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WITTGENSTEIN, ONTOLOGIA E PANTEÍSMO
Pub Date : 2018-02-07 DOI: 10.5216/PHI.V22I2.41846
Alison Vander Mandeli
In his book This complicated form of life , Newton Garver presents a curious interpretation of Wittgensteins’s early philosophy. Based on some passages of Notebooks and, especially, in considerations about Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus ’ 'ontology', the commentator concludes that wittgensteinian philosophy, at least in its first phase, implies a pantheistic mystical-religious position. More precisely, Garver uses an abductive reasoning for (supposedly) show that pantheism would be the best explanation for the fact that there are, according to him, two ontologies in the Tractatus , namely, an ontology of facts and an one of objects. The aim of this text is to present and refute this interpretation. After reconstruct in detail the Garver’s position, I will present two arguments against it. At first, I will show that the commentator’s interpretation implies an unacceptable idea, according to which the pantheistic God would be founded rather than the foundation , as is commonly understood in the pantheistic traditions. In the second, I will show that it is possible to explain plausibly the 'ontology' of facts and objects present in the Tractatus , without resorting to pantheism.
牛顿·加弗在他的《复杂的生命形式》一书中,对维特根斯坦的早期哲学提出了一种奇怪的解释。根据《札记》的一些段落,特别是对《逻辑哲学论》“本体论”的思考,评论者得出结论:维特根斯坦哲学,至少在其第一阶段,隐含着一种泛神论的神秘主义宗教立场。更准确地说,Garver使用了一种溯因推理(据说)来证明泛神论是对他认为《论》中存在两个本体论的事实的最好解释,即事实本体论和对象本体论。本文的目的是提出并反驳这种解释。在详细重建了加弗的立场之后,我将提出两个反对它的论点。首先,我将表明,注释者的解释暗示了一种不可接受的想法,根据这种想法,泛神论的上帝将被建立,而不是基础,正如泛神论传统中普遍理解的那样。在第二章中,我将证明,不诉诸泛神论,就有可能合理地解释《论》中存在的事实和对象的“本体论”。
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引用次数: 0
PODER Y PANOPTISMO EN EL SEGUNDO MICHEL FOUCAULT 第二部米歇尔·福柯的权力与全景
Pub Date : 2018-02-07 DOI: 10.5216/PHI.V22I2.49693
O. Guerrero
This article presents some aspects of the notion of ‘panoptism’, starting from the considerations and reflections of the French philosopher Michel Foucault, particularly in the books he published in the period between 1971 and 1976, together with the lectures given at the College de France also in those years. Moreover, the discussion will stop at the present moment, showing that panopticism has generated practices of power, rules, uses and habits that are part of our daily life and that deeply interfere in the ways of acting, relating and producing subjectivities and subjections.
本文从法国哲学家米歇尔·福柯(Michel Foucault)的思考和反思出发,特别是在他1971年至1976年出版的书中,以及在法国学院的讲座中,介绍了“全景主义”概念的一些方面。此外,讨论将在此刻停止,这表明全景主义已经产生了权力、规则、用途和习惯的实践,这些实践是我们日常生活的一部分,深深地干扰了行为、联系和产生主观主义和服从的方式。
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引用次数: 0
A NATUREZA DA FORÇA: NOTAS SOBRE O TEXTO LATINO DE IN PHYSICA II, 1, L. 11-14 DE FILOPONO 力的性质:菲洛彭的《物理学》拉丁文本注释II,1,L。11-14
Pub Date : 2018-02-07 DOI: 10.5216/PHI.V22I2.43243
Evaniel Brás dos Santos
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引用次数: 0
HISTORICIDADE, MUDANÇAS RELACIONAIS E NÃO FIXIDEZ DO PASSADO EXISTENCIAL 存在过去的历史性、关系变化和非固定性
Pub Date : 2018-02-07 DOI: 10.5216/phi.v22i2.45852
Róbson Ramos dos Reis
In this paper, I present an interpretation of the historical mobility of existence according to Heidegger’s existential analytic of Being and Time . The interpretation is based on a conceptual framework that includes the notions of relational change and emergent determination. Following an analogue of David Weberman’s criterion for genuine relational changes, I shall examine the mobility of existential historicity, aiming to emphasize the commitment of the existential notion of movement with a modal conception of relational change in existence. This conception also entails the idea of plasticity or non-fixity of the existential past.
