EnglishDuels and deuotiones: a representation of war in Livian historiography. In this paper, we resume an unsolved historiographical debate on a martial practice which can still be found in the late-Republican history, i.e. single combat. To go beyond the old opposition between survival of archaic stereotypes and use of specific martial customs, from a narratological perspective, these single combat representations are to be compared to those of deuotiones, bringing to light a common narrative pattern which matches with the rhetoric codification in topoi. Livy does not only build here exemplary characters or episodes which structure Roman collective memory but also offers to reflect on the mechanisms of war violence and on the ways to include it in Roman society. If such a narrative codification leads to some extend to a stereotypification, nevertheless, it mirrors the narrative drafting as well. Thus, the narrative focuses on the motive of spolia, both answering to the Polybian theory and to the Augustan control of spolia opima. francaisDans cette contribution, nous nous interessons a la persistance, depuis la Republique jusqu’a l’Empire, de pratiques guerrieres assimilables a des combats singuliers. L’analyse narratologique permet de depasser l’opposition tracee entre representations de survivances archaiques et recours a des pratiques militaires singulieres, et de mettre en parallele representations de duels et de deuotiones, suivant un schema narratif commun renvoyant a la codification en lieux propre a la rhetorique. Tite-Live ne nous y offre pas qu’une construction de ces figures exemplaires structurant la memoire collective ; il propose de reflechir, a travers le recours a des dispositifs spectaculaires, sur les mecanismes de la violence guerriere et sur les conditions de son integration, articulant collectif et individu. Si la codification narrative de ces episodes aboutit a une stereotypisation, elle reflete aussi une elaboration du recit autour du motif des spolia, repondant a la theorie polybienne et a la captation des depouilles opimes par Auguste
{"title":"Duels et deuotiones, une représentation de la guerre dans l’historiographie livienne","authors":"M. Miquel","doi":"10.4000/mefra.6920","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/mefra.6920","url":null,"abstract":"EnglishDuels and deuotiones: a representation of war in Livian historiography. In this paper, we resume an unsolved historiographical debate on a martial practice which can still be found in the late-Republican history, i.e. single combat. To go beyond the old opposition between survival of archaic stereotypes and use of specific martial customs, from a narratological perspective, these single combat representations are to be compared to those of deuotiones, bringing to light a common narrative pattern which matches with the rhetoric codification in topoi. Livy does not only build here exemplary characters or episodes which structure Roman collective memory but also offers to reflect on the mechanisms of war violence and on the ways to include it in Roman society. If such a narrative codification leads to some extend to a stereotypification, nevertheless, it mirrors the narrative drafting as well. Thus, the narrative focuses on the motive of spolia, both answering to the Polybian theory and to the Augustan control of spolia opima. francaisDans cette contribution, nous nous interessons a la persistance, depuis la Republique jusqu’a l’Empire, de pratiques guerrieres assimilables a des combats singuliers. L’analyse narratologique permet de depasser l’opposition tracee entre representations de survivances archaiques et recours a des pratiques militaires singulieres, et de mettre en parallele representations de duels et de deuotiones, suivant un schema narratif commun renvoyant a la codification en lieux propre a la rhetorique. Tite-Live ne nous y offre pas qu’une construction de ces figures exemplaires structurant la memoire collective ; il propose de reflechir, a travers le recours a des dispositifs spectaculaires, sur les mecanismes de la violence guerriere et sur les conditions de son integration, articulant collectif et individu. Si la codification narrative de ces episodes aboutit a une stereotypisation, elle reflete aussi une elaboration du recit autour du motif des spolia, repondant a la theorie polybienne et a la captation des depouilles opimes par Auguste","PeriodicalId":38632,"journal":{"name":"Melanges de l''Ecole Francaise de Rome:Antiquite","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70392761","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
La recente pubblicazione nel 2015 del corpus delle iscrizioni retiche, Monumenta Linguae Raeticae, corredato di indici lessicali e inversi, ha consentito riesaminare le evidenze onomastiche emerse dall’analisi delle iscrizioni. Sono stati isolati cosi elementi di onomastica non retica, nello specifico venetica, celtica ed etrusca. Nel caso dell’Etrusco, l’analisi ha rivelato che le basi onomastiche erano molto piu cospicue delle altre, pur non essendovi traccia di presenza stanziale di Etruschi in area Retica, se non come frequentazione e scambi culturali e commerciali. L’analisi comparativa del Retico con l’Etrusco, possibile a partire dalla scoperta, circa venti anni or sono, della relazione genealogica tra le due lingue, consente oggi di lavorare anche in senso «etimologico», pur non potendo rintracciare, nella maggior parte dei casi, l’aspetto semantico dei temi indagati. Ma dato che ogni tema onomastico e in origine un appellativo, le due lingue hanno sviluppato, a partire dalla stessa base semantica, temi onomastici simili, anche se a volte non coincidenti. La presenza di onomastica di tipo etrusco in area retica si spiega cosi con il lessico originariamente comune alle due lingue.
