Kurt Gerstein (1905-1945), who had been a militant in the Biblical Circles and the Union of Young Christians (Christlicher Verein Junger Menschen) at the time of the Weimar Republic, joined the Confessing Church (Bekennende Kirche) in the Third Reich period. Criticizing the atheism and materialism of the Nazi ideology, he publicly protested against the enrolling of teen-agers in the Hitlerian Youth (Hitlerjugend), which resulted in his losing his job as mine engineer. He then started studying medicine and voluntarily joined the Waffen-SS as a chemist in order to give evidence about Nazi crimes ; the famous Gerstein Report, which he was to draw up in 1945, depicted the experimental use of Zykon B gas. Although Gerstein had passed his information on to the main leaders of the Confessing Church, to some members of the Dutch Resistance, and to two diplomats, his position remained marginal and complex, because, on one hand, he developed some taste for extreme positions, and, on the other hand, his resistance combined with a scathing criticism of the institutional Lutheran Church. It was in vain that he tried to crate an Invisible Church with a team of young supporters.
库尔特·格斯坦(1905-1945)在魏玛共和国时期曾是圣经界和青年基督徒联盟(Christlicher Verein Junger Menschen)的激进分子，在第三帝国时期加入了忏悔教会(Bekennende Kirche)。他批评纳粹思想的无神论和唯物主义，公开抗议希特勒青年团(Hitlerjugend)招收青少年，这导致他失去了矿井工程师的工作。然后他开始学习医学，并自愿加入武装党卫军，成为一名化学家，以便为纳粹罪行提供证据;1945年，他撰写了著名的格斯坦报告，描述了Zykon B气体的实验使用。尽管格斯坦将他的信息传递给了忏悔教会的主要领导人，荷兰抵抗运动的一些成员，以及两名外交官，但他的立场仍然是边缘的，复杂的，因为，一方面，他对极端立场产生了一些兴趣，另一方面，他的抵抗与对路德教会体制的严厉批评结合在一起。他试图建立一个由年轻支持者组成的隐形教会，但却徒劳无功。
{"title":"Kurt Gerstein - : Une vie de résistant","authors":"B. Hey","doi":"10.3406/CALIB.2005.1567","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/CALIB.2005.1567","url":null,"abstract":"Kurt Gerstein (1905-1945), who had been a militant in the Biblical Circles and the Union of Young Christians (Christlicher Verein Junger Menschen) at the time of the Weimar Republic, joined the Confessing Church (Bekennende Kirche) in the Third Reich period. Criticizing the atheism and materialism of the Nazi ideology, he publicly protested against the enrolling of teen-agers in the Hitlerian Youth (Hitlerjugend), which resulted in his losing his job as mine engineer. He then started studying medicine and voluntarily joined the Waffen-SS as a chemist in order to give evidence about Nazi crimes ; the famous Gerstein Report, which he was to draw up in 1945, depicted the experimental use of Zykon B gas. Although Gerstein had passed his information on to the main leaders of the Confessing Church, to some members of the Dutch Resistance, and to two diplomats, his position remained marginal and complex, because, on one hand, he developed some taste for extreme positions, and, on the other hand, his resistance combined with a scathing criticism of the institutional Lutheran Church. It was in vain that he tried to crate an Invisible Church with a team of young supporters.","PeriodicalId":31138,"journal":{"name":"Anglophonia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80408291","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
L'autorite est un element majeur du cinema de Cecil B. de Mille. On a souvent attaque sa conduite personnelle de realisateur et producteur pour son autoritarisme insupportable, et ses films fournissent generalement une justification de l'autorite non seulement des heros dont il choisit de raconter l'histoire, mais aussi comme presence visible du realisateur du film en qualite de demiurge. De tous ses films seuls les films muets sont traites dans cet article : Le Tricheur (1915) Jeanne la Femme (1917), Le Choeur qui murmure (1918), Les Dix Commandements (1923), tous disponibles aux USA (sur Internet). Le sujet de ces films est la representation de l'autorite et du protestantisme : nous ne discuterons pas des comedies, bien qu'elles soient egalement un sujet interessant et approprie. Le choix d'un contexte moderne pour une histoire biblique est caracteristique des Dix Commandements, mais il sert aussi dans Jeanne, film de guerre base sur la foi de Jeanne en ses Voix. Lorsque l'autorite n 'est pas explicitement enveloppee d'une robe religieuse, elle reste neanmoins ancree dans le protestantisme : bien qu 'il ait ete Episcopalien par 'l'autorite' de son pere, ces films oscillent entre la predestination calviniste (Le Choeur) et la croyance en la redemption (Dix Commandements). L'iconoclostie protestante s'interpose par un usage preraphaelite d'images religieuses, tandis que l'eclairage est la caracteristique principale de cette esthetique de l'autorite surnaturelle (voix de la conscience du personnage, ou metamorphose du personnage par la foi en Dieu).
