstead bases his conclusion on the wellknown fact that a number of Babylonian tablets are dated in the second, third, and fourth months of the "accession year" of Barzia,2 while others are dated in the first and the third to eighth months of the "first year" of Barzia. Since Gaumata started his rebellion in the twelfth, i.e., the last, month of the year 523/22, the "accession year" of the Babylonian tablets, including as it does a second, a third, and a fourth month, necessarily can be referred only to the following year, 522/21; and since the "accession year" under ordinary circumstances undoubtedly precedes the first official year of a king,3 Professor Olmstead's conclusion that the official "first year" of Barzia represents the
{"title":"The Duration of the Reign of Smerdis, the Magian, and the Reigns of Nebuchadnezzar III and Nebuchadnezzar IV","authors":"A. Poebel","doi":"10.1086/370532","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370532","url":null,"abstract":"In the article \"Darius and His Behistun Inscription,\" which appeared in AJSL, LV (1938), 392 ff., Professor Olmstead on page 398 arrives at the conclusion that the Magian GaumAta, who claimed to be Bardia, son of Cyrus,' ruled not seven months but one year and seven months, namely, from March 11, 522, to October 17, 521. As a consequence he places Darius' aiccession to the throne not on Teiritu 10, 522/21, but on Tesritu 10, 521/20, a dating which if proved correct would make it necessary to drop all dates given in my table for the events of the first and second years of Darius' reign (AJSL, LV, 14347) by one year. Professor Olmstead bases his conclusion on the wellknown fact that a number of Babylonian tablets are dated in the second, third, and fourth months of the \"accession year\" of Barzia,2 while others are dated in the first and the third to eighth months of the \"first year\" of Barzia. Since Gaumata started his rebellion in the twelfth, i.e., the last, month of the year 523/22, the \"accession year\" of the Babylonian tablets, including as it does a second, a third, and a fourth month, necessarily can be referred only to the following year, 522/21; and since the \"accession year\" under ordinary circumstances undoubtedly precedes the first official year of a king,3 Professor Olmstead's conclusion that the official \"first year\" of Barzia represents the","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127572742","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
NOTE 29. R. Strothmann, "Das Problem der literarischen Pers6nlichkeit Zaid ibn cAli," Der Islam, XIII (1923), 1 ff. The text of the legal compendium was published by Griffini, Corpus iuris di Zaid ibn cAll (Milan, 1919). NOTE 73. Al-Masciidi (d. A.D. 956) states (Murj at-Dhahab, IV, 89) that the Book of Kings by cUbaid ibn Sharya circulated widely in his day; it was used by H1amdsnI (d. A.D. 945) in his Iklil and later in the historical commentary to The Himyarite Ode, probably also written by the author of the ode, Nashwin ibn SacId al-HIimyari (d. A.D. 1177) (see Nicholson, Literary History of the Arabs, p. 13). The present form of the Relation of cUbaid, which consists of answers to questions asked by Mucawiya, agrees with the statement of the Fihrist, p. 89, to the effect that this caliph summoned him to court to ask him for historical information, after which he caused it to be recorded. Taken with the above-mentioned use of this work, there seems to be considerable evidence for its authenticity and the historicity of its author. It is published as a supplement to the T1jdn of Wahb ibn Munabbih in the recension of Ibn Hisham (Hyderabad, A.H. 1347) (see Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen Literatur, Suppl. I [1937], pp. 100 f.). NOTE 107. See also Brockelmann, op. cit., Suppl. I, pp. 76 ff. NOTE 126. The Fihrist, p. 34, also refers to a Tafsir by Al-Hasan of Basra (d. 110/728-29). His glosses were collected in commentary form by cAmr ibn cUbaid (d. 145/762) (see G. Bergstrisser, "Die Koranlesung des Hasan von Basra," Islamica, II [1926], 11-57). The chief source for Hasan's comments is the
注意29。R. Strothmann，“关于文学的问题”，《伊斯兰》，1923年第13期，第1页。法律纲要的文本由Griffini出版，Corpus iuris di Zaid ibn cAll(米兰，1919年)。请注意73。Al-Masciidi(公元956年)说(Murj at-Dhahab, IV, 89)古巴伊本·沙里亚的《列王记》在他那个时代广为流传;它被H1amdsnI(公元945年)在他的Iklil中使用，后来在himyite颂歌的历史评论中使用，可能也是由颂歌的作者Nashwin ibn SacId al-HIimyari(公元1177年)写的(见Nicholson，阿拉伯文学史，第13页)。《古巴关系》的目前形式是对穆卡维亚所提问题的回答，它与第89页中菲赫斯特的说法一致，即这位哈里发把他召到法庭，要求他提供历史资料，然后他让人把这些资料记录下来。考虑到上述对这部作品的使用，似乎有相当多的证据表明它的真实性和作者的历史性。它是作为伊本·希沙姆(海得拉巴，公元1347年)修订本《伊本·穆纳比》的补充出版的(见Brockelmann，《阿拉伯文学汇编》，增刊)。[1937]，第100页)。请注意107。另见布罗克尔曼，同上，补编。1，第76页后。请注意126。第34页的fichrist也提到了巴士拉的Al-Hasan(公元110/728-29年)的Tafsir。他的注释由cAmr ibn cUbaid(145/762)收集(见G. Bergstrisser，“Die Koranlesung des Hasan von Basra，”Islamica, II[1926]， 11-57)。哈桑评论的主要来源是
