Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/02513625.2021.2060585
Oliver Dlabac
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Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/02513625.2021.2060580
A. Faludi
Abstract This paper argues that territories being the objects of spatial planning amounts to a spatial planning meta-theory shared with populists, which I describe as territorialism. Prioritising their territory and people, except where it is a source of threats and opportunities, populists neglect the world outside. Invoking Jan Werner Müller and Pierre Rosanvallon, I identify criticisms of populism, taking note also of Yascha Mounk and David Djaïz who, up to a point, accept populist concerns and see states continuing to play a role in meeting them. To planners, the meta-planning theory that singles out territories as objects of state concern and planning poses a dilemma. In reality, spatial relations go all over the place. Even if their vantage points are territories, planners must pursue spatial relations wherever they take them, including across borders. Also, there are meta-theories of spatial planning less congenial to populists. They focus on places rather than jurisdictions, or on functional areas criss-crossing territories.
本文认为，领土作为空间规划的对象，相当于与民粹主义者共享的空间规划元理论，我将其描述为领土主义。民粹主义者优先考虑自己的领土和人民，除了那些构成威胁和机遇的地方，他们忽视了外部世界。引用Jan Werner m和Pierre Rosanvallon，我指出了对民粹主义的批评，也注意到Yascha Mounk和David Djaïz，他们在某种程度上接受民粹主义的担忧，并认为国家在满足这些担忧方面继续发挥作用。对于规划者来说，将领土作为国家关注和规划对象的元规划理论带来了两难境地。在现实中，空间关系无处不在。即使他们的有利位置是领土，规划者也必须在任何地方追求空间关系，包括跨越边界。此外，还有一些空间规划的元理论不太适合民粹主义者。他们关注的是地方而不是司法管辖区，或者是跨越领土的功能区。
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Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/02513625.2021.2060576
Kristine Kern, W. Haupt, Stefan Niederhafner
Abstract Our paper explores the climate pathways of the three mid-sized cities German of Potsdam, Remscheid and Würzburg. Particular emphasis was put on key events (e.g. disruptive events) and key actors (e.g. local decision-makers) that significantly influenced the development of local climate policy. The path analyses are based on the analysis of several key policy documents such as climate strategies and reports and 34 interviews with local actors from city administration and politics. Main results were that all three cities started tackle climate change strategically despite the absence of major disaster events. Furthermore, it emerged that key events driving local climate action were often not directly related to the topic of climate change but concerned other areas of city development in the first place. Lastly, the results suggest that the set of key actors advancing local climate policies should most favorably consist of powerful initiators and accelerators on the executive level, active, well-connected and third-party funds generating supporters within the city administration, and information brokers from science. Future research needs to focus on the interplay between these different key actors. Furthermore, there is a lack of research on mid-sized cities in Germany. There is a need for more case studies in German cities, particularly in those that have not been visible as forerunners. This applies particularly to cities with limited local capacities that have nevertheless managed to pioneer climate policies. Their successful strategies and approaches could serve as models for cities that have to work under similar conditions. English title: Development pathways of local climate governance – Relevance of key events and key actors for the climate activities of Potsdam, Remscheid and Würzburg
{"title":"Entwicklungspfade städtischer Klimapolitik","authors":"Kristine Kern, W. Haupt, Stefan Niederhafner","doi":"10.1080/02513625.2021.2060576","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02513625.2021.2060576","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Our paper explores the climate pathways of the three mid-sized cities German of Potsdam, Remscheid and Würzburg. Particular emphasis was put on key events (e.g. disruptive events) and key actors (e.g. local decision-makers) that significantly influenced the development of local climate policy. The path analyses are based on the analysis of several key policy documents such as climate strategies and reports and 34 interviews with local actors from city administration and politics. Main results were that all three cities started tackle climate change strategically despite the absence of major disaster events. Furthermore, it emerged that key events driving local climate action were often not directly related to the topic of climate change but concerned other areas of city development in the first place. Lastly, the results suggest that the set of key actors advancing local climate policies should most favorably consist of powerful initiators and accelerators on the executive level, active, well-connected and third-party funds generating supporters within the city administration, and information brokers from science. Future research needs to focus on the interplay between these different key actors. Furthermore, there is a lack of research on mid-sized cities in Germany. There is a need for more case studies in German cities, particularly in those that have not been visible as forerunners. This applies particularly to cities with limited local capacities that have nevertheless managed to pioneer climate policies. Their successful strategies and approaches could serve as models for cities that have to work under similar conditions. English title: Development pathways of local climate governance – Relevance of key events and key actors for the climate activities of Potsdam, Remscheid and Würzburg","PeriodicalId":379677,"journal":{"name":"disP - The Planning Review","volume":"1 4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131151505","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/02513625.2021.2060589
K. Kunzmann
{"title":"In the Images of Development","authors":"K. Kunzmann","doi":"10.1080/02513625.2021.2060589","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02513625.2021.2060589","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":379677,"journal":{"name":"disP - The Planning Review","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126299013","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/02513625.2021.2026646
Peter Walters
Australia is the most suburbanised country on earth. The ‘Australian Dream’ of a house in the suburbs has long reflected the sense of entitlement that urban Australians have to the financial security, private space and amenity that the Dream promises. Since around the turn of the century, governments at every level have been attempting to arrest suburban sprawl for its negative social, environmental and economic impacts. However, neoliberal economic and planning environments have exacerbated regulatory failure, so attempts to create compact cities have done little to provide genuine alternatives to suburban life or address low-quality sprawl in newly built outer suburbs. Unrestrained house price inflation, assisted by an investor-friendly taxation regime, has led to a situation where the housing outcome, the Dream, enjoyed by previous generations is becoming impossible. Overlaying this is an ideological environment that pits the suburbs against the inner city as a battle in the ‘culture wars’ and serves to obliterate any nuance, diversity or possibility for progressive change into the public debate.