{"title":"Authority, Protestantism and Cecil B DeMille’s early silent films (1913-1923)","authors":"R. C. D. Beauregard","doi":"10.3406/CALIB.2005.1564","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/CALIB.2005.1564","url":null,"abstract":"L'autorite est un element majeur du cinema de Cecil B. de Mille. On a souvent attaque sa conduite personnelle de realisateur et producteur pour son autoritarisme insupportable, et ses films fournissent generalement une justification de l'autorite non seulement des heros dont il choisit de raconter l'histoire, mais aussi comme presence visible du realisateur du film en qualite de demiurge. De tous ses films seuls les films muets sont traites dans cet article : Le Tricheur (1915) Jeanne la Femme (1917), Le Choeur qui murmure (1918), Les Dix Commandements (1923), tous disponibles aux USA (sur Internet). Le sujet de ces films est la representation de l'autorite et du protestantisme : nous ne discuterons pas des comedies, bien qu'elles soient egalement un sujet interessant et approprie. Le choix d'un contexte moderne pour une histoire biblique est caracteristique des Dix Commandements, mais il sert aussi dans Jeanne, film de guerre base sur la foi de Jeanne en ses Voix. Lorsque l'autorite n 'est pas explicitement enveloppee d'une robe religieuse, elle reste neanmoins ancree dans le protestantisme : bien qu 'il ait ete Episcopalien par 'l'autorite' de son pere, ces films oscillent entre la predestination calviniste (Le Choeur) et la croyance en la redemption (Dix Commandements). L'iconoclostie protestante s'interpose par un usage preraphaelite d'images religieuses, tandis que l'eclairage est la caracteristique principale de cette esthetique de l'autorite surnaturelle (voix de la conscience du personnage, ou metamorphose du personnage par la foi en Dieu).","PeriodicalId":31138,"journal":{"name":"Anglophonia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78952728","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Locke avait une idee tres claire des relations appropriees qui devaient exister respectivement entre l'Etat et l'individu, d'une part, et entre les Eglises et l'individu de l'autre. Pour lui ces deux sortes de relations etaient essentiellement contractuelles. L'Etat etait seculier. Il n'avait en aucune facon de place particuliere dans la vie religieuse, sinon pour preserver les droits naturels donnes par Dieu aux citoyens en protegeant leur vie, leur liberte et leur propriete de tout empietement illegal de la part d'elements internes ou externes a l'Etat. Si celui-ci ne remplissait pas cette mission, les citoyens avaient alors le droit d'oter au magistrat son pouvoir. Mais l'Etat n'etait aucunement habilite a intervenir en matiere de pratique ou de foi religieuse. Chaque citoyen devait, a condition de reconnaitre l'existence d'un Dieu, etre autorise a pratiquer sa religion de la facon qu'il avait choisie, en rejoignant ou non une Eglise specifique. Rejoindre une Eglise etait essentiellement un acte volontaire, exactement de la meme maniere que devenir membre d'un Etat particulier, et personne n'avait le droit de decider de telles questions pour autrui. Bien que, a la fin du XVIIe siecle, la situation de l'Angleterre ne correspondit pas a cet ideal lockien, c'etait la une forme de relation entre l'individu d'une part, l'Eglise et l'Etat, de l'autre, qui devait connaitre une popularite croissante au cours du siecle suivant, le plus clairement sans doute au sein des Etats nouvellement formes de l'Amerique du Nord. Le paradigme de Locke allait ainsi etre incorpore a la constitution des Etats-Unis et devenir un modele pour d'autres dans la suite.