最近在2015年出版的具有里程碑意义的《语言和宗教注册语料库》(language and Raeticae注册语料库)，以及词汇和反义词索引，使我们能够重新审视从注册分析中获得的onomastics证据。因此，非经线的命理符号元素被分离出来，特别是文、凯尔特和伊特鲁里亚。在伊特鲁里亚人的情况下，分析显示，亚特鲁里亚人的声学基础比其他亚特鲁里亚人要大得多，尽管没有伊特鲁里亚人在网络区域的定居记录，除了作为一种社交活动和文化和商业交流。从大约20年前发现这两种语言之间的宗谱关系开始，将网格与艾特鲁什河进行比较是可能的。但是，由于每一种命名学主题最初都有一个名称，这两种语言从相同的语义基础发展出类似的命名学主题，尽管有时并不一致。因此，伊特鲁里亚式的onomics在retica区域的存在可以用这两种语言最初共有的词汇来解释。
{"title":"L’onomastica nella ricostruzione del lessico: il caso di Retico ed Etrusco","authors":"S. Marchesini","doi":"10.4000/mefra.7613","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/mefra.7613","url":null,"abstract":"La recente pubblicazione nel 2015 del corpus delle iscrizioni retiche, Monumenta Linguae Raeticae, corredato di indici lessicali e inversi, ha consentito riesaminare le evidenze onomastiche emerse dall’analisi delle iscrizioni. Sono stati isolati cosi elementi di onomastica non retica, nello specifico venetica, celtica ed etrusca. Nel caso dell’Etrusco, l’analisi ha rivelato che le basi onomastiche erano molto piu cospicue delle altre, pur non essendovi traccia di presenza stanziale di Etruschi in area Retica, se non come frequentazione e scambi culturali e commerciali. L’analisi comparativa del Retico con l’Etrusco, possibile a partire dalla scoperta, circa venti anni or sono, della relazione genealogica tra le due lingue, consente oggi di lavorare anche in senso «etimologico», pur non potendo rintracciare, nella maggior parte dei casi, l’aspetto semantico dei temi indagati. Ma dato che ogni tema onomastico e in origine un appellativo, le due lingue hanno sviluppato, a partire dalla stessa base semantica, temi onomastici simili, anche se a volte non coincidenti. La presenza di onomastica di tipo etrusco in area retica si spiega cosi con il lessico originariamente comune alle due lingue.","PeriodicalId":38632,"journal":{"name":"Melanges de l''Ecole Francaise de Rome:Antiquite","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47921129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
italianoIl contributo focalizza l’attenzione su uno dei principali contesti indigeni della Puglia meridionale, Muro Leccese, al fine di realizzare un’analisi spaziale dell’abitato dell’eta del Ferro e di inquadrare le dinamiche di sviluppo del centro. L’ultimo ventennio di ricerche archeologiche in numerose aree del paese moderno, unito alla bibliografia storica, restituisce il quadro di un villaggio di capanne organizzate per nuclei abitativi sparsi su un territorio di 70 ettari che vive tra la meta dell’VIII e la meta del VI secolo a.C., momento nel quale si registra una trasformazione interna all’insediamento stesso. Dall’ubicazione dei ritrovamenti si evince come il villaggio avesse forma differente rispetto alla citta cinta da mura nel IV secolo a.C., con il grande lacus che svolge un ruolo determinante nell’impianto delle abitazioni. La notevole estensione del sito consente di proporre un ruolo dominante nel comprensorio dell’entroterra idruntino gia dall’eta del Ferro anche se ancora poco chiare sono le dinamiche che hanno reso possibile uno sviluppo cosi rapido, avvenuto nell’arco di circa mezzo secolo. Il confronto con Oria, altro sito della Puglia meridionale per il quale sono state finora proposte dimensioni superiori ai 50 ettari, consente una riflessione sulla differente occupazione del territorio e sulle diverse dinamiche di crescita dei due insediamenti. EnglishMuro Leccese in the Iron Age. Organisation and development dynamics of an indigenous settlement in Southern Puglia. The focus of this paper is Muro Leccese, one of the most important indigenous sites in Southern Puglia, with the aim of conducting a spatial analysis of the Iron Age settlement and revealing its development dynamics. The archaeological research conducted in several parts of the modern town over the last twenty years, combined with the bibliographical sources, now allows us to reconstruct the layout of the village, which was organised into clusters of huts separated from each other by open spaces and distributed over an area of 70 hectares. The village retained this form from the mid 8th to the mid 6th centuries BC, when it was transformed into a more complex settlement. The location of the findings shows that the village was centred on the large lacus that played a decisive role in the construction and distribution of the dwellings, and that it extended over a slightly different area from the settlement that would later be enclosed by a circuit of walls in the 4th century BC. The considerable extension of the site indicates that it played a dominant role in the hinterland of Otranto during the Iron Age and subsequent period, although the dynamics that enabled such rapid development, which occurred within about half a century, are still unclear. Comparison with Oria, another site in Southern Puglia distributed over an area of more than 50 hectares to be discovered so far, allows reflection on the varying forms of occupation of the territory and on the two settle