在本文中,我根据海德格尔关于存在与时间的存在分析,提出了对存在的历史流动性的解释。这种解释基于一个概念框架,其中包括关系变化和紧急决定的概念。按照大卫·韦伯曼关于真正关系变化的标准的类比,我将考察存在主义历史性的流动性,旨在强调存在主义运动概念与存在关系变化的模态概念的承诺。这个概念也包含了存在的过去的可塑性或非固定性的概念。
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引用次数: 0
NIETZSCHE AND HERMENEUTICAL THINKING: FINITUDE AND TRUTH 尼采与诠释学思考:有限性与真理
Pub Date : 2018-02-07 DOI: 10.5216/PHI.V22I2.46011
Rebeca Furtado de Melo
The question of whether Nietzsche should or at least could be incorporated into the hermeneutical tradition has been a debate for many scholars is the last decades. Differing claims, both for and against, have been advanced by people such as Vattimo, Davey, Babich and Grondin. This work attempts to discuss some of these claims, addressing the hermeneutical background to Nietzsche’s thought focusing on two key concepts of his philosophy: finitude and truth. I argue that Nietzsche’s philosophy can be understood as hermeneutical thinking since it assumes the radical purpose to think our finite situation (in both epistemological and existential senses) in a way that is very close to the hermeneutical circularity of human understanding. I also argue that this interpretation allows such polemical theses as the will to power, perspectivism, and “theory of errors” to become comprehensive as a whole, and mutually compatible.
在过去的几十年里,尼采是否应该或至少可以被纳入解释学传统的问题一直是许多学者争论的焦点。Vattimo、Davey、Babich和Grondin等人提出了支持和反对的不同主张。本文试图讨论其中的一些主张,阐述尼采思想的解释学背景,重点关注他的哲学的两个关键概念:有限性和真理。我认为,尼采的哲学可以被理解为解释学思维,因为它具有激进的目的,以一种非常接近人类理解的解释学循环的方式来思考我们的有限处境(在认识论和存在主义意义上)。我还认为,这种解释使权力意志、透视主义和“错误理论”等争论性论点成为一个整体,并相互兼容。
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引用次数: 0
LA CIUDADANÍA EN MIGUEL DE UNAMUNO: EL LIBRE EXAMEN Y LA PARTICIPACIÓN POLÍTICA 米格尔·德·乌纳穆诺的公民身份:自由审查和政治参与
Pub Date : 2017-07-31 DOI: 10.5216/PHI.V22I1.44198
Emanuel José Maroco dos Santos
Unamuno, like all the great classic Western thinkers, is eternally relevant to the present time. His reflections concerning what a democracy should be are in this sense an expression of the timelessness of his political thought. Certainly the question of what democratic citizenship is and involves is motivating the thinking of many of today’s philosophers; it is also no less certain that no other author has been so consistent in taking to the limit the relation between the idea of that concept and its implementation in his civic life. Unamuno – as an irascible “intellectual-politician” in self-exile in Paris owing to his confrontation with the Miguel Primo de Rivera dictatorship, the monarchy and the king– is the highest example of how current democracy and citizenship should be understood and practised in terms of political intervention established on free examination of conscience. And it is precisely here where the influence of German liberal Protestantism played as decisive role in his intellectual formation, especially for an author so adept in heresy as deconstruction of orthodoxies and dogmas that disallow individual thought in its freedom and autonomy.
Unamuno,就像所有伟大的西方经典思想家一样,与当今时代永远相关。从这个意义上说,他对民主应该是什么的思考表达了他的政治思想的永恒性。当然,民主公民身份是什么以及涉及什么的问题激发了当今许多哲学家的思考;同样可以肯定的是,没有其他作者如此始终如一地将这一概念的理念及其在公民生活中的实施之间的关系发挥到极限。Unamuno是一位脾气暴躁的“知识分子政治家”,由于与Miguel Primo de Rivera独裁政权、君主制和国王的对抗而流亡巴黎,他是当前民主和公民身份应如何在建立在良心自由检查基础上的政治干预中得到理解和实践的最高例子。正是在这里,德国自由主义新教的影响在他的思想形成中发挥了决定性作用,尤其是对于一位如此擅长异端的作家来说,比如解构正统和教条,这些正统和教条不允许个人思想的自由和自主权。
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引用次数: 0
A LEITURA DE HORKHEIMER DA CRISE DA RAZÃO – UM ADENDO AO ANÚNCIO DE HUSSERL? 霍克海默对理性危机的解读&对胡塞尔宣言的补充?
Pub Date : 2017-07-31 DOI: 10.5216/PHI.V22I1.44755
R. Manzi
In 1935-1936, Husserl claims that we are living in a crisis of Reason. This crisis would be the result of the way in which scientific objectivity colonized the sciences in general, leading us to a rationality completely disconnected of our lives. For Husserl, the meaning of the Reason was established by the Greeks and since then it would have been distorted, arriving, in the contemporaneity, in a crisis. From this position, in 1947, Horkheimer reaffirms that we live in a crisis and writes a history of Reason very close to that presented by Husserl. This paper aims to show whether Horkheimer’s position on the problem of Reason was merely a “comment” on Husserl’s work as says Moura, or whether Horkheimer would have presented us something new.