{"title":"John locke and the authority of church and state","authors":"G. Rogers","doi":"10.3406/CALIB.2005.1553","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/CALIB.2005.1553","url":null,"abstract":"Locke avait une idee tres claire des relations appropriees qui devaient exister respectivement entre l'Etat et l'individu, d'une part, et entre les Eglises et l'individu de l'autre. Pour lui ces deux sortes de relations etaient essentiellement contractuelles. L'Etat etait seculier. Il n'avait en aucune facon de place particuliere dans la vie religieuse, sinon pour preserver les droits naturels donnes par Dieu aux citoyens en protegeant leur vie, leur liberte et leur propriete de tout empietement illegal de la part d'elements internes ou externes a l'Etat. Si celui-ci ne remplissait pas cette mission, les citoyens avaient alors le droit d'oter au magistrat son pouvoir. Mais l'Etat n'etait aucunement habilite a intervenir en matiere de pratique ou de foi religieuse. Chaque citoyen devait, a condition de reconnaitre l'existence d'un Dieu, etre autorise a pratiquer sa religion de la facon qu'il avait choisie, en rejoignant ou non une Eglise specifique. Rejoindre une Eglise etait essentiellement un acte volontaire, exactement de la meme maniere que devenir membre d'un Etat particulier, et personne n'avait le droit de decider de telles questions pour autrui. Bien que, a la fin du XVIIe siecle, la situation de l'Angleterre ne correspondit pas a cet ideal lockien, c'etait la une forme de relation entre l'individu d'une part, l'Eglise et l'Etat, de l'autre, qui devait connaitre une popularite croissante au cours du siecle suivant, le plus clairement sans doute au sein des Etats nouvellement formes de l'Amerique du Nord. Le paradigme de Locke allait ainsi etre incorpore a la constitution des Etats-Unis et devenir un modele pour d'autres dans la suite.","PeriodicalId":31138,"journal":{"name":"Anglophonia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83375891","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Paul TILLICH draws his theological system from his experience of WWI, which he lived through as a rupture and the end of a world. The fundamental question facing the theologian is that of the reality, the credibility, and the authority of the Christian faith. Tillich tries to meet modern man in order to reconcile him, distressed as he is, with God, with himself, and with the world. For this purpose, he develops a cultural theology which rests upon man's fundamental need for meaning and he tries to re-define the relationships between culture and religion, between autonomy and heteronomy. The theologian firmly advocates a theonomy which would reconcile religion and culture and which he sees at work in German expressionism. Through the concept of theonomy he reverts to the protestant principle: they both aim at overcoming the ambivalence lying in culture and religion, which implies a permanent synthesis between autonomy and heteronomy. Thus Tillich endeavors to restore to protestantism its universal value as a protest against all systems resting on domination and enslavement.
