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Urban justice and the populist challenge 城市正义与民粹主义的挑战
Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/02513625.2021.2060585
Oliver Dlabac
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引用次数: 0
Gesundheit als gesamtgesellschaftliche Aufgabe 健康是一个整体的社会任务
Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1007/978-3-658-30504-8
K. Kunzmann
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引用次数: 5
Populism and Spatial Planning Meta-Theory 民粹主义与空间规划元理论
Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/02513625.2021.2060580
A. Faludi
Abstract This paper argues that territories being the objects of spatial planning amounts to a spatial planning meta-theory shared with populists, which I describe as territorialism. Prioritising their territory and people, except where it is a source of threats and opportunities, populists neglect the world outside. Invoking Jan Werner Müller and Pierre Rosanvallon, I identify criticisms of populism, taking note also of Yascha Mounk and David Djaïz who, up to a point, accept populist concerns and see states continuing to play a role in meeting them. To planners, the meta-planning theory that singles out territories as objects of state concern and planning poses a dilemma. In reality, spatial relations go all over the place. Even if their vantage points are territories, planners must pursue spatial relations wherever they take them, including across borders. Also, there are meta-theories of spatial planning less congenial to populists. They focus on places rather than jurisdictions, or on functional areas criss-crossing territories.
本文认为,领土作为空间规划的对象,相当于与民粹主义者共享的空间规划元理论,我将其描述为领土主义。民粹主义者优先考虑自己的领土和人民,除了那些构成威胁和机遇的地方,他们忽视了外部世界。引用Jan Werner m和Pierre Rosanvallon,我指出了对民粹主义的批评,也注意到Yascha Mounk和David Djaïz,他们在某种程度上接受民粹主义的担忧,并认为国家在满足这些担忧方面继续发挥作用。对于规划者来说,将领土作为国家关注和规划对象的元规划理论带来了两难境地。在现实中,空间关系无处不在。即使他们的有利位置是领土,规划者也必须在任何地方追求空间关系,包括跨越边界。此外,还有一些空间规划的元理论不太适合民粹主义者。他们关注的是地方而不是司法管辖区,或者是跨越领土的功能区。
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引用次数: 0
Entwicklungspfade städtischer Klimapolitik
Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/02513625.2021.2060576
Kristine Kern, W. Haupt, Stefan Niederhafner
Abstract Our paper explores the climate pathways of the three mid-sized cities German of Potsdam, Remscheid and Würzburg. Particular emphasis was put on key events (e.g. disruptive events) and key actors (e.g. local decision-makers) that significantly influenced the development of local climate policy. The path analyses are based on the analysis of several key policy documents such as climate strategies and reports and 34 interviews with local actors from city administration and politics. Main results were that all three cities started tackle climate change strategically despite the absence of major disaster events. Furthermore, it emerged that key events driving local climate action were often not directly related to the topic of climate change but concerned other areas of city development in the first place. Lastly, the results suggest that the set of key actors advancing local climate policies should most favorably consist of powerful initiators and accelerators on the executive level, active, well-connected and third-party funds generating supporters within the city administration, and information brokers from science. Future research needs to focus on the interplay between these different key actors. Furthermore, there is a lack of research on mid-sized cities in Germany. There is a need for more case studies in German cities, particularly in those that have not been visible as forerunners. This applies particularly to cities with limited local capacities that have nevertheless managed to pioneer climate policies. Their successful strategies and approaches could serve as models for cities that have to work under similar conditions. English title: Development pathways of local climate governance – Relevance of key events and key actors for the climate activities of Potsdam, Remscheid and Würzburg