{"title":"Muro Leccese nell’età del Ferro. Forma e organizzazione insediativa di un abitato indigeno della Puglia meridionale","authors":"F. Meo","doi":"10.4000/mefra.7404","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/mefra.7404","url":null,"abstract":"italianoIl contributo focalizza l’attenzione su uno dei principali contesti indigeni della Puglia meridionale, Muro Leccese, al fine di realizzare un’analisi spaziale dell’abitato dell’eta del Ferro e di inquadrare le dinamiche di sviluppo del centro. L’ultimo ventennio di ricerche archeologiche in numerose aree del paese moderno, unito alla bibliografia storica, restituisce il quadro di un villaggio di capanne organizzate per nuclei abitativi sparsi su un territorio di 70 ettari che vive tra la meta dell’VIII e la meta del VI secolo a.C., momento nel quale si registra una trasformazione interna all’insediamento stesso. Dall’ubicazione dei ritrovamenti si evince come il villaggio avesse forma differente rispetto alla citta cinta da mura nel IV secolo a.C., con il grande lacus che svolge un ruolo determinante nell’impianto delle abitazioni. La notevole estensione del sito consente di proporre un ruolo dominante nel comprensorio dell’entroterra idruntino gia dall’eta del Ferro anche se ancora poco chiare sono le dinamiche che hanno reso possibile uno sviluppo cosi rapido, avvenuto nell’arco di circa mezzo secolo. Il confronto con Oria, altro sito della Puglia meridionale per il quale sono state finora proposte dimensioni superiori ai 50 ettari, consente una riflessione sulla differente occupazione del territorio e sulle diverse dinamiche di crescita dei due insediamenti. EnglishMuro Leccese in the Iron Age. Organisation and development dynamics of an indigenous settlement in Southern Puglia. The focus of this paper is Muro Leccese, one of the most important indigenous sites in Southern Puglia, with the aim of conducting a spatial analysis of the Iron Age settlement and revealing its development dynamics. The archaeological research conducted in several parts of the modern town over the last twenty years, combined with the bibliographical sources, now allows us to reconstruct the layout of the village, which was organised into clusters of huts separated from each other by open spaces and distributed over an area of 70 hectares. The village retained this form from the mid 8th to the mid 6th centuries BC, when it was transformed into a more complex settlement. The location of the findings shows that the village was centred on the large lacus that played a decisive role in the construction and distribution of the dwellings, and that it extended over a slightly different area from the settlement that would later be enclosed by a circuit of walls in the 4th century BC. The considerable extension of the site indicates that it played a dominant role in the hinterland of Otranto during the Iron Age and subsequent period, although the dynamics that enabled such rapid development, which occurred within about half a century, are still unclear. Comparison with Oria, another site in Southern Puglia distributed over an area of more than 50 hectares to be discovered so far, allows reflection on the varying forms of occupation of the territory and on the two settle","PeriodicalId":38632,"journal":{"name":"Melanges de l''Ecole Francaise de Rome:Antiquite","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48044736","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Introduction","authors":"N. Meunier","doi":"10.4000/mefra.6866","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/mefra.6866","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":38632,"journal":{"name":"Melanges de l''Ecole Francaise de Rome:Antiquite","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47328544","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
italianoIl testo documenta una selezione di vetri di eta tardo antica provenienti dagli scavi archeologici di Villa Medici: i reperti sono datati tra la meta del IV e la prima meta del V sec. d.C. e si presentano suddivisi in vasi decorati ad incisione e/o abrasione, vasi decorati con applicazione di foglia d’oro o di gocce di vetro colorato. L’analisi si apre con un esemplare di coppa/lucerna con decorazione incisa ed excisa di tipo complesso: il vaso viene attribuito al gruppo del piatto con scene di vita marina e mostra campi circolari con cavalieri e riquadri rettangolari con scene dell’infanzia e dell’educazione di Achille presso il centauro Chirone. Un secondo esemplare analizzato approfonditamente e costituito da un calice decorato con lamina aurea che presenta un motto augurale in latino. Un ampio gruppo di frammenti e costituito da vasi incisi riconducibili al gruppo con incisioni lineari e abrasioni. Tra i ritrovamenti sono documentate anche lucerne con decorazione abrasa e orlo molato e coppe con applicazioni a goccia. EnglishLate Roman glass from Villa Medici. This paper offers a selection of late Roman glass coming from the archaeological excavations of Villa Medici; the finds are dated between the middle of the fourth and the first half of the fifth century A.D. and are presented subdivided in groups according to the processing technique in vases decorated with engraving and/or abrasion, vases decorated with gold leaf application, vases decorated with application of glass drops. The analysis opens with a cup with engraved decoration that shows circular motifs with knights and rectangular patterns with scenes of the childhood and education of Achilles at the centaur Chiron; this specimen is attributed to the group of the plate with marine life scenes. A goblet decorated with gold lamina with a Latin motto is individually analyzed. The largest group of the presented fragments is made up of incised vessels connected to the group with linear incisions and abrasions. Lamps decorated with abrasions and cups decorated with applications of blue glass drops are also attested among the finds.