{"title":"Supplementary Notes to \"Arabic Books and Libraries in the Umaiyad Period\"","authors":"Ruth Stellhorn Mackensen","doi":"10.1086/370534","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370534","url":null,"abstract":"NOTE 29. R. Strothmann, \"Das Problem der literarischen Pers6nlichkeit Zaid ibn cAli,\" Der Islam, XIII (1923), 1 ff. The text of the legal compendium was published by Griffini, Corpus iuris di Zaid ibn cAll (Milan, 1919). NOTE 73. Al-Masciidi (d. A.D. 956) states (Murj at-Dhahab, IV, 89) that the Book of Kings by cUbaid ibn Sharya circulated widely in his day; it was used by H1amdsnI (d. A.D. 945) in his Iklil and later in the historical commentary to The Himyarite Ode, probably also written by the author of the ode, Nashwin ibn SacId al-HIimyari (d. A.D. 1177) (see Nicholson, Literary History of the Arabs, p. 13). The present form of the Relation of cUbaid, which consists of answers to questions asked by Mucawiya, agrees with the statement of the Fihrist, p. 89, to the effect that this caliph summoned him to court to ask him for historical information, after which he caused it to be recorded. Taken with the above-mentioned use of this work, there seems to be considerable evidence for its authenticity and the historicity of its author. It is published as a supplement to the T1jdn of Wahb ibn Munabbih in the recension of Ibn Hisham (Hyderabad, A.H. 1347) (see Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen Literatur, Suppl. I [1937], pp. 100 f.). NOTE 107. See also Brockelmann, op. cit., Suppl. I, pp. 76 ff. NOTE 126. The Fihrist, p. 34, also refers to a Tafsir by Al-Hasan of Basra (d. 110/728-29). His glosses were collected in commentary form by cAmr ibn cUbaid (d. 145/762) (see G. Bergstrisser, \"Die Koranlesung des Hasan von Basra,\" Islamica, II [1926], 11-57). The chief source for Hasan's comments is the","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126854439","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper has been prompted by two recent articles bearing on the Levites by Professor Leroy Waterman: "Some Determining Factors in the Northward Progress of Levi"' and "Jacob the Forgotten Supplanter."2 The latter article is particularly suggestive, and it is striking in how many points it agrees with conclusions in the present writer's Hebrew Origins (Harpers, 1936), although each was produced quite independently of the other. In fact, the two agree so largely that I would fain adopt all of Waterman's interpretations, particularly those with regard to the Levites. It would make my contention that Yahweh came to the Hebrews through the medium of the tribe of Judah ever so much easier to hold if it could be shown that Moses was not a Levite and that the Levites were never in Egypt. However, the evidences would seem to run so strongly counter to this contention of Waterman that I am forced most reluctantly to reject it. The purpose of this paper is to examine and appraise those evidences.
{"title":"Moses and the Levites","authors":"T. J. Meek","doi":"10.1086/370531","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370531","url":null,"abstract":"This paper has been prompted by two recent articles bearing on the Levites by Professor Leroy Waterman: \"Some Determining Factors in the Northward Progress of Levi\"' and \"Jacob the Forgotten Supplanter.\"2 The latter article is particularly suggestive, and it is striking in how many points it agrees with conclusions in the present writer's Hebrew Origins (Harpers, 1936), although each was produced quite independently of the other. In fact, the two agree so largely that I would fain adopt all of Waterman's interpretations, particularly those with regard to the Levites. It would make my contention that Yahweh came to the Hebrews through the medium of the tribe of Judah ever so much easier to hold if it could be shown that Moses was not a Levite and that the Levites were never in Egypt. However, the evidences would seem to run so strongly counter to this contention of Waterman that I am forced most reluctantly to reject it. The purpose of this paper is to examine and appraise those evidences.","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"44 3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125993113","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"From Persian to Arabic","authors":"M. Sprengli̇ng","doi":"10.1086/370538","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370538","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"148 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122470764","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The appearance of Part 5 of the proof texts for Volume IP1 gives occasion to raise a few questions. The reviewer had hoped that developments since the appearance of the dictionary volumes proper might be reflected in the supplementary portions. Either this is not the case, or the conservatism of the editors still restrains them from noting unproved possibilities. It would be tempting, for example, to suggest in note 15 to Worterbuch II 319 that nsr may be a fish-god, since a 3d dynasty word of that spelling with fish determinative is published by B. Gunn in Annales du Service XXVIII (1928) 163 and P1. III 5 a.
IP1卷的证明文本第5部分的出现使人们有机会提出一些问题。审稿人希望，自本词典出版以来的发展情况可能反映在补充部分。要么是事实并非如此，要么是编辑们的保守主义使他们没有注意到未经证实的可能性。例如，在Worterbuch II 319的注释15中暗示nsr可能是一个鱼神，因为B. Gunn在《服务年鉴》XXVIII(1928) 163和P1中发表了一个带有fish determinative拼写的3d王朝单词。5 . a。
{"title":"Egyptian Dictionary Notes","authors":"T. G. Allen","doi":"10.1086/370535","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/370535","url":null,"abstract":"The appearance of Part 5 of the proof texts for Volume IP1 gives occasion to raise a few questions. The reviewer had hoped that developments since the appearance of the dictionary volumes proper might be reflected in the supplementary portions. Either this is not the case, or the conservatism of the editors still restrains them from noting unproved possibilities. It would be tempting, for example, to suggest in note 15 to Worterbuch II 319 that nsr may be a fish-god, since a 3d dynasty word of that spelling with fish determinative is published by B. Gunn in Annales du Service XXVIII (1928) 163 and P1. III 5 a.","PeriodicalId":252942,"journal":{"name":"The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125796508","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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