Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.5615/jcunestud.69.2017.0151
Joshua J. Jeffers
Scholars generally assume that Assyria employed a luni-solar calendrical system during the Middle Assyrian period—akin to the one used in Babylonia—that kept the months of its year synchronized with the seasons of the solar year through periodic intercalation. With this understanding, the regnal dates assigned to the Middle Assyrian kings have traditionally been expressed in terms of solar years. The present article, however, argues that the Assyrians did not use this type of system. The author draws upon a variety of administrative tablets—primarily from the reigns of Shalmaneser I, Tukultī-Ninurta I, and Tiglath-pileser I—to demonstrate that the months of the Assyrian year were in fact not permanently affixed to particular seasons of the solar year, revealing that its year was not intercalated and was thus perpetually rotating slowly through the solar year. This article also explores how such a calendrical system impacts the Middle Assyrian kings' regnal dates, which would need to be lowered given that the unadjusted Assyrian lunar year was slightly shorter than its solar counterpart.
{"title":"The Nonintercalated Lunar Calendar of the Middle Assyrian Period","authors":"Joshua J. Jeffers","doi":"10.5615/jcunestud.69.2017.0151","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5615/jcunestud.69.2017.0151","url":null,"abstract":"Scholars generally assume that Assyria employed a luni-solar calendrical system during the Middle Assyrian period—akin to the one used in Babylonia—that kept the months of its year synchronized with the seasons of the solar year through periodic intercalation. With this understanding, the regnal dates assigned to the Middle Assyrian kings have traditionally been expressed in terms of solar years. The present article, however, argues that the Assyrians did not use this type of system. The author draws upon a variety of administrative tablets—primarily from the reigns of Shalmaneser I, Tukultī-Ninurta I, and Tiglath-pileser I—to demonstrate that the months of the Assyrian year were in fact not permanently affixed to particular seasons of the solar year, revealing that its year was not intercalated and was thus perpetually rotating slowly through the solar year. This article also explores how such a calendrical system impacts the Middle Assyrian kings' regnal dates, which would need to be lowered given that the unadjusted Assyrian lunar year was slightly shorter than its solar counterpart.","PeriodicalId":36366,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cuneiform Studies","volume":"69 1","pages":"151 - 191"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.5615/jcunestud.69.2017.0151","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45612074","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.5615/jcunestud.68.2016.0003
S. Fahad
In this article are published two objects discovered during excavations conducted at the site of ancient Zabalam by the Iraqi State Board of Antiques and Heritage under the directorship of the archeologist Haider Al-Subaihawi. Both objects carried dedicatory inscriptions in the name of King Warad-Sin of Larsa.
{"title":"Two Unpublished Texts from Zabalam (Ibzikh) Dated to the Reign of Warad-Sin","authors":"S. Fahad","doi":"10.5615/jcunestud.68.2016.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5615/jcunestud.68.2016.0003","url":null,"abstract":"In this article are published two objects discovered during excavations conducted at the site of ancient Zabalam by the Iraqi State Board of Antiques and Heritage under the directorship of the archeologist Haider Al-Subaihawi. Both objects carried dedicatory inscriptions in the name of King Warad-Sin of Larsa.","PeriodicalId":36366,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cuneiform Studies","volume":"68 1","pages":"3 - 8"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.5615/jcunestud.68.2016.0003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70748577","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.5615/JCUNESTUD.68.2016.0181
A. Knapp
Since the publication of Hayim Tadmor's seminal 1983 essay, “Autobiographical Apology in the Royal Assyrian Literature,” scholars have almost universally accepted that the imminent nomination of Ashurbanipal as crown prince provided the impetus for the composition of Esarhaddon's apology (i 8–ii 11 of his Nineveh A inscription). In this article, I reassess this conclusion. I suggest instead that the defeat of the Assyrian army in Egypt in 674 BCE raised concerns about Esarhaddon's legitimacy, concerns fueled by his assumption of his murdered father's throne in dubious circumstances. Esarhaddon therefore commissioned the apology as one part of a greater propagandistic campaign to reinforce his legitimacy. I conclude by showing that although Tadmor's work is often cited to support connecting the apology's composition exclusively to Ashurbanipal's nomination, the eminent historian also considered the Egyptian debacle to have undermined Esarhaddon's position on the throne, providing him with impetus to commission the Nineveh A inscription.