本文探讨了德国波茨坦、雷姆沙伊德和维尔茨堡三个中型城市的气候路径。特别强调了重大影响当地气候政策制定的关键事件(例如破坏性事件)和关键行为者(例如当地决策者)。路径分析基于对气候战略和报告等几个关键政策文件的分析,以及对34位来自城市管理和政治领域的当地行动者的采访。主要结果是,尽管没有发生重大灾害事件,但这三个城市都开始从战略上应对气候变化。此外,研究还发现,推动当地气候行动的关键事件往往与气候变化主题没有直接关系,而是首先与城市发展的其他领域有关。最后,研究结果表明,推动地方气候政策的关键参与者应由行政层面强有力的发起者和加速器、城市管理部门内活跃的、关系良好的第三方基金支持者以及来自科学界的信息经纪人组成。未来的研究需要关注这些不同关键因素之间的相互作用。此外,对德国中型城市的研究也很缺乏。有必要对德国城市进行更多的案例研究,特别是在那些作为先行者并不明显的城市。这尤其适用于地方能力有限但却成功地率先采取气候政策的城市。他们成功的策略和方法可以作为在类似条件下工作的城市的典范。英文标题:地方气候治理的发展路径——波茨坦、雷姆沙伊德和维尔茨堡气候活动的关键事件和关键参与者的相关性
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引用次数: 1
In the Images of Development 在《发展的形象》一书中
Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/02513625.2021.2060589
K. Kunzmann
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引用次数: 0
The Vanishing Suburban Dream in Australia 澳大利亚正在消失的郊区梦
Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02513625.2021.2026646
Peter Walters
Australia is the most suburbanised country on earth. The ‘Australian Dream’ of a house in the suburbs has long reflected the sense of entitlement that urban Australians have to the financial security, private space and amenity that the Dream promises. Since around the turn of the century, governments at every level have been attempting to arrest suburban sprawl for its negative social, environmental and economic impacts. However, neoliberal economic and planning environments have exacerbated regulatory failure, so attempts to create compact cities have done little to provide genuine alternatives to suburban life or address low-quality sprawl in newly built outer suburbs. Unrestrained house price inflation, assisted by an investor-friendly taxation regime, has led to a situation where the housing outcome, the Dream, enjoyed by previous generations is becoming impossible. Overlaying this is an ideological environment that pits the suburbs against the inner city as a battle in the ‘culture wars’ and serves to obliterate any nuance, diversity or possibility for progressive change into the public debate.
澳大利亚是世界上郊区化程度最高的国家。长期以来,在郊区买房的“澳大利亚梦”反映了澳大利亚城市居民对“澳大利亚梦”所承诺的经济保障、私人空间和舒适设施的权利感。自世纪之交以来,各级政府一直试图遏制郊区扩张对社会、环境和经济的负面影响。然而,新自由主义的经济和规划环境加剧了监管失灵,因此,创建紧凑型城市的尝试在为郊区生活提供真正的替代方案或解决新建远郊的低质量扩张方面收效甚微。不受约束的房价上涨,再加上对投资者有利的税收制度,导致了这样一种局面:前几代人享有的住房梦想正变得不可能实现。在此之上是一种意识形态环境,将郊区与内城作为“文化战争”的战斗,并用于消除任何细微差别,多样性或进入公共辩论的渐进变化的可能性。
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引用次数: 2
What’s in a Name? That Which We Call Sprawl 名字里有什么?我们称之为蔓延
Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02513625.2021.2026648
Eric Charmes, Max Rousseau
“What’s in a name? That which we call a rose, by any other name would smell as sweet”, Juliet says in William Shakespeare’s play Romeo and Juliet (Act II, scene I). Sprawl is undoubtedly not a rose, but as Richard Harris and Charlotte Vorms (2017) recall, the term is by no means neutral and is difficult to replace. It has an obvious moral content. When used to refer to a person, sprawl means “an ungainly or carelessly relaxed position in which one’s arms and legs are spread out” 1. By extension, the term also refers to urban development “spread out over a large area in an untidy or irregular way”. Controlling sprawl, therefore, involves rectifying a situation characterised by sloppiness. Fighting sprawl involves correcting the production of urbanisation, particularly on the fringes, where the city is growing and spreading. Hence