{"title":"Paul Tillich (1886-1965) : Plaidoyer pour une théonomie entre autonomie et hétéronomie","authors":"B. Bach","doi":"10.3406/CALIB.2005.1569","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/CALIB.2005.1569","url":null,"abstract":"Paul TILLICH draws his theological system from his experience of WWI, which he lived through as a rupture and the end of a world. The fundamental question facing the theologian is that of the reality, the credibility, and the authority of the Christian faith. Tillich tries to meet modern man in order to reconcile him, distressed as he is, with God, with himself, and with the world. For this purpose, he develops a cultural theology which rests upon man's fundamental need for meaning and he tries to re-define the relationships between culture and religion, between autonomy and heteronomy. The theologian firmly advocates a theonomy which would reconcile religion and culture and which he sees at work in German expressionism. Through the concept of theonomy he reverts to the protestant principle: they both aim at overcoming the ambivalence lying in culture and religion, which implies a permanent synthesis between autonomy and heteronomy. Thus Tillich endeavors to restore to protestantism its universal value as a protest against all systems resting on domination and enslavement.","PeriodicalId":31138,"journal":{"name":"Anglophonia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88178088","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In their political testaments, the absolutist sovereigns of Brandenburg profess their calvinism, justify the meddling of political authority with religious affairs, reason in terms of religious legitimacy and of dynastic specificity. The genre of the political testament, half-public, half-private, enables us to analyze the way in which those princes chose to advocate a rigorous, hard-working, money-saving behaviour, and also used to quote Scripture, appeal to Christ and confess their fear of death Our aim will be to compare the passages which each of them devoted to religion and to decide whether a pronounced evolution could be noticed in the course of four successive generations. The Great Elector's testament (1667) is characterized by some proselytism and is echoed by his son's, the first King in Prussia. Tormented by religious issues, the Sergeant-King, Frederick-William I (1722) seems to stay close to the lutheran conception of authority, thus reconciling his own political project with a doctrine of predestination which preoccupied him. Even Frederick II, who admired Voltaire and was hostile to any kind of superstition or enthusiasm, claimed he was the Pope of the Lutherans and the Head of the Reformed Church (1752 /1768).
{"title":"L’autorité dynastique au service de la Parole : les testaments politiques des Hohenzollern (1667-1768)","authors":"Françoise Knopper","doi":"10.3406/CALIB.2005.1557","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/CALIB.2005.1557","url":null,"abstract":"In their political testaments, the absolutist sovereigns of Brandenburg profess their calvinism, justify the meddling of political authority with religious affairs, reason in terms of religious legitimacy and of dynastic specificity. The genre of the political testament, half-public, half-private, enables us to analyze the way in which those princes chose to advocate a rigorous, hard-working, money-saving behaviour, and also used to quote Scripture, appeal to Christ and confess their fear of death Our aim will be to compare the passages which each of them devoted to religion and to decide whether a pronounced evolution could be noticed in the course of four successive generations. The Great Elector's testament (1667) is characterized by some proselytism and is echoed by his son's, the first King in Prussia. Tormented by religious issues, the Sergeant-King, Frederick-William I (1722) seems to stay close to the lutheran conception of authority, thus reconciling his own political project with a doctrine of predestination which preoccupied him. Even Frederick II, who admired Voltaire and was hostile to any kind of superstition or enthusiasm, claimed he was the Pope of the Lutherans and the Head of the Reformed Church (1752 /1768).","PeriodicalId":31138,"journal":{"name":"Anglophonia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82048418","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Against the English background of Charles I’s reign, but also far beyond such a background of theologico-political polemics, the reference book of English protestantism (The Protestant Religion, i.e. the title for the French translation published in Amsterdam in 1730), asked the basic questions of the landmarks for religious faith (the Bible only), of the epistemological (the central role of reason) and ethical issues, foreshadowing, fifty years after Hooker and almost in the wake of Grotius, a form of irenic toleration exposed by its contradictors as a form of scepticism, or even worse, socinianism. This book, recommended by Locke in his Thoughts on Education, and praised by Coste and Des Maizeaux, was a forerunner of the Cambridge Platonists. It is the witness, beyond the personal data of Chillingworth ’s temper and life, of a century in which one sought for certainty, consensus and consent. Faith and Reason, after being educated and critically examined by moderate judgment, could really be complementary arguments for peace, as opposed to every sort of sectarian and destructive enthusiasm.