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Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/02513625.2021.2026648
Eric Charmes, Max Rousseau
“What’s in a name? That which we call a rose, by any other name would smell as sweet”, Juliet says in William Shakespeare’s play Romeo and Juliet (Act II, scene I). Sprawl is undoubtedly not a rose, but as Richard Harris and Charlotte Vorms (2017) recall, the term is by no means neutral and is difficult to replace. It has an obvious moral content. When used to refer to a person, sprawl means “an ungainly or carelessly relaxed position in which one’s arms and legs are spread out” 1. By extension, the term also refers to urban development “spread out over a large area in an untidy or irregular way”. Controlling sprawl, therefore, involves rectifying a situation characterised by sloppiness. Fighting sprawl involves correcting the production of urbanisation, particularly on the fringes, where the city is growing and spreading. Hence the title of this special issue: the debate on sprawl refers to the more fundamental question of growth control. As highlighted by Alex Schafran (2019), political questions lie behind the struggle to control urban sprawl: who controls the development of the city fringes? What are the goals? What problems, compromises and alliances are there between the different actors involved? Sprawl is socially constructed as a gap between an existing situation and an ideal, which is why this introduction will not provide a definition of sprawl. This special issue considers sprawl not as an object that can be defined a priori, but as a matter of empirical analysis. Sprawl is what some actors in a city consider to be problematic when it comes to organising the city peripheries and their growth. This special issue shows that there are as many definitions of sprawl as there are actors and cities. In fact, some actors do not think there is a problem. What some disqualify as sprawl, others consider to be urban growth. And to many, such growth is desirable. In the United States, what is now commonly called sprawl was the spatial manifestation of the Fordist regime for years: the detached house with a fridge, washing machine and lawnmower, the shopping mall, business park and motorway. These were the vectors of the middle and working classes’ accession to comfort (Hayden 2004). In many ways, they still are, especially in fast-growing countries. This lifestyle is now widely criticised for being consumerist and for its negative environmental impact. However, it remains an important feature of urban landscapes and is still being widely replicated all over the world (Keil 2017; Berger et al. 2017). The criticisms now used to justify the fight against sprawl focus on environmental issues. Yet, the climate emergency should not prevent discussion and debate on anti-sprawl policies. Following in the tradition of urban political ecology (Swyngedouw, Heynen 2003; Keil 2019, 2020), this special issue will explain the sociopolitical context in which this fight is now taking place. There is no single solution to the environmental problems raised by urban
{"title":"What’s in a Name? That Which We Call Sprawl","authors":"Eric Charmes, Max Rousseau","doi":"10.1080/02513625.2021.2026648","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02513625.2021.2026648","url":null,"abstract":"“What’s in a name? That which we call a rose, by any other name would smell as sweet”, Juliet says in William Shakespeare’s play Romeo and Juliet (Act II, scene I). Sprawl is undoubtedly not a rose, but as Richard Harris and Charlotte Vorms (2017) recall, the term is by no means neutral and is difficult to replace. It has an obvious moral content. When used to refer to a person, sprawl means “an ungainly or carelessly relaxed position in which one’s arms and legs are spread out” 1. By extension, the term also refers to urban development “spread out over a large area in an untidy or irregular way”. Controlling sprawl, therefore, involves rectifying a situation characterised by sloppiness. Fighting sprawl involves correcting the production of urbanisation, particularly on the fringes, where the city is growing and spreading. Hence the title of this special issue: the debate on sprawl refers to the more fundamental question of growth control. As highlighted by Alex Schafran (2019), political questions lie behind the struggle to control urban sprawl: who controls the development of the city fringes? What are the goals? What problems, compromises and alliances are there between the different actors involved? Sprawl is socially constructed as a gap between an existing situation and an ideal, which is why this introduction will not provide a definition of sprawl. This special issue considers sprawl not as an object that can be defined a priori, but as a matter of empirical analysis. Sprawl is what some actors in a city consider to be problematic when it comes to organising the city peripheries and their growth. This special issue shows that there are as many definitions of sprawl as there are actors and cities. In fact, some actors do not think there is a problem. What some disqualify as sprawl, others consider to be urban growth. And to many, such growth is desirable. In the United States, what is now commonly called sprawl was the spatial manifestation of the Fordist regime for years: the detached house with a fridge, washing machine and lawnmower, the shopping mall, business park and motorway. These were the vectors of the middle and working classes’ accession to comfort (Hayden 2004). In many ways, they still are, especially in fast-growing countries. This lifestyle is now widely criticised for being consumerist and for its negative environmental impact. However, it remains an important feature of urban landscapes and is still being widely replicated all over the world (Keil 2017; Berger et al. 2017). The criticisms now used to justify the fight against sprawl focus on environmental issues. Yet, the climate emergency should not prevent discussion and debate on anti-sprawl policies. Following in the tradition of urban political ecology (Swyngedouw, Heynen 2003; Keil 2019, 2020), this special issue will explain the sociopolitical context in which this fight is now taking place. There is no single solution to the environmental problems raised by urban ","PeriodicalId":379677,"journal":{"name":"disP - The Planning Review","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115082027","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/02513625.2021.2026680