{"title":"Vetri tardo antichi da Villa Medici","authors":"Marco Rossi","doi":"10.4000/mefra.7680","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/mefra.7680","url":null,"abstract":"italianoIl testo documenta una selezione di vetri di eta tardo antica provenienti dagli scavi archeologici di Villa Medici: i reperti sono datati tra la meta del IV e la prima meta del V sec. d.C. e si presentano suddivisi in vasi decorati ad incisione e/o abrasione, vasi decorati con applicazione di foglia d’oro o di gocce di vetro colorato. L’analisi si apre con un esemplare di coppa/lucerna con decorazione incisa ed excisa di tipo complesso: il vaso viene attribuito al gruppo del piatto con scene di vita marina e mostra campi circolari con cavalieri e riquadri rettangolari con scene dell’infanzia e dell’educazione di Achille presso il centauro Chirone. Un secondo esemplare analizzato approfonditamente e costituito da un calice decorato con lamina aurea che presenta un motto augurale in latino. Un ampio gruppo di frammenti e costituito da vasi incisi riconducibili al gruppo con incisioni lineari e abrasioni. Tra i ritrovamenti sono documentate anche lucerne con decorazione abrasa e orlo molato e coppe con applicazioni a goccia. EnglishLate Roman glass from Villa Medici. This paper offers a selection of late Roman glass coming from the archaeological excavations of Villa Medici; the finds are dated between the middle of the fourth and the first half of the fifth century A.D. and are presented subdivided in groups according to the processing technique in vases decorated with engraving and/or abrasion, vases decorated with gold leaf application, vases decorated with application of glass drops. The analysis opens with a cup with engraved decoration that shows circular motifs with knights and rectangular patterns with scenes of the childhood and education of Achilles at the centaur Chiron; this specimen is attributed to the group of the plate with marine life scenes. A goblet decorated with gold lamina with a Latin motto is individually analyzed. The largest group of the presented fragments is made up of incised vessels connected to the group with linear incisions and abrasions. Lamps decorated with abrasions and cups decorated with applications of blue glass drops are also attested among the finds.","PeriodicalId":38632,"journal":{"name":"Melanges de l''Ecole Francaise de Rome:Antiquite","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70392677","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
EnglishCultural contaminations in the Livian account. From the beginning, the writing of history in Rome has been characterized by some effects of ideological distortion. Livy does not hesitate either to give to his narrative the form that presupposes his general philosophy of history, which does not fail to influence his way of treating his sources and to have a distorting effect. This contribution aims more specifically to ascertain how the Livian narrative tries to show that the seeds of the disease destined to produce the decline of the city are introduced while Rome is still engaged in the ascending phase of its history. It seemed to us that the capture of Syracuse by Marcellus played this role for the Livian historical cycle, while the arrival of Tarquin the Elder in Rome produced the same effect within the historico-legendary cycle, whose mechanisms are thought analogically. When the dialectical situation of the development of the Vrbs lent itself to it, Livy gave to some Etruscan figures, characteristics peculiar to the Hellenistic world as claimed by a conservative tradition going from Cato to Augustus. francaisL’ecriture de l’histoire a Rome est des ses origines caracterisee par des effets de distorsion ideologique. Tite-Live n’hesite pas lui non plus a donner a son recit la forme que presuppose sa philosophie generale de l’histoire, ce qui ne manque pas au demeurant d’influer sur sa maniere de traiter ses sources et ne laisse pas d’avoir un effet deformant. Cette contribution essaiera plus precisement d’etablir comment le recit livien s’emploie a demontrer que les germes de la maladie destinee a produire le declin de la cite sont introduits alors que Rome est encore engagee dans la phase ascendante de son histoire. Il nous a semble que la prise de Syracuse par Marcellus jouait ce role pour le cycle historique livien, tandis que l’arrivee de Tarquin l’Ancien a Rome produisait le meme effet a l’interieur du cycle historico-legendaire, dont les mecanismes sont penses de facon analogique. Lorsque la situation dialectique du developpement de l’Vrbs s’y pretait, Tite-Live a ainsi donne a quelques figures etrusques des caracteristiques propres au monde hellenistique, tel que pretendait le representer une tradition conservatrice allant de Caton a Auguste.