{"title":"Foi et raison dans l’œuvre de William Chillingworth","authors":"Louis Roux","doi":"10.3406/CALIB.2005.1545","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/CALIB.2005.1545","url":null,"abstract":"Against the English background of Charles I’s reign, but also far beyond such a background of theologico-political polemics, the reference book of English protestantism (The Protestant Religion, i.e. the title for the French translation published in Amsterdam in 1730), asked the basic questions of the landmarks for religious faith (the Bible only), of the epistemological (the central role of reason) and ethical issues, foreshadowing, fifty years after Hooker and almost in the wake of Grotius, a form of irenic toleration exposed by its contradictors as a form of scepticism, or even worse, socinianism. This book, recommended by Locke in his Thoughts on Education, and praised by Coste and Des Maizeaux, was a forerunner of the Cambridge Platonists. It is the witness, beyond the personal data of Chillingworth ’s temper and life, of a century in which one sought for certainty, consensus and consent. Faith and Reason, after being educated and critically examined by moderate judgment, could really be complementary arguments for peace, as opposed to every sort of sectarian and destructive enthusiasm.","PeriodicalId":31138,"journal":{"name":"Anglophonia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86382859","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the 16th and 17th centuries the Hebrew State was not only a historical or philological object. The fact that the mosaical constitution should have directly originated from a positive divine Revelation could endow it with an exemplary value for the building of any legitimate State and the establishment of relationships between Church and State. Therefore the works dealing with such a question were always bound to be highly controversial.
{"title":"Spinoza et l’autorité d’un modèle : l’état des hébreux","authors":"P. Moreau","doi":"10.3406/CALIB.2005.1554","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/CALIB.2005.1554","url":null,"abstract":"In the 16th and 17th centuries the Hebrew State was not only a historical or philological object. The fact that the mosaical constitution should have directly originated from a positive divine Revelation could endow it with an exemplary value for the building of any legitimate State and the establishment of relationships between Church and State. Therefore the works dealing with such a question were always bound to be highly controversial.","PeriodicalId":31138,"journal":{"name":"Anglophonia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77922074","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Dans une periode ou les correspondances etaient de regle, les distinctions entre les doctrines politiques et religieuses etaient souvent floues. Cet article explore les conflits et les correspondances entre l'autorite royale et l'autorite divine telles qu'elles sont representees dans deux pieces de theâtre : Macbeth et The Duchess of Malfi. Trois figures seront particulierement analysees : le prince en tant que source de la bonte, l'usurpateur qui s'est impose par une imposture tyrannique et le traitre a son seigneur-au double sens politique et spirituel-de l'usurpation de la lumiere interieure de la conscience et du bien par le mal. Une etude comparative de l'utilisation de ces figures par Shakespeare et par Webster revele la nature specifique du traitement artistique par chacun de ces dramaturges des problemes politiques et philosophiques que sont la royaute, la Providence divine et le libre arbitre.
{"title":"Gods on Earth : Usurping kingly and godly authority in Shakespeare's Macbeth and Webster's the Duchess of Malfi","authors":"Milagro Ducasse-Turner","doi":"10.3406/calib.2005.1531","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/calib.2005.1531","url":null,"abstract":"Dans une periode ou les correspondances etaient de regle, les distinctions entre les doctrines politiques et religieuses etaient souvent floues. Cet article explore les conflits et les correspondances entre l'autorite royale et l'autorite divine telles qu'elles sont representees dans deux pieces de theâtre : Macbeth et The Duchess of Malfi. Trois figures seront particulierement analysees : le prince en tant que source de la bonte, l'usurpateur qui s'est impose par une imposture tyrannique et le traitre a son seigneur-au double sens politique et spirituel-de l'usurpation de la lumiere interieure de la conscience et du bien par le mal. Une etude comparative de l'utilisation de ces figures par Shakespeare et par Webster revele la nature specifique du traitement artistique par chacun de ces dramaturges des problemes politiques et philosophiques que sont la royaute, la Providence divine et le libre arbitre.","PeriodicalId":31138,"journal":{"name":"Anglophonia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81262800","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The jurist and theologian Hugo Grotius is rightly considered as a representative of the Dutch humanism initiated by Erasmus from Rotterdam which has been prolonged with Arminianism. The conflict between Arminians and rigorous Calvinists, between remonstrants and counter-remonstrants was certainly, on the one hand, a conflict that bore on the doctrine of predestination. But it was also, on the other hand, a conflict related to the authorities supposed to settle it. There was the question of knowing whether this decision belonged to the political authorities or the religious authorities of the Church. But it equally imported to determine on which confessional basis authority should be grounded in order to settle the difference. Insofar as the decision-makers were concerned Grotius answered all those questions at the very beginning of the dispute between remonstrants and counter-remonstrants, exposing his point of view in his treatise Ordinum Hollandiae Ac Westfrisiae Pietas. Regarding the authority of confessional bases, he had already sketched the outlines of his position in his first theological treatise Meletius (1611). I will limit my study to these two documents and their relationship to the problems.