A. Mabin
Abstract What are the politics of ‘sprawl’? We pose this question in two complex city-regions of similar population and scale: one in the south of the world, centred on Johannesburg and Pretoria, South Africa (called Gauteng city-region); and one in the north, centred on Paris, France (variously defined as ‘Paris region’, Île-de-France, Grand Paris, etc). Both cases have experienced redesign of the metropolitan or city-region governance in the recent past; in both, there are constituencies arguing against sprawl but continuing practices that produce sprawl. Both city-regions are subjects of continuing research. Whilst two examples cannot exhaust the complex issues in the field, some light may be shed by bringing cases from the south and north into intersection. The underlying conceptual or theoretical questions include: meanings of ‘sprawl’ in diverse contexts; significance of fragmented city-region government; and differences and similarities in urban processes between southern and northern cities.
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Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/02513625.2021.2026675
Vafa Dianati
Abstract The proliferation of anti-sprawl policies across the cities in the Global South and North appears to be a legitimate backlash to an ever-increasing rate of urban growth and expansion in the 21st century. Questions remain, however, around the outcomes of sprawl-controlling plans, the extent to which the Northern perspectives dominate the anti-sprawl rhetoric across the globe, and whether transferring them to the rapidly expanding Southern cities is rational and feasible. It is essential to acknowledge that the incentives and, in turn, consequences of urban sprawl in the Southern cities are substantially different from their Northern counterparts. Such divergences call for a new approach towards ‘provincialisation’ (Sheppard, Leitner and Maringanti, 2013) of urban sprawl discourses. This paper examines the intersection of anti-sprawl debates and spatial injustice and incorporates both empirical and theoretical elements. The empirical element examines the historical development of anti-sprawl strategies in Tehran since the 1960s and scrutinises the consequences of the urban containment policies and plans, particularly in relation to the creation of peripheral spatial traps and through the lens of spatial justice, citizenship and the ‘right to the centre’ (Marcuse, 2009; Harvey, 2010; Soja, 2013). The theoretical element contributes to the debate on the ‘theory from the South’ by underlining the dialectical interplay of centre and periphery within the trajectories of urban growth in the Southern cities and arguing for the need to develop multiple urban epistemologies capable of explaining the complexities of multiple urban conditions in the South. The core argument of this paper is thus twofold. First and through an empirically supported argument, it contends that anti-sprawl policies and strategies in Tehran act as catalysts in the densification/sprawl dialectical transformation of the cities and intensify the creation of unjust geographies in the peripheral buffer zones through displacement and compromising the ‘right to the centre’ of (non)citizens. Second and from a wider perspective, the paper argues against theorisation of urban sprawl as a universally relevant and applicable category of urban transformation and calls for a reformulation of the concept, its drivers and materialisation, and the institutional responses given to it from the Southern perspective.
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Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/02513625.2021.2026667
Cristian Silva, Jing Ma
Abstract Urban sprawl in Latin America is described as one of the major problems of ‘the growth machine’. As a reaction, most planning policies are based on anti-sprawl narratives, while in practice, urban sprawl has been thoroughly consolidated by all tiers of government. In this paper – and using the capital city of Chile, Santiago, as a case study – we challenge these anti-sprawl politics in light of the emerging environmental values and associated meanings of the interstitial spaces resulting from land fragmentation in contexts of urban sprawl. Looking at the interstitial spaces that lie between developments becomes relevant in understanding urban sprawl, considering that significant attention has been paid to the impact of the built-up space that defines the urban character of cities and their governance arrangements. We propose that looking at Santiago’s urban sprawl from the interstitial spaces may contribute to the creation of more sustainable sprawling landscapes and inspire modernisations beyond anti-sprawl policies. Finally, it is suggested that a more sustainable urban development of city regions might include the environmental values of suburban interstices and consider them as assets for the creation of more comprehensive planning and policy responses to urban sprawl.
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