the title of this special issue: the debate on sprawl refers to the more fundamental question of growth control. As highlighted by Alex Schafran (2019), political questions lie behind the struggle to control urban sprawl: who controls the development of the city fringes? What are the goals? What problems, compromises and alliances are there between the different actors involved? Sprawl is socially constructed as a gap between an existing situation and an ideal, which is why this introduction will not provide a definition of sprawl. This special issue considers sprawl not as an object that can be defined a priori, but as a matter of empirical analysis. Sprawl is what some actors in a city consider to be problematic when it comes to organising the city peripheries and their growth. This special issue shows that there are as many definitions of sprawl as there are actors and cities. In fact, some actors do not think there is a problem. What some disqualify as sprawl, others consider to be urban growth. And to many, such growth is desirable. In the United States, what is now commonly called sprawl was the spatial manifestation of the Fordist regime for years: the detached house with a fridge, washing machine and lawnmower, the shopping mall, business park and motorway. These were the vectors of the middle and working classes’ accession to comfort (Hayden 2004). In many ways, they still are, especially in fast-growing countries. This lifestyle is now widely criticised for being consumerist and for its negative environmental impact. However, it remains an important feature of urban landscapes and is still being widely replicated all over the world (Keil 2017; Berger et al. 2017). The criticisms now used to justify the fight against sprawl focus on environmental issues. Yet, the climate emergency should not prevent discussion and debate on anti-sprawl policies. Following in the tradition of urban political ecology (Swyngedouw, Heynen 2003; Keil 2019, 2020), this special issue will explain the sociopolitical context in which this fight is now taking place. There is no single solution to the environmental problems raised by urban
“名字有什么用?”在莎士比亚的戏剧《罗密欧与朱丽叶》(第二幕第一场)中,朱丽叶说:“我们称之为玫瑰的东西,用其他任何名字都一样芬芳。”毫无疑问,Sprawl不是玫瑰,但正如理查德·哈里斯和夏洛特·沃尔姆斯(2017)回忆的那样,这个词绝不是中性的,很难被取代。它有明显的道德内涵。当用来形容一个人时,sprawl的意思是“一种笨拙或漫不经心的放松姿势,胳膊和腿摊开”。引申开来,这个词也指“以不整洁或不规则的方式在大面积上扩张”的城市发展。因此,控制城市扩张需要纠正以马虎为特征的局面。对抗城市蔓延涉及到纠正城市化的生产,特别是在城市发展和扩张的边缘地区。因此,本期特刊的标题是:关于城市扩张的辩论涉及到更根本的增长控制问题。正如Alex Schafran(2019)所强调的那样,控制城市蔓延的斗争背后存在政治问题:谁控制城市边缘的发展?目标是什么?不同的参与者之间存在什么问题、妥协和联盟?城市蔓延是社会构建的,是现有情况与理想之间的差距,这就是为什么本文不提供城市蔓延的定义。本期特刊认为,城市扩张不是一个可以先验地定义的对象,而是一个经验分析的问题。当涉及到城市边缘的组织和发展时,城市的一些参与者认为城市蔓延是有问题的。本期特刊表明,对于城市蔓延的定义有多少,就有多少。事实上,一些演员并不认为有什么问题。有些人认为这是城市扩张,有些人则认为这是城市增长。对许多人来说,这样的增长是可取的。在美国,现在通常被称为“蔓延”的东西多年来一直是福特主义政权的空间表现:带冰箱、洗衣机和割草机的独立式住宅、购物中心、商业园区和高速公路。这些都是中产阶级和工人阶级获得舒适的载体(Hayden 2004)。在许多方面,他们仍然是,特别是在快速增长的国家。这种生活方式现在被广泛批评为消费主义和对环境的负面影响。然而,它仍然是城市景观的一个重要特征,并且仍然在世界各地被广泛复制(Keil 2017;Berger et al. 2017)。现在,反对城市扩张的批评主要集中在环境问题上。然而,气候紧急情况不应阻止对反扩张政策的讨论和辩论。遵循城市政治生态学的传统(swyngedow, Heynen 2003;Keil 2019, 2020),本期特刊将解释这场斗争正在发生的社会政治背景。对于城市扩张带来的环境问题,没有单一的解决方案,有几个。困难在于,通过选择一种解决方案而不是另一种解决方案,不可避免地会有赢家和输家。人们对这些不平等现象的意识越来越强,越来越多的批评文献涉及控制增长,名字里有什么?我们称之为蔓延
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引用次数: 2
Sprawl Politics: Comparing the City Regions of Paris (France) and Gauteng (South Africa) 城市扩张政治:比较法国巴黎和南非豪登省的城市区域
Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02513625.2021.2026680
A. Mabin