法学家和神学家雨果·格劳秀斯被认为是荷兰人文主义的代表人物，这种人文主义是由鹿特丹的伊拉斯谟发起的，并随着阿民念主义而得到延续。阿民念派和严格的加尔文派之间的冲突，抗议派和反抗议派之间的冲突，一方面，肯定是关于宿命论的冲突。但另一方面，这也是一场冲突，与当局应该解决它有关。问题是要知道这个决定是属于政治当局还是属于教会的宗教当局。但是，同样重要的是确定权力应以何种忏悔基础为基础，以解决这一分歧。就决策者而言，格劳秀斯在抗议者和反抗议者之间争论的一开始就回答了所有这些问题，并在他的论文《天主教教规》(Ordinum Hollandiae Ac westfriisiae Pietas)中揭示了他的观点。关于忏悔基础的权威，他已经在他的第一篇神学论文Meletius(1611)中勾勒出了他的立场轮廓。我将把我的研究局限于这两个文件及其与问题的关系。
{"title":"Autorité de l’État et de l’Église chez Hugo Grotius","authors":"Jan Rohls","doi":"10.3406/CALIB.2005.1544","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/CALIB.2005.1544","url":null,"abstract":"The jurist and theologian Hugo Grotius is rightly considered as a representative of the Dutch humanism initiated by Erasmus from Rotterdam which has been prolonged with Arminianism. The conflict between Arminians and rigorous Calvinists, between remonstrants and counter-remonstrants was certainly, on the one hand, a conflict that bore on the doctrine of predestination. But it was also, on the other hand, a conflict related to the authorities supposed to settle it. There was the question of knowing whether this decision belonged to the political authorities or the religious authorities of the Church. But it equally imported to determine on which confessional basis authority should be grounded in order to settle the difference. Insofar as the decision-makers were concerned Grotius answered all those questions at the very beginning of the dispute between remonstrants and counter-remonstrants, exposing his point of view in his treatise Ordinum Hollandiae Ac Westfrisiae Pietas. Regarding the authority of confessional bases, he had already sketched the outlines of his position in his first theological treatise Meletius (1611). I will limit my study to these two documents and their relationship to the problems.","PeriodicalId":31138,"journal":{"name":"Anglophonia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81346723","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Selon David Riede, Carlyle "est dans le cours du XIXe siecle la personnalite la plus importante illustrant le changement en termes d’autorite litteraire qui a fait succeder a la figure du barde-prophete romantique celle du critique ou de l’homme de lettres". Destine au ministere par ses pieux parents presbyteriens, Carlyle a cesse de croire en l’autorite doctrinale de la Bible, mais pas en son sens religieux. Dans ses premieres œuvres il a tendance a emprunter certaines de ses procedures narratives a la tradition protestante, singulierement la maniere dont il lit la Bible, le Pilgrim’s Progress et Grace Abounding de Bunyan, mais il leur donne une inflexion caracteristique de la sensibilite du XIXe. Sartor Resartus constitue a maints egards le point de rencontre du calvinisme et du romantisme. Y est presentee ostensiblement au benefice du public anglais la philosophie du vetement du philosophe transcendantal allemand Diogenes Teufelsdrock ; mais les strategies narratives complexes, dans lesquelles les deux voix coexistent, servent de temps a autre a mettre en question l’autorite du texte en le rendant plus timidement ironique. Pour decrire les efforts considerables qu’il deploie pour traiter un materiau qui lui resiste, l’editeur a recours a la figure de l’ordre surgissant du chaos, ce qui souligne la difficulte de donner forme aux idees. La maniere dont il organise sa narration de la vie de Teufelsdrockh (necessaire preliminaire a l’etude de sa philosophie) est