在1935-1936年,胡塞尔声称我们生活在理性的危机中。这场危机将是科学客观性殖民化科学的结果,导致我们走向与生活完全脱节的理性。对胡塞尔来说,理性的意义是由希腊人确立的,从那时起,理性就会被扭曲,在当代陷入危机。1947年,霍克海默从这一立场重申,我们生活在危机中,并写了一部与胡塞尔非常接近的理性史。本文旨在表明,霍克海默在理性问题上的立场是否只是对胡塞尔作品的“评论”,正如莫拉所说,或者霍克海默是否会给我们带来一些新的东西。
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引用次数: 0
A IDEIA DE ESPAÇO NO TRATADO DA NATUREZA HUMANA, DE HUME 休谟的《人性论》中关于空间的思想
Pub Date : 2017-07-31 DOI: 10.5216/PHI.V22I1.40949
Andrea Cachel
In this article, one aims to analyze the Hume´s discussion about the idea of space, presenting the debate about the rejection of the theory of infinite divisibility of extension and its defense of the perceptive atomism. Therefore, one starts from the context of analysis which Hume is inserted, that is, the debate between Locke and Berkeley regarding the abstraction of the extension. In this sense, the text attempts to point how Hume´s debate concerning space results in sustaining the existence of mathematical points and to show how the thesis regarding the relational nature of space is Hume´s form to seek the link between his perceptive atomism and abstractionism.
本文旨在分析休谟关于空间概念的讨论,提出对可拓无限可分性理论的否定及其对感知原子论的辩护。因此,我们要从休谟插入的分析语境出发,也就是洛克和伯克利之间关于外延抽象的争论。从这个意义上说,本文试图指出休谟关于空间的辩论如何导致数学点的存在,并表明关于空间关系本质的论文是休谟寻求其感知原子主义和抽象主义之间联系的形式。
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引用次数: 0
SOME REMARKS ON PERRY’S REFLEXIVE CONTENT AND COGNITIVE SIGNIFICANCE 论佩里的反身内容及其认知意义
Pub Date : 2017-07-31 DOI: 10.5216/PHI.V20I2.40935
Filipe Martone
In this paper I present and discuss the solution offered by John Perry to Frege’s Puzzle in terms of the reflexive content of utterances. I first discuss his purported solution for the indexical version of the Puzzle, and argue that reflexive content cannot explain the triviality of some utterances. Hence, it is not the sort of thing that accounts for co­­gnitive significance adequately. I then discuss Perry’s solution for the Puzzle as arising for proper names. I argue that, even if reflexive content does explain cognitive significance in this case, it does not do so in terms of the meaning of expressions, as Perry originally intended.
本文从话语的反身内容出发,提出并讨论了约翰·佩里对弗雷格难题的解决方法。我首先讨论了他所谓的“谜题”索引版本的解决方案,并认为反射性内容无法解释某些话语的琐碎性。因此,它不是那种充分解释认知意义的东西。然后,我讨论了Perry对专有名称引起的困惑的解决方案。我认为,即使反射性内容在这种情况下确实解释了认知意义,但它并没有像佩里最初想要的那样,从表达的意义上解释。
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引用次数: 0
Da fundação mítica ao exercício da soberania popular: como unir vontade e entendimento? 从神话的基础到人民主权的行使:如何统一意志与理解?
Pub Date : 2017-07-31 DOI: 10.5216/PHI.V22I1.40283
Renato Moscateli
Political “founding myths” are a recurring theme in many thinkers, from Plato to Rousseau, including Machiavelli and Hobbes. In The Social Contract , Rousseau handles it in the chapter on the Lawgiver, showing that when Moses or Muhammad have given laws to their peoples, they haven’t called them to deliberate rationally about the adequacy of their proposals to public good, since it was impossible for these incipient nations to do reflections of this kind, because they lacked the understanding and social spirit that would allow them to discern the value of this legislation. Thus, the Lawgiver had to persuade people without convincing them, invoking the one valid argument for their ears: divine authority. These ideas pose a crucial problem concerning to other aspects of Rousseau’s thought. For him, the laws are valid only when approved by sovereign people’s will. However, one can ask, as does Hilail Gildin: “Can a society based on a code which a people has been duped into accepting because they believe it to express the divine will, and which a people would not dare to modify for that very reason, be a society in which the people regards itself as the only legitimate source of law?”
政治“建国神话”是许多思想家反复出现的主题,从柏拉图到卢梭,包括马基雅维利和霍布斯。在《社会契约》一书中,卢梭在关于立法者的章节中对其进行了处理,表明当摩西或穆罕默德将法律赋予他们的人民时,他们并没有要求他们理性地考虑他们的提案是否符合公共利益,因为这些早期国家不可能进行这种反思,因为他们缺乏理解和社会精神,无法辨别这项立法的价值。因此,立法者不得不在不说服人们的情况下说服他们,援引了一个有效的论点:神圣的权威。这些思想对卢梭思想的其他方面提出了至关重要的问题。对他来说,法律只有在得到主权人民意愿的批准时才有效。然而,人们可以问,就像Hilail Gildin一样:“一个建立在一个法典基础上的社会,一个人民因为相信它是为了表达神圣意志而被欺骗接受的,而一个人民也因此不敢修改的,能成为一个人民将自己视为唯一合法法律来源的社会吗?”
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引用次数: 1
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Philosophos Revista de Filosofia
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