{"title":"Contaminations culturelles dans le récit livien","authors":"B. Mineo","doi":"10.4000/mefra.6900","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/mefra.6900","url":null,"abstract":"EnglishCultural contaminations in the Livian account. From the beginning, the writing of history in Rome has been characterized by some effects of ideological distortion. Livy does not hesitate either to give to his narrative the form that presupposes his general philosophy of history, which does not fail to influence his way of treating his sources and to have a distorting effect. This contribution aims more specifically to ascertain how the Livian narrative tries to show that the seeds of the disease destined to produce the decline of the city are introduced while Rome is still engaged in the ascending phase of its history. It seemed to us that the capture of Syracuse by Marcellus played this role for the Livian historical cycle, while the arrival of Tarquin the Elder in Rome produced the same effect within the historico-legendary cycle, whose mechanisms are thought analogically. When the dialectical situation of the development of the Vrbs lent itself to it, Livy gave to some Etruscan figures, characteristics peculiar to the Hellenistic world as claimed by a conservative tradition going from Cato to Augustus. francaisL’ecriture de l’histoire a Rome est des ses origines caracterisee par des effets de distorsion ideologique. Tite-Live n’hesite pas lui non plus a donner a son recit la forme que presuppose sa philosophie generale de l’histoire, ce qui ne manque pas au demeurant d’influer sur sa maniere de traiter ses sources et ne laisse pas d’avoir un effet deformant. Cette contribution essaiera plus precisement d’etablir comment le recit livien s’emploie a demontrer que les germes de la maladie destinee a produire le declin de la cite sont introduits alors que Rome est encore engagee dans la phase ascendante de son histoire. Il nous a semble que la prise de Syracuse par Marcellus jouait ce role pour le cycle historique livien, tandis que l’arrivee de Tarquin l’Ancien a Rome produisait le meme effet a l’interieur du cycle historico-legendaire, dont les mecanismes sont penses de facon analogique. Lorsque la situation dialectique du developpement de l’Vrbs s’y pretait, Tite-Live a ainsi donne a quelques figures etrusques des caracteristiques propres au monde hellenistique, tel que pretendait le representer une tradition conservatrice allant de Caton a Auguste.","PeriodicalId":38632,"journal":{"name":"Melanges de l''Ecole Francaise de Rome:Antiquite","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49319015","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
EnglishThe political and territorial organization of the peoples of pre-Roman Italy as seen by Livy. This article aims to answer two questions relating to Livy’s perception of the political and territorial organization of the peoples of pre-Roman Italy: 1- Does the image provided by the Livian narrative reflect only the point view of the Greeks or Romans on the non-Greek and non-Roman populations of Italy, or did these populations have the same conceptions? 2- To what extent does the framework offered by an author such as Livy reflect the reality or simply the forma mentis of the author himself? It follows from the analysis that the description of the institutional framework of pre-Roman Italy by Livy actually reflects the forma mentis of the author, at least partly, but in a very broad way. However, the framework presented by Livy is not artificial. Of course, there is a general tendency to portray all peoples in the same way, but this framework is globally consistent with that provided by other sources, but also largely confirmed by the epigraphic documentation. francaisCet article vise a repondre a deux questions relatives a la perception par Tite-Live de l’organisation politique et territoriale des peuples de l’Italie preromaine : 1) L’image fournie par le recit livien reflete-t-elle uniquement le point de vue grec ou romain sur les populations non grecques et non romaines d’Italie ou ces populations avaient-elle les memes conceptions ? 2) Dans quelle mesure le cadre offert par un auteur comme Tite-Live reflete-t-il la realite ou plus simplement la forma mentis de l’auteur lui-meme ? Il resulte de l’analyse que la description du cadre institutionnel de l’Italie preromaine chez Tite-Live reflete bien en partie une forma mentis de l’auteur, mais de facon tres generale. Ce cadre n’est toutefois pas artificiel. Certes, on note une tendance generale a presenter tous les peuples sous les memes traits, mais ce cadre est globalement coherent avec celui que fournissent les autres sources, en grande partie confirme par la documentation epigraphique.