{"title":"The Sitz im Leben of Esarhaddon's Apology","authors":"A. Knapp","doi":"10.5615/JCUNESTUD.68.2016.0181","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5615/JCUNESTUD.68.2016.0181","url":null,"abstract":"Since the publication of Hayim Tadmor's seminal 1983 essay, “Autobiographical Apology in the Royal Assyrian Literature,” scholars have almost universally accepted that the imminent nomination of Ashurbanipal as crown prince provided the impetus for the composition of Esarhaddon's apology (i 8–ii 11 of his Nineveh A inscription). In this article, I reassess this conclusion. I suggest instead that the defeat of the Assyrian army in Egypt in 674 BCE raised concerns about Esarhaddon's legitimacy, concerns fueled by his assumption of his murdered father's throne in dubious circumstances. Esarhaddon therefore commissioned the apology as one part of a greater propagandistic campaign to reinforce his legitimacy. I conclude by showing that although Tadmor's work is often cited to support connecting the apology's composition exclusively to Ashurbanipal's nomination, the eminent historian also considered the Egyptian debacle to have undermined Esarhaddon's position on the throne, providing him with impetus to commission the Nineveh A inscription.","PeriodicalId":36366,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cuneiform Studies","volume":"68 1","pages":"181 - 195"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.5615/JCUNESTUD.68.2016.0181","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70749400","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.5615/jcunestud.68.2016.0107
L. d’Alfonso, A. Payne
The present article seeks to provide an overview of aims, problems, and possible lines of inquiry as suggested by the thorough investigation of one of the Anatolian hieroglyphic signs *439 (wa/i), one of the most frequent signs, and one characterized by paleographic variants. The paper defines the chronological and geographic distribution of the variants, thus offering it as a new criterion for the dating and provenience of Anatolian hieroglyphic texts. It also offers an interpretation to the development of this sign in the context of the general development of the writing system from the twelfth to the end of the eighth centuries BCE.
{"title":"The Paleography of Anatolian Hieroglyphic Stone Inscriptions","authors":"L. d’Alfonso, A. Payne","doi":"10.5615/jcunestud.68.2016.0107","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5615/jcunestud.68.2016.0107","url":null,"abstract":"The present article seeks to provide an overview of aims, problems, and possible lines of inquiry as suggested by the thorough investigation of one of the Anatolian hieroglyphic signs *439 (wa/i), one of the most frequent signs, and one characterized by paleographic variants. The paper defines the chronological and geographic distribution of the variants, thus offering it as a new criterion for the dating and provenience of Anatolian hieroglyphic texts. It also offers an interpretation to the development of this sign in the context of the general development of the writing system from the twelfth to the end of the eighth centuries BCE.","PeriodicalId":36366,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cuneiform Studies","volume":"44 1","pages":"107 - 127"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.5615/jcunestud.68.2016.0107","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70749450","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.5615/JCUNESTUD.68.2016.0129
Nicla De Zorzi
The subject of this article is a sequence of three historical omen apodoses that mention Mesopotamian kings of the third millennium BC: two kings of the North named …bagar and Rabsisi, the king of Uruk Utu-hegal, and the last king of the Ur III Dynasty Ibbi-Sîn. The sequence derives from the eighth tablet of Šumma ḫašû, “If the lung(s),” the ninth chapter of the extispicy series Bārûtu. The discussion of the passage and its parallels adds to our knowledge of the Mesopotamian historical omens and demonstrates the remarkably wide reach of intertextual connections that can be identified in omen collections. Two appendices offer an edition of two previously unpublished divinatory tablets containing historical omens.