Abstract What are the politics of ‘sprawl’? We pose this question in two complex city-regions of similar population and scale: one in the south of the world, centred on Johannesburg and Pretoria, South Africa (called Gauteng city-region); and one in the north, centred on Paris, France (variously defined as ‘Paris region’, Île-de-France, Grand Paris, etc). Both cases have experienced redesign of the metropolitan or city-region governance in the recent past; in both, there are constituencies arguing against sprawl but continuing practices that produce sprawl. Both city-regions are subjects of continuing research. Whilst two examples cannot exhaust the complex issues in the field, some light may be shed by bringing cases from the south and north into intersection. The underlying conceptual or theoretical questions include: meanings of ‘sprawl’ in diverse contexts; significance of fragmented city-region government; and differences and similarities in urban processes between southern and northern cities.
“扩张”的政治含义是什么?我们在两个人口和规模相似的复杂城市地区提出了这个问题:一个在世界南部,以南非的约翰内斯堡和比勒陀利亚为中心(称为豪登省城市地区);一个在北部,以法国巴黎为中心(不同的定义为“巴黎地区”,Île-de-France,大巴黎等)。这两种情况都经历了最近对大都市或城市地区治理的重新设计;在这两个国家,都有反对扩张的支持者,但仍有导致扩张的做法。这两个城市地区都是持续研究的对象。虽然两个例子不能穷尽该领域的复杂问题,但将南北案例结合起来可能会带来一些启示。潜在的概念或理论问题包括:“蔓延”在不同背景下的含义;碎片化城市-区域政府的意义以及南北城市发展过程的异同。
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引用次数: 1
The Anti-sprawl Policies in Tehran and the Creation of Spatial Injustice 德黑兰的反扩张政策与空间不公平的产生
Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02513625.2021.2026675
Vafa Dianati
Abstract The proliferation of anti-sprawl policies across the cities in the Global South and North appears to be a legitimate backlash to an ever-increasing rate of urban growth and expansion in the 21st century. Questions remain, however, around the outcomes of sprawl-controlling plans, the extent to which the Northern perspectives dominate the anti-sprawl rhetoric across the globe, and whether transferring them to the rapidly expanding Southern cities is rational and feasible. It is essential to acknowledge that the incentives and, in turn, consequences of urban sprawl in the Southern cities are substantially different from their Northern counterparts. Such divergences call for a new approach towards ‘provincialisation’ (Sheppard, Leitner and Maringanti, 2013) of urban sprawl discourses. This paper examines the intersection of anti-sprawl debates and spatial injustice and incorporates both empirical and theoretical elements. The empirical element examines the historical development of anti-sprawl strategies in Tehran since the 1960s and scrutinises the consequences of the urban containment policies and plans, particularly in relation to the creation of peripheral spatial traps and through the lens of spatial justice, citizenship and the ‘right to the centre’ (Marcuse, 2009; Harvey, 2010; Soja, 2013). The theoretical element contributes to the debate on the ‘theory from the South’ by underlining the dialectical interplay of centre and periphery within the trajectories of urban growth in the Southern cities and arguing for the need to develop multiple urban epistemologies capable of explaining the complexities of multiple urban conditions in the South. The core argument of this paper is thus twofold. First and through an empirically supported argument, it contends that anti-sprawl policies and strategies in Tehran act as catalysts in the densification/sprawl dialectical transformation of the cities and intensify the creation of unjust geographies in the peripheral buffer zones through displacement and compromising the ‘right to the centre’ of (non)citizens. Second and from a wider perspective, the paper argues against theorisation of urban sprawl as a universally relevant and applicable category of urban transformation and calls for a reformulation of the concept, its drivers and materialisation, and the institutional responses given to it from the Southern perspective.