{"title":"L’organisation politique et territoriale des peuples de l’Italie préromaine vue par Tite-Live","authors":"S. Bourdin","doi":"10.4000/mefra.6939","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/mefra.6939","url":null,"abstract":"EnglishThe political and territorial organization of the peoples of pre-Roman Italy as seen by Livy. This article aims to answer two questions relating to Livy’s perception of the political and territorial organization of the peoples of pre-Roman Italy: 1- Does the image provided by the Livian narrative reflect only the point view of the Greeks or Romans on the non-Greek and non-Roman populations of Italy, or did these populations have the same conceptions? 2- To what extent does the framework offered by an author such as Livy reflect the reality or simply the forma mentis of the author himself? It follows from the analysis that the description of the institutional framework of pre-Roman Italy by Livy actually reflects the forma mentis of the author, at least partly, but in a very broad way. However, the framework presented by Livy is not artificial. Of course, there is a general tendency to portray all peoples in the same way, but this framework is globally consistent with that provided by other sources, but also largely confirmed by the epigraphic documentation. francaisCet article vise a repondre a deux questions relatives a la perception par Tite-Live de l’organisation politique et territoriale des peuples de l’Italie preromaine : 1) L’image fournie par le recit livien reflete-t-elle uniquement le point de vue grec ou romain sur les populations non grecques et non romaines d’Italie ou ces populations avaient-elle les memes conceptions ? 2) Dans quelle mesure le cadre offert par un auteur comme Tite-Live reflete-t-il la realite ou plus simplement la forma mentis de l’auteur lui-meme ? Il resulte de l’analyse que la description du cadre institutionnel de l’Italie preromaine chez Tite-Live reflete bien en partie une forma mentis de l’auteur, mais de facon tres generale. Ce cadre n’est toutefois pas artificiel. Certes, on note une tendance generale a presenter tous les peuples sous les memes traits, mais ce cadre est globalement coherent avec celui que fournissent les autres sources, en grande partie confirme par la documentation epigraphique.","PeriodicalId":38632,"journal":{"name":"Melanges de l''Ecole Francaise de Rome:Antiquite","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70392833","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
La sedition de Marcus Manlius Capitolinus en 385 av. J.-C. a deja fait l’objet de nombreuses etudes, la plupart en rapport avec l’intervention de ce personnage dans le conflit social relatif a l’endettement des plebeiens. La presente contribution s’est plutot consacree a l’etude du contexte global dans lequel s’est deroulee la sedition. Ce faisant, elle a mis en evidence le fait que celle-ci, loin de se limiter a un episode stereotype de la lutte sociale patricio-plebeienne, pouvait se comprendre dans le contexte des premieres guerres « civiles » au sein de la Ligue latine. L’evenement illustrerait ainsi l’interconnexion des societes romaine et latines et la complexite de la question identitaire romaine, via l’exemple du clan des Manlii, dont le reseau se ramifiait bien au-dela de Rome et dont le cœur se situait meme a l’origine dans la region de Tusculum. L’episode de la seditio de Capitolinus telle qu’elle nous est contee, resultat indeniable d’une reconstruction narrative, refleterait en realite la defectio d’une partie importante de la gens Manlia, pour la defense de ses interets dans le Latium tout autant que de son pouvoir d’influence a Rome.