这篇文章的主题是三个历史预兆的序列，它们都提到了公元前第三个千年的美索不达米亚国王:北方的两位国王……bagar和Rabsisi，乌鲁克国王Utu-hegal，以及乌尔三世王朝的最后一位国王ibbi - s n。这一序列来源于灭绝系列Bārûtu的第九章Šumma ḫašû的第八篇“如果肺”。对这段文字及其相似之处的讨论增加了我们对美索不达米亚历史预兆的了解，并展示了在预兆收集中可以识别的互文联系的显著广泛范围。两个附录提供了两个以前未出版的占卜片包含历史预兆的版本。
{"title":"The Death of Utu-hegal and Other Historical Omens","authors":"Nicla De Zorzi","doi":"10.5615/JCUNESTUD.68.2016.0129","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5615/JCUNESTUD.68.2016.0129","url":null,"abstract":"The subject of this article is a sequence of three historical omen apodoses that mention Mesopotamian kings of the third millennium BC: two kings of the North named …bagar and Rabsisi, the king of Uruk Utu-hegal, and the last king of the Ur III Dynasty Ibbi-Sîn. The sequence derives from the eighth tablet of Šumma ḫašû, “If the lung(s),” the ninth chapter of the extispicy series Bārûtu. The discussion of the passage and its parallels adds to our knowledge of the Mesopotamian historical omens and demonstrates the remarkably wide reach of intertextual connections that can be identified in omen collections. Two appendices offer an edition of two previously unpublished divinatory tablets containing historical omens.","PeriodicalId":36366,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cuneiform Studies","volume":"68 1","pages":"129 - 151"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.5615/JCUNESTUD.68.2016.0129","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70749459","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.5615/jcunestud.68.2016.0197
Enrique Jiménez
Hemerologies were among the most widespread texts in ancient Mesopotamia. Known already in the Old Babylonian period, they were copied until the end of cuneiform culture, but the manuscripts often elaborate on their originals to create new, heterogeneous compositions. This paper suggests dividing hemerologies into two broad categories, according to the way they were transmitted: the first group consists of standardized texts, such as series and short manuals, which were transmitted in a more or less fixed format. The second category contains treatises composed ad hoc by combining various pieces of hemerological lore. These treatises, which are here called “hemerological compilations,” were usually short-lived and are typically preserved in only one manuscript. It will be shown that several of the most important hemerological texts known today are best described as “hemerological compilations.” In addition, two almost completely preserved tablets from Babylon are edited here for the first time. Dating to Achaemenid and Seleucid times, they represent the latest known examples of such “hemerological compilations.”
{"title":"Loose Threads of Tradition: Two Late Hemerological Compilations","authors":"Enrique Jiménez","doi":"10.5615/jcunestud.68.2016.0197","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5615/jcunestud.68.2016.0197","url":null,"abstract":"Hemerologies were among the most widespread texts in ancient Mesopotamia. Known already in the Old Babylonian period, they were copied until the end of cuneiform culture, but the manuscripts often elaborate on their originals to create new, heterogeneous compositions. This paper suggests dividing hemerologies into two broad categories, according to the way they were transmitted: the first group consists of standardized texts, such as series and short manuals, which were transmitted in a more or less fixed format. The second category contains treatises composed ad hoc by combining various pieces of hemerological lore. These treatises, which are here called “hemerological compilations,” were usually short-lived and are typically preserved in only one manuscript. It will be shown that several of the most important hemerological texts known today are best described as “hemerological compilations.” In addition, two almost completely preserved tablets from Babylon are edited here for the first time. Dating to Achaemenid and Seleucid times, they represent the latest known examples of such “hemerological compilations.”","PeriodicalId":36366,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cuneiform Studies","volume":"68 1","pages":"197 - 227"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.5615/jcunestud.68.2016.0197","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70749110","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.5615/jcunestud.68.2016.0067
J. Llop, D. Shibata
The Assyrian king was a very busy person who had commitments in a number of different sectors: personal, political, military, and ritual. He had to be present not only in Assur, the capital of the kingdom, but also in other administrative centers in provinces—those within the Assyrian core, such as Nineveh and Arbail, as well as those in remote regions, even at the frontiers. In this article, we gather the attestations for royal journeys in the Middle Assyrian archival documentation. First, we list the attestations designating these royal travels and then discuss the terminology used. After that, we analyze the modus operandi of royal trips: who accompanied the king, which means of transport were used and how they were supplied. Finally, we discuss the implications of the royal arrivals in any given place and end with a summary.