une combinaison d’un recit de conversion protestante et de Bildungsroman. En associant ainsi des formes romantiques et puritaines, Carlyle attire l’attention de son lecteur sur le fait que son langage n’est plus au service de certitudes sans equivoque, a la difference du langage allegorique de Bunyan, mais qu’il peut seulement exposer la verite de facon symbolique. L’univers est un systeme semiotique qui peut reveler le divin, mais il lui faut etre interprete par l’exegete. Cependant, Carlyle fait preuve d’un grand respect pour la surface des symboles ainsi que pour leur signification, car il a une conscience tres vive du fait que la perception et l’entendement humains sont conditionnes par les termes dans lesquels lesdits symboles sont presentes.
{"title":"\"Celestial Hieroglyphs\" : Exegetical Authority in Thomas Carlyle’s Sartor Resartus","authors":"L. Lawton","doi":"10.3406/CALIB.2005.1562","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/CALIB.2005.1562","url":null,"abstract":"Selon David Riede, Carlyle \"est dans le cours du XIXe siecle la personnalite la plus importante illustrant le changement en termes d’autorite litteraire qui a fait succeder a la figure du barde-prophete romantique celle du critique ou de l’homme de lettres\". Destine au ministere par ses pieux parents presbyteriens, Carlyle a cesse de croire en l’autorite doctrinale de la Bible, mais pas en son sens religieux. Dans ses premieres œuvres il a tendance a emprunter certaines de ses procedures narratives a la tradition protestante, singulierement la maniere dont il lit la Bible, le Pilgrim’s Progress et Grace Abounding de Bunyan, mais il leur donne une inflexion caracteristique de la sensibilite du XIXe. Sartor Resartus constitue a maints egards le point de rencontre du calvinisme et du romantisme. Y est presentee ostensiblement au benefice du public anglais la philosophie du vetement du philosophe transcendantal allemand Diogenes Teufelsdrock ; mais les strategies narratives complexes, dans lesquelles les deux voix coexistent, servent de temps a autre a mettre en question l’autorite du texte en le rendant plus timidement ironique. Pour decrire les efforts considerables qu’il deploie pour traiter un materiau qui lui resiste, l’editeur a recours a la figure de l’ordre surgissant du chaos, ce qui souligne la difficulte de donner forme aux idees. La maniere dont il organise sa narration de la vie de Teufelsdrockh (necessaire preliminaire a l’etude de sa philosophie) est une combinaison d’un recit de conversion protestante et de Bildungsroman. En associant ainsi des formes romantiques et puritaines, Carlyle attire l’attention de son lecteur sur le fait que son langage n’est plus au service de certitudes sans equivoque, a la difference du langage allegorique de Bunyan, mais qu’il peut seulement exposer la verite de facon symbolique. L’univers est un systeme semiotique qui peut reveler le divin, mais il lui faut etre interprete par l’exegete. Cependant, Carlyle fait preuve d’un grand respect pour la surface des symboles ainsi que pour leur signification, car il a une conscience tres vive du fait que la perception et l’entendement humains sont conditionnes par les termes dans lesquels lesdits symboles sont presentes.","PeriodicalId":31138,"journal":{"name":"Anglophonia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79668137","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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