{"title":"Marcus Manlius Capitolinus entre Rome et le Latium","authors":"Nicolas Meunier","doi":"10.4000/mefra.6952","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/mefra.6952","url":null,"abstract":"La sedition de Marcus Manlius Capitolinus en 385 av. J.-C. a deja fait l’objet de nombreuses etudes, la plupart en rapport avec l’intervention de ce personnage dans le conflit social relatif a l’endettement des plebeiens. La presente contribution s’est plutot consacree a l’etude du contexte global dans lequel s’est deroulee la sedition. Ce faisant, elle a mis en evidence le fait que celle-ci, loin de se limiter a un episode stereotype de la lutte sociale patricio-plebeienne, pouvait se comprendre dans le contexte des premieres guerres « civiles » au sein de la Ligue latine. L’evenement illustrerait ainsi l’interconnexion des societes romaine et latines et la complexite de la question identitaire romaine, via l’exemple du clan des Manlii, dont le reseau se ramifiait bien au-dela de Rome et dont le cœur se situait meme a l’origine dans la region de Tusculum. L’episode de la seditio de Capitolinus telle qu’elle nous est contee, resultat indeniable d’une reconstruction narrative, refleterait en realite la defectio d’une partie importante de la gens Manlia, pour la defense de ses interets dans le Latium tout autant que de son pouvoir d’influence a Rome.","PeriodicalId":38632,"journal":{"name":"Melanges de l''Ecole Francaise de Rome:Antiquite","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70392899","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
EnglishBurials with marks from a sepulchral area in Bologna, via Sabotino. Excavations were made in 1971, about thirty tombs were discovered, dating from the VIII century BC to the beginning of the VI century BC, and the material of 27 of them has been preserved. But no real publication was made and the only description, which was given in 2012, in a general study about the villanovian necropolis in Bologna and its region, is often erroneous. A complete publication will appear in a next future, but it seems appropriate to give already indications about the 38 graffiti found in 13 tombs. These graffiti may complete the classical study made by Sassatelli in 1985, where 442 graffiti were examined, including 150 marks from S. Francesco’s hoard in Bologna, but without consideration to their archaeological context. As could be expected, many of those graffiti are mere crosses or marks in the shape of chi letter; but one of them is of great interest: a fusaiola, found in a tomb of the 675-650 BC period bears the beginning of an alphabet of the evolved type (aev), lacking the letters with no practical use in Etruscan like b and d, and following the graphical standards of North Etruria, using k and not c. This would be the oldest example of such an alphabet. italianoDurante degli scavi d’emergenza condotti dalla Soprintendenza Archeologica nel 1971 in via Sabotino a Bologna, fu scoperta un’area funeraria con circa trenta tombe di cui si sono conservati 27 corredi databili dall’ VIII all’inizio del VI sec. a.C. Le tombe sono inedite ad eccezione di alcune fotografie e di una pianta inattendibile, pubblicate nel 2012 in uno studio generale sulle necropoli villanoviane di Bologna. Inoltre parte dei materiali della tomba 11, quelli restaurati, sono stati presentati nella Mostra “Donne dell’Etruria Padana dall’VIII al VII sec. a.C.” tenutasi presso il Museo civico archeologico di Castelfranco Emilia nel 2015 e figurano nel suo catalogo. Nell’attesa della pubblicazione dell’insieme, sembra opportuno dare indicazioni sui 38 graffiti scoperti in 13 tombe. Essi completano lo studio classico di Sassatelli del 1985, dove furono esaminati 442 graffiti inclusi i 150 marchi provenienti dal ripostiglio di San Francesco a Bologna, senza pero poter prendere in considerazione il loro contesto archeologico. Come si puo aspettare, molti di questi graffiti sono semplici croci o marche a forma di tridente; tuttavia, uno presenta un interesse maggiore: una fusaiola, trovata in una tomba del periodo 675-650 a.C. comporta infatti l’inizio di un alfabeto del tipo evoluto (aev), privo delle lettere inusitate nella lingua etrusca (b o d) e seguendo gli standards grafici dell’Etruria del Nord, con l’uso della k invece della c. Sarebbe dunque l’esempio piu antico di un tale alfabeto.
{"title":"Le tombe con marchi del sepolcreto di via Sabotino a Bologna","authors":"D. Briquel, L. Poppi","doi":"10.4000/mefra.7545","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/mefra.7545","url":null,"abstract":"EnglishBurials with marks from a sepulchral area in Bologna, via Sabotino. Excavations were made in 1971, about thirty tombs were discovered, dating from the VIII century BC to the beginning of the VI century BC, and the material of 27 of them has been preserved. But no real publication was made and the only description, which was given in 2012, in a general study about the villanovian necropolis in Bologna and its region, is often erroneous. A complete publication will appear in a next future, but it seems appropriate to give already indications about the 38 graffiti found in 13 tombs. These graffiti may complete the classical study made by Sassatelli in 1985, where 442 graffiti were examined, including 150 marks from S. Francesco’s hoard in Bologna, but without consideration to their archaeological context. As could be expected, many of those graffiti are mere crosses or marks in the shape of chi letter; but one of them is of great interest: a fusaiola, found in a tomb of the 675-650 BC period bears the beginning