{"title":"The Royal Journey in the Middle Assyrian Period","authors":"J. Llop, D. Shibata","doi":"10.5615/jcunestud.68.2016.0067","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5615/jcunestud.68.2016.0067","url":null,"abstract":"The Assyrian king was a very busy person who had commitments in a number of different sectors: personal, political, military, and ritual. He had to be present not only in Assur, the capital of the kingdom, but also in other administrative centers in provinces—those within the Assyrian core, such as Nineveh and Arbail, as well as those in remote regions, even at the frontiers. In this article, we gather the attestations for royal journeys in the Middle Assyrian archival documentation. First, we list the attestations designating these royal travels and then discuss the terminology used. After that, we analyze the modus operandi of royal trips: who accompanied the king, which means of transport were used and how they were supplied. Finally, we discuss the implications of the royal arrivals in any given place and end with a summary.","PeriodicalId":36366,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cuneiform Studies","volume":"68 1","pages":"67 - 98"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.5615/jcunestud.68.2016.0067","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70748604","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.5615/jcunestud.68.2016.0015
M. Rutz, P. Michałowski
This article provides a preliminary edition of a hitherto unpublished Akkadian-language literary text that narrates historical events from the reign of King Hammurabi of Babylon. Discovered in Nippur towards the end of the nineteenth century, the multicolumn tablet N 1498+ was probably copied during the Middle Babylonian period, but the text may have been composed centuries earlier during the reign of either Hammurabi or Samsu-iluna. It is possible that the text described many incidents, but the sole preserved column on the reverse is concerned with pivotal events in the last years of Hammurabi's reign: his seizure of Mari and his takeover of Ešnunna, possibly by means of, or as the result of the flooding of that city. The tablet narrates events in an order that is different from what is known from other historical sources, and it contains what is so far the only Babylonian reference to King Zimri-Lim of Mari, Hammurabi's one-time ally, rival, and antagonist.
{"title":"The Flooding of Ešnunna, the Fall of Mari: Hammurabi's Deeds in Babylonian Literature and History","authors":"M. Rutz, P. Michałowski","doi":"10.5615/jcunestud.68.2016.0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5615/jcunestud.68.2016.0015","url":null,"abstract":"This article provides a preliminary edition of a hitherto unpublished Akkadian-language literary text that narrates historical events from the reign of King Hammurabi of Babylon. Discovered in Nippur towards the end of the nineteenth century, the multicolumn tablet N 1498+ was probably copied during the Middle Babylonian period, but the text may have been composed centuries earlier during the reign of either Hammurabi or Samsu-iluna. It is possible that the text described many incidents, but the sole preserved column on the reverse is concerned with pivotal events in the last years of Hammurabi's reign: his seizure of Mari and his takeover of Ešnunna, possibly by means of, or as the result of the flooding of that city. The tablet narrates events in an order that is different from what is known from other historical sources, and it contains what is so far the only Babylonian reference to King Zimri-Lim of Mari, Hammurabi's one-time ally, rival, and antagonist.","PeriodicalId":36366,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cuneiform Studies","volume":"68 1","pages":"15 - 43"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.5615/jcunestud.68.2016.0015","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70748549","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.5615/JCUNESTUD.68.2016.0009
Ali Aljuboori
This article publishes a stone cylinder that bears an inscription of Šamši-Addu I, founder and ruler of the kingdom of Upper Mesopotamia. The object was discovered during University of Mosul excavations directed by Ali. Y. Aljuboori in the palace of the Neo-Assyrian king Assurbanipal in Nineveh.
{"title":"A New Source of a Stone Cylinder Describing the Rebuilding of the Temple of Ištar at Nineveh by Šamši-Addu I","authors":"Ali Aljuboori","doi":"10.5615/JCUNESTUD.68.2016.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5615/JCUNESTUD.68.2016.0009","url":null,"abstract":"This article publishes a stone cylinder that bears an inscription of Šamši-Addu I, founder and ruler of the kingdom of Upper Mesopotamia. The object was discovered during University of Mosul excavations directed by Ali. Y. Aljuboori in the palace of the Neo-Assyrian king Assurbanipal in Nineveh.","PeriodicalId":36366,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cuneiform Studies","volume":"68 1","pages":"9 - 13"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.5615/JCUNESTUD.68.2016.0009","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70748591","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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