在全球南北城市中,反扩张政策的扩散似乎是对21世纪不断增长的城市增长和扩张速度的合理反弹。然而,围绕控制城市扩张计划的结果,北方观点在全球范围内主导反城市扩张言论的程度,以及将其转移到迅速扩张的南方城市是否合理和可行,问题仍然存在。必须承认,南方城市城市扩张的动机及其后果与北方城市有很大不同。这种分歧要求对城市蔓延话语采取一种新的“省区化”方法(Sheppard, Leitner和Maringanti, 2013)。本文探讨了反扩张辩论和空间不公正的交叉点,并结合了实证和理论因素。实证元素考察了自20世纪60年代以来德黑兰反扩张战略的历史发展,并通过空间正义、公民身份和“中心权”的视角审视了城市遏制政策和计划的后果,特别是与周边空间陷阱的创造有关的后果(马尔库塞,2009;哈维,2010;大豆,2013)。通过强调南方城市发展轨迹中中心和外围的辩证相互作用,理论元素有助于“来自南方的理论”的辩论,并主张需要发展多种城市认识论,能够解释南方多种城市条件的复杂性。因此,本文的核心论点是双重的。首先,通过一个经验支持的论点,它认为德黑兰的反扩张政策和战略在城市的密集/扩张辩证转变中起着催化剂的作用,并通过流离失所和损害(非)公民的“中心权”,加剧了外围缓冲区不公正地理的创造。其次,从更广泛的角度来看,本文反对将城市扩张理论化为普遍相关和适用的城市转型类别,并呼吁从南方的角度重新制定概念,其驱动因素和物化,以及对其的制度回应。
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引用次数: 0
A Sustainable Urban Sprawl? 可持续的城市扩张?
Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02513625.2021.2026667
Cristian Silva, Jing Ma
Abstract Urban sprawl in Latin America is described as one of the major problems of ‘the growth machine’. As a reaction, most planning policies are based on anti-sprawl narratives, while in practice, urban sprawl has been thoroughly consolidated by all tiers of government. In this paper – and using the capital city of Chile, Santiago, as a case study – we challenge these anti-sprawl politics in light of the emerging environmental values and associated meanings of the interstitial spaces resulting from land fragmentation in contexts of urban sprawl. Looking at the interstitial spaces that lie between developments becomes relevant in understanding urban sprawl, considering that significant attention has been paid to the impact of the built-up space that defines the urban character of cities and their governance arrangements. We propose that looking at Santiago’s urban sprawl from the interstitial spaces may contribute to the creation of more sustainable sprawling landscapes and inspire modernisations beyond anti-sprawl policies. Finally, it is suggested that a more sustainable urban development of city regions might include the environmental values of suburban interstices and consider them as assets for the creation of more comprehensive planning and policy responses to urban sprawl.
拉丁美洲的城市扩张被描述为“增长机器”的主要问题之一。作为一种反应,大多数规划政策都是基于反扩张的叙事,而在实践中,城市扩张已经被各级政府彻底巩固。在本文中,我们以智利首都圣地亚哥为案例研究,根据城市扩张背景下土地碎片化导致的间隙空间的新兴环境价值和相关意义,对这些反扩张政治提出了挑战。考虑到建筑空间对城市特征及其治理安排的影响,研究开发之间的间隙空间对理解城市蔓延具有重要意义。我们建议,从间隙空间的角度来看待圣地亚哥的城市扩张,可能有助于创造更可持续的扩张景观,并激发反扩张政策之外的现代化。最后,建议城市区域更可持续的城市发展可能包括郊区交叉路口的环境价值,并将其视为创建更全面的规划和政策应对城市蔓延的资产。
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引用次数: 4
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disP - The Planning Review
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