of an alphabet of the evolved type (aev), lacking the letters with no practical use in Etruscan like b and d, and following the graphical standards of North Etruria, using k and not c. This would be the oldest example of such an alphabet. italianoDurante degli scavi d’emergenza condotti dalla Soprintendenza Archeologica nel 1971 in via Sabotino a Bologna, fu scoperta un’area funeraria con circa trenta tombe di cui si sono conservati 27 corredi databili dall’ VIII all’inizio del VI sec. a.C. Le tombe sono inedite ad eccezione di alcune fotografie e di una pianta inattendibile, pubblicate nel 2012 in uno studio generale sulle necropoli villanoviane di Bologna. Inoltre parte dei materiali della tomba 11, quelli restaurati, sono stati presentati nella Mostra “Donne dell’Etruria Padana dall’VIII al VII sec. a.C.” tenutasi presso il Museo civico archeologico di Castelfranco Emilia nel 2015 e figurano nel suo catalogo. Nell’attesa della pubblicazione dell’insieme, sembra opportuno dare indicazioni sui 38 graffiti scoperti in 13 tombe. Essi completano lo studio classico di Sassatelli del 1985, dove furono esaminati 442 graffiti inclusi i 150 marchi provenienti dal ripostiglio di San Francesco a Bologna, senza pero poter prendere in considerazione il loro contesto archeologico. Come si puo aspettare, molti di questi graffiti sono semplici croci o marche a forma di tridente; tuttavia, uno presenta un interesse maggiore: una fusaiola, trovata in una tomba del periodo 675-650 a.C. comporta infatti l’inizio di un alfabeto del tipo evoluto (aev), privo delle lettere inusitate nella lingua etrusca (b o d) e seguendo gli standards grafici dell’Etruria del Nord, con l’uso della k invece della c. Sarebbe dunque l’esempio piu antico di un tale alfabeto.","PeriodicalId":38632,"journal":{"name":"Melanges de l''Ecole Francaise de Rome:Antiquite","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49519359","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
EnglishRome and the Third Punic War: Mediterranean unipolarity and security dilemma in the second century BC. This article proposes a reinterpretation of the causes of the Third Punic War (149-146 BC), using contemporary theories of international relations. Based on the work of N.P. Monteiro, we shall consider the Hellenistic Mediterranean world, in the years after the treaty of Apamea (188 BC), as a unipolar system, dominated by Rome. By resorting to the theories of unipolarity, we shall circumscribe the structural dynamics that may have influenced the Senate of Carthage to go to war against Numidia, as well as the Roman Senate to intervene in North Africa in order to maintain its unipolar power status. francaisCet article propose une reinterpretation des causes du declenchement de la troisieme guerre punique (149-146 a.C.), en recourant aux theories neorealistes developpees dans le champ des relations internationales contemporaines. En nous appuyant sur les travaux du politologue americain N.P. Monteiro, nous serons amene a considerer le monde mediterraneen hellenistique, au lendemain de la paix d’Apamee (188 a.C.), comme un systeme international unipolaire, domine par Rome. Par le recours a la theorie de l’unipolarite, nous en viendrons a circonscrire les dynamiques systemiques qui ont pu influencer le Senat de Carthage a se lancer en guerre contre la Numidie de Massinissa, de meme que le Senat romain a intervenir militairement en Afrique du Nord, au moment ou s’ouvrait une nouvelle periode de troubles a l’echelle du monde mediterraneen.
{"title":"Rome et la troisième guerre punique : unipolarité méditerranéenne et dilemme de sécurité au IIe siècle a.C.","authors":"P. Brisson","doi":"10.4000/mefra.6980","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/mefra.6980","url":null,"abstract":"EnglishRome and the Third Punic War: Mediterranean unipolarity and security dilemma in the second century BC. This article proposes a reinterpretation of the causes of the Third Punic War (149-146 BC), using contemporary theories of international relations. Based on the work of N.P. Monteiro, we shall consider the Hellenistic Mediterranean world, in the years after the treaty of Apamea (188 BC), as a unipolar system, dominated by Rome. By resorting to the theories of unipolarity, we shall circumscribe the structural dynamics that may have influenced the Senate of Carthage to go to war against Numidia, as well as the Roman Senate to intervene in North Africa in order to maintain its unipolar power status. francaisCet article propose une reinterpretation des causes du declenchement de la troisieme guerre punique (149-146 a.C.), en recourant aux theories neorealistes developpees dans le champ des relations internationales contemporaines. En nous appuyant sur les travaux du politologue americain N.P. Monteiro, nous serons amene a considerer le monde mediterraneen hellenistique, au lendemain de la paix d’Apamee (188 a.C.), comme un systeme international unipolaire, domine par Rome. Par le recours a la theorie de l’unipolarite, nous en viendrons a circonscrire les dynamiques systemiques qui ont pu influencer le Senat de Carthage a se lancer en guerre contre la Numidie de Massinissa, de meme que le Senat romain a intervenir militairement en Afrique du Nord, au moment ou s’ouvrait une nouvelle periode de troubles a l’echelle du monde mediterraneen.","PeriodicalId":38632,"journal":{"name":"Melanges de l''Ecole Francaise de Rome:Antiquite","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70392449","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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