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Neo-Mandaic in Early Mandaean Colophons. Part 1: Linguistic Features 早期曼达语中的新曼达语。第一部分:语言特征
IF 0.6 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2018-08-15 DOI: 10.1163/17455227-01602002
M. Morgenstern
Neo-Mandaic [NM] is a direct descendant of a dialect very close to its classical predecessor. By the time the earliest surviving Mandaean manuscripts were copied, spoken Mandaic already showed many of the developments that distinguish the modern vernaculars from the classical language. This article, the first of two, identifies those features. The second article presents the texts and a brief assessment of the sources of change.
新曼陀罗语[NM]是一种非常接近其古典前身的方言的直系后裔。到现存最早的曼达语手稿被抄写的时候,曼达语口语已经显示出许多区别于现代方言和古典语言的发展。本文是两篇文章中的第一篇,将介绍这些特性。第二篇文章介绍了文本和对变化来源的简要评估。
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引用次数: 1
Three Generations of Jilu Speakers 三代讲吉鲁的人
IF 0.6 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2018-08-08 DOI: 10.1163/17455227-01602001
Samuel E. Fox
A language such as Neo-Aramaic, the use of which has tended to diminish with each generation since World War I, is liable to undergo rapid change. This article presents and analyses some of the differences in the speech of three successive generations of a family of speakers of the Jilu dialect of Neo-Aramaic.
像新阿拉姆语这样的语言,自第一次世界大战以来,其使用往往会随着时代的推移而减少,很容易发生快速变化。本文介绍并分析了新阿拉姆语吉鲁方言使用者家族三代人的言语差异。
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引用次数: 0
Rashbam’s Approach to Targum Onqelos in His Commentary to the Torah Rashbam在《托拉》评论中对Targum Onqelos的处理
IF 0.6 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2018-05-24 DOI: 10.1163/17455227-01601004
J. Jacobs
The Targum of Onqelos was the principal pentateuchal targum on which medieval Jews in northern France relied. When Rashbam referenced Onqelos, he used a consistent format composed of four elements. His use of the targum is varied: in most instances, his purpose was lexical. In about one-third of cases, his purpose was exegetical. In three cases, Rashbam cited the targum in order to consider its precise intention (while finding fault with the conclusion reached by Rashi in that regard), an indication of the great importance that Rashbam ascribed to the targum. Nevertheless, despite the high esteem in which he held the targum, Rashbam occasionally allowed himself to disagree with it in his quest to uncover the simplest sense of Scripture. Targum Onqelos is the work most often quoted in Rashbam’s commentary to the Torah, and his use of it demonstrates extensive knowledge of this targum to the Torah.
Onqelos的Targum是中世纪法国北部犹太人所依赖的主要的pentateuchal Targum。当Rashbam提到Onqelos时,他使用了由四个元素组成的一致格式。他对焦油胶的使用多种多样:在大多数情况下,他的目的是词汇。在大约三分之一的案例中,他的目的是训诫。在三个案例中,Rashbam引用了targum,以考虑其确切意图(同时对Rashi在这方面得出的结论吹毛求疵),这表明Rashbam对targum的高度重视。尽管如此,尽管Rashbam对塔古姆很尊重,但在他寻求揭示圣经最简单意义的过程中,他偶尔会允许自己不同意塔古姆。Targum Onqelos是Rashbam对《托拉》的评论中最常引用的作品,他对它的使用表明了他对这种Targum的广泛了解。
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引用次数: 0
An Apparent Contradiction in Targum Pseudo-Jonathan Genesis 25:20–26: Was Rebekah Barren for Twenty or Twenty-Two Years? 创世纪25:20-26:利百加不生育二十年还是二十二年?
IF 0.6 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2018-05-24 DOI: 10.1163/17455227-01601001
Iosif J. Zhakevich
While the Hebrew Bible does not specify the duration of Rebekah’s barrenness, Targum Pseudo-Jonathan (TgPsJ) Gen. 25:21 introduces a comment that Rebekah was barren for twenty-two years. This appears to produce an inconsistency, both between the Hebrew Bible and TgPsJ, and within the TgPsJ narrative itself. Two references to Isaac’s age—in the context of his relationship to Rebekah—seem to suggest that Rebekah was barren for twenty years: At 25:20, Isaac marries Rebekah when he is forty; and at 25:26, Esau and Jacob are born when Isaac is sixty. This twenty-year gap presumably reveals the twenty years of Rebekah’s barrenness. Indeed, scholars have suggested that TgPsJ’s ‘twenty-two years’ be emended to ‘twenty years’. This article, however, contends that TgPsJ’s ‘twenty-two years’ should be retained, and that the text of TgPsJ proves to be a coherent text when read in the greater context of biblical and Jewish tradition about Isaac and Rebekah.
