Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.5615/jcunestud.68.2016.0229
J. Lauinger
This article provides editions of the tablets and fragments inscribed with the Mesopotamian scholarly series Iqqur īpuš that were found at the Neo-Assyrian provincial capital of Tell Tayinat (ancient Kullaniya) by the Tayinat Archaeological Project in 2009. The editions are accompanied by a brief discussion of the tablets' tabular format and archaeological context.
本文提供了由塔伊纳特考古项目于2009年在新亚述省首府泰尔塔伊纳特(古库拉尼亚)发现的刻有美索不达米亚学术系列Iqqur ī pushi的石板和碎片的版本。版本是伴随着平板电脑的表格格式和考古背景的简要讨论。
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Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.5615/jcunestud.68.2016.0045
Odette Boivin
Administrative texts from the Sealand I kingdom, a second-millennium polity that emerged in the southern Mesopotamian area lost to Babylonian control during Samsu-iluna's reign, show that a palatial system of agricultural taxation was in place around the palace town that produced this archive. The imposts collected by the palace are known from the preceding Old Babylonian and the following Middle Babylonian periods, with somewhat differing meanings and methods of recording. The present article examines the Sealand I evidence within the second-millennium Babylonian administrative continuum, in particular the collection of the šibšu, the miksu, and the kiṣru.
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Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.5615/jcunestud.68.2016.0099
N. P. Heessel
A new fragment of a Neo-Assyrian extispicy text from the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago contains selected omens from different chapters of the extispicy series bārûtu. One of these omens appears to be a parallel to a so-called historical omen thought to refer to King Būr-Sîn of Isin. The new omen, however, calls this interpretation into question, because it describes events otherwise attributed in the omen literature to King Amar-Suʾena of the Third Dynasty of Ur. This raises serious doubts on the very existence of any Mesopotamian “historical” omens concerning King Būr-Sîn of Isin.
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Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.5615/JCUNESTUD.68.2016.0153
J. S. Tenney
This article edits two previously unpublished Kassite period texts from Nippur. Their contents raise three points about cultic practice and ideological transmission in Babylonia under Kassite rule. First, they demonstrate that, by the thirteenth century, akītu celebrations connected to Marduk and the city of Babylon were being held at Nippur, and therefore contain the earliest, explicit references to the akītu festival of Marduk from a southern Mesopotamian city that is not Babylon. This discovery forces reappraisals of some aspects of the development of the elevated Marduk ideology and the proposed Babylon +Nippur/Marduk+Enlil pairing. Second, one of the texts, CBS 10616, presents clear evidence of rituals and celebrations that have been hinted at in later scholarly works, such as Astrolabe B, OECT 11: 69+70 and the Nippur Compendium, but whose practice heretofore has never been directly attested. Third, these texts and associated issues ostensibly alter current views on the adoption of Nippur cultic ideology by institutions in Babylon and Ashur throughout the second and early first millennium. They are particularly germane to the mechanisms, timing, and sources by which Babylonian intellectual and religious thought found its way into the written record of Assyria.
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{"title":"Loose Threads of Tradition","authors":"Enrique Jiménez","doi":"10.5282/UBM/EPUB.49553","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5282/UBM/EPUB.49553","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36366,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Cuneiform Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71102795","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-01-01DOI: 10.5615/JCUNESTUD.67.2015.0023
Laurent Colonna d’Istria, D. Beyer
Résumé Dans un article intitulé « Wer war Tarâm-Mari? », K. Hecker (2008) a publié deux contrats privés paléo-assyriens provenant du niveau kārum-II de Kültepe-Kaniš (Kt m/k 102 et Kt m/k 171). Sur ces contrats figurent l'empreinte du sceau d'un individu dépendant d'Iddin-Ilum, šakkanakku de Mari. L'étude, ici présentée, propose de relire le nom du propriétaire originel en Erra-kibrī au lieu de Tarâm-Mari comme cela avait été précédemment proposé, et de l'identifier comme un ŠABRA. En outre, ce sceau offre un nouvel exemple de représentation de la déesse au couteau, figure récurrente des sceaux des ŠABRA ou autres fonctionnaires ayant exercés durant les règnes d'Iddin-ilum et Iṣi-Dagan, šakkanakkus de Mari.
总结在一篇题为“Wer war taram - mari ?”»,k . Hecker(2008)发布了两个私人合同所得paléo-assyriens kā级别的Kültepe-Kani rum-IIšk (Kt - m / 102和Kt k m / 171)。这些合同上加盖印章出现依赖d’Iddin-Ilum一人,šakkanakku老公。研究,本文建议重读原车主姓名,Erra-kibrīTarâm-Mari反而正如此前提议,并识别像Š艾波拉。。此外,该印章的又一个例子代表女神封印的刀、图经常性Š艾波拉演义中或其他官员行使d’Iddin-ilum和ṣIši-Dagan, akkanakkus老公。
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Pub Date : 2015-01-01DOI: 10.5615/jcunestud.67.2015.0067
B. Iv
Hittite has a small family of words referring to (primarily) illicit sex acts and those who practice them: LÚpupuc., probably “(adulterous) lover, paramour” (KBo 6.26 iv 12 and perhaps in a fragmentary context at KUB 43.55:12), its derivative LÚpupuwatar “adultery” (or other type of illicit sexual act) KBo 9.73 obv. 6, and the noun or adjective *pupuwalathat is the base of pupuwalai-zi, “seduce, have sex with” (?) KUB 24.7 i 41 and the latter’s better attested abstract pupuwalatar, variously translated as “seduction, rape, adultery, sex.”1 Though the exact meanings of pupuwalai-zi and pupuwalatar are a little difficult to nail down, Güterbock established2 that all these words are fundamentally reproachful terms for sexual intercourse, whether referring to fornication, adultery, or possibly rape; in only one passage do any of them seem to be in an unambiguously positive context.3 In all the extant examples of pupuand its derivatives where the actors are stated or implied, it is the male role in the sex act that is referred to, a point to which I shall return. The standard reference works ever since Friedrich (HW1 s.v. LÚpupu-) have taken LÚpuputo be a Lallwort,4 and compared it typologically with words like Lat. pūpa “girl, doll” and German Popo “backside.” But whatever lexemes may be whelped in the arena of fornication or adultery, Lallwörter are not terribly likely candidates. It is in fact far too easy to attach this label to anything having repeated consonants or potentially belonging to affective vocabulary, and previous scholars have not made a strong case. After claiming that pupuis a Lallwort, Tischler in HEG dismisses alternative accounts “angesichts des universellen Charakters derartiger Bildungen,” which is circular. In HED, Puhvel adduces a list of similar-sounding “babble-words” with p’s in them for “sweetheart, darling” and
赫梯语有一小部分词汇(主要是)指不正当的性行为和那些从事这种行为的人:LÚpupuc。，可能是“(通奸的)情人，情人”(KBo 6.26 iv 12，可能在KUB 43.55:12的片断上下文中)，其衍生词LÚpupuwatar“通奸”(或其他类型的非法性行为)KBo 9.73 obv. 6，以及名词或形容词*pupuwala是pupuwalai-zi的基础，“引诱，与之发生性关系”(?)KUB 24.7 i 41和后者的更好证明的抽象pupuwalatar，不同的翻译为“引诱，强奸，通奸，性。尽管pupuwalai-zi和pupuwalatar的确切含义有点难以确定，但terbock认为，所有这些词基本上都是对性行为的谴责性术语，无论是指通奸、通奸，还是可能指强奸;只有在一段话中，他们中的任何一个似乎都处于明确的积极背景中在所有现存的关于pupud及其衍生词的例子中，当演员被陈述或暗示时，它是指性行为中的男性角色，我将回到这一点。自从弗里德里希(HW1 s.v. LÚpupu-)将LÚpuputo作为Lallwort之后，标准的参考书就将其与Lat等词进行了类型学上的比较。pūpa“女孩，娃娃”和德国波波狗“背后”。但是，无论在淫乱或通奸的舞台上产生什么样的词汇，Lallwörter都不是非常可能的候选人。事实上，把这个标签贴在任何有重复辅音或可能属于情感词汇的东西上太容易了，以前的学者也没有提出强有力的理由。在声称pupuis a Lallwort之后，HEG的Tischler驳斥了另一种说法“angesichts des universsellen charters der触发器Bildungen”，这是一个循环。在HED中，Puhvel列举了一系列发音相似的“咿呀学语”，其中p代表“甜心，亲爱的”和
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Pub Date : 2015-01-01DOI: 10.5615/jcunestud.67.2015.0145
Jamie R. Novotny
The Babylon Inscriptions of Esarhaddon, perhaps the best-known group of texts in the extant corpus this seventh-century Assyrian king, have for decades presented a real challenge in cracking the various levels of ideology imbedded in their contents, as well as the chronological order in which they were written. The latter issue is closely tied to the fact that several clay prisms inscribed with these texts are all dated by the formula šanat rēš šarrūti, “accession year.” This paper will argue that the intentional dating of the Babylon Inscriptions reflects historical reality and that Esarhaddon's did not deliberately falsify the dates of inscriptions. It will also closely examine the contents of the known texts in this small subcorpus of this Assyrian king's official inscriptions and suggest new dates of composition for each text (especially Babylon A and Babylon D), as well as a new chronological sequencing of the inscriptions. Lastly, this paper will present updated editions of Babylon G and Babylon F based on an old nonphysical join proposed by A. R. Millard and a new international join discovered by the author.
以撒哈顿的巴比伦铭文，也许是现存的语料库中最著名的一组文本，在破解其内容中嵌入的不同层次的意识形态以及它们写作的时间顺序方面，几十年来一直是一个真正的挑战。后一个问题与以下事实密切相关:几个刻有这些文本的粘土棱镜的日期都是用公式šanat rēš šarrūti表示的，即“加入年份”。本文将论证巴比伦铭文的故意定年反映了历史现实，以撒哈顿并没有故意篡改铭文的日期。它还将仔细检查这个亚述国王官方铭文的小子语料库中已知文本的内容，并建议每个文本的新创作日期(特别是巴比伦A和巴比伦D)，以及铭文的新时间顺序。最后，本文将基于a . R. Millard提出的旧的非物理连接和作者发现的新的国际连接，给出巴比伦G和巴比伦F的更新版本。
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Pub Date : 2015-01-01DOI: 10.5615/jcunestud.67.2015.0217
J. Z. Wee
Widely depicted in writings and drawings from ancient classical, medieval, and modern times, the Zodiac Man (Homo signorum) represents a roughly consistent correlation of zodiacal names with (human) body parts. Here, I announce the first discovery of the Zodiac Man in cuneiform writing and possibly its earliest attestation in the history of ideas. This Zodiac Man belongs to a hitherto misunderstood astrological table on a British Museum tablet (BM 56605), and its function in the table helps to clarify late Babylonian methods of medical astrology.
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