虽然希伯来圣经没有具体说明利百加不生育的持续时间,但《约拿单》(TgPsJ)《创》25:21介绍了利百加不生育二十二年的注释。这似乎产生了一种不一致,在希伯来圣经和TgPsJ之间,以及在TgPsJ叙述本身。在以撒与利百加的关系中,有两处提到以撒的年龄,似乎暗示利百加有二十年不生育:25:20,以撒在四十岁时娶了利百加;25:26以撒六十岁的时候,以扫和雅各生了。这二十年的间隔大概揭示了利百加二十年的不孕。事实上,学者们建议将TgPsJ的“22年”修改为“20年”。然而,这篇文章认为TgPsJ的“二十二年”应该被保留,并且TgPsJ的文本在圣经和犹太传统关于以撒和利百加的更大背景下被证明是一个连贯的文本。
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引用次数: 0
A (New) Old Iranian Etymology for Biblical Aramaic אֲדַרְגָּזַר 圣经阿拉姆语的(新)古伊朗语词源
IF 0.6 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2018-05-24 DOI: 10.1163/17455227-01601002
Benjamin J Noonan
Despite the many advances that have taken place in our understanding of the Hebrew Bible’s Old Iranian terminology, the donor terms of several words have remained elusive. Among them is Biblical Aramaic ‮אדרגזר‬‎ (Dan. 3:2–3). Proposed Old Iranian etymologies for this word suffer from various phonological and semantic difficulties, rendering them unlikely. This paper proposes that Biblical Aramaic ‮אדרגזר‬‎ is best derived from *ādrangāžara - ‘announcer of financial obligation’, a compound of *ādranga - ‘financial obligation’ and *āžara - ‘announcer’. A derivation from Old Iranian *ādrangāžara - adequately explains the form of Biblical Aramaic ‮אדרגזר‬‎. Furthermore, this etymology also suits the context well in that ‮אדרגזר‬‎ occurs just prior to ‮גדבר‬‎ ‘treasurer’ and therefore falls logically within the progression from political administration to finances to law evident in the lists of Nebuchadnezzar’s officials (Dan. 3:2–3).
尽管我们对希伯来圣经的古伊朗语术语的理解取得了许多进展,但有几个词的来源术语仍然难以捉摸。其中有圣经亚拉姆语(但3:2-3)。这个词的古伊朗语源存在各种音韵和语义上的困难,因此不太可能。本文提出,《圣经》中的阿拉姆语 。源自古伊朗语*ādrangāžara -充分解释了圣经亚拉姆语的形式此外,这个词源也很适合上下文,因为它出现在“司库”之前,因此在逻辑上属于从政治管理到财政再到法律的发展过程,这在尼布甲尼撒的官员名单中很明显(但3:2-3)。
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引用次数: 0
The Use of the Peshitta of Isaiah in Rendering Isaiah Quotations in the Old Syriac and Peshitta Gospels 古叙利亚福音书和古叙利亚福音书中以赛亚引文的翻译中以赛亚语的使用
IF 0.6 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2018-05-24 DOI: 10.1163/17455227-01601005
A. Bodor
Previous research has argued that the Old Syriac and Peshitta Gospels tend to follow the Old Testament Peshitta to render Old Testament quotations, a practice that supposedly goes back to Tatian’s Diatessaron. This article argues that this conclusion should be reconsidered. At least in the rendering of the Isaiah quotations, the Old Syriac, and especially the Peshitta version of the Gospels, tends not to depart from the Greek text, but rather to render its sense as faithfully as possible. Even in the few cases where the dependence on the Peshitta of Isaiah appears to be verifiable, the phenomenon does not need to be explained as a result of influence from Tatian’s harmony.
先前的研究认为,古叙利亚福音书和佩希塔福音书倾向于遵循旧约佩希塔来引用旧约,这种做法可以追溯到塔提安的《Diatessaron》。本文认为,这一结论应该重新考虑。至少在以赛亚引文的翻译中,古叙利亚语,尤其是佩希塔版本的福音书,倾向于不偏离希腊文本,而是尽可能忠实地呈现其意义。即使在少数情况下,对以赛亚的Peshitta的依赖似乎是可以证实的,这种现象也不需要解释为塔提亚和谐的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Early Mandaic and Neo-Mandaic: Some Points of Connection 早期曼丹王朝与新曼丹王朝的一些联系
IF 0.6 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2018-05-24 DOI: 10.1163/17455227-01601003
Ohad Abudraham
The present article presents four new linguistic features that link Early-Mandaic and Neo-Mandaic: 1. Diphthongisation and fortition of long vowels ū / ī (ࡈࡁࡅࡊࡕࡀ ṭbukta instead of ࡈࡀࡁࡅࡕࡀ ṭabuta “grace”, ࡀࡓࡁࡉࡊࡕࡉࡍࡊࡉࡀ arbiktinkia instead of ࡀࡓࡁࡉࡕࡉࡍࡊࡉࡀ arbitinkia “four of you [f.pl.]”); 2. Apheresis of y in the gentilic noun ‮יהודיא‬‎ (ࡄࡅࡃࡀࡉࡉࡀ hudaiia “Jews”); 3. Assimilation of z in the root ʾzl (ࡕࡏࡋࡅࡍ tʿlun “you [m.pl.] will go”); and 4. Internal analogy in the system of cardinal numbers (ࡕࡀࡓࡕࡀ tarta “two”). The presence of these forms in the two extreme phases of the language as opposed to their almost total absence in the canonical collections of Mandaic scriptures prove not only the ancient origin of some Neo-Mandaic peculiarities but also the wide range of varieties of Mandaic that flourished in Mesopotamia in Late Antiquity.
本文提出了四个新的语言特征,将早期曼达语与新曼达语联系起来:1。长元音的双元音化和强化(ࡈࡁࡅࡊࡕࡀ ṭbukta而不是ࡈࡀࡁࡅࡕࡀ ṭabuta“grace”,ࡀࡓࡁࡉࡊࡕࡉࡍࡊࡉࡀ arbiktinkia而不是ࡀࡓࡁࡉࡕࡉࡍࡊࡉࡀ “你们四个人”);2.龙胆名词中y的单元音‮2001年6月6日‬‎ (ࡄࡅࡃࡀࡉࡉࡀ hudaiia“犹太人”);3.根中z的同化(ࡕࡏࡋࡅࡍ tʿlun“你会走的”);和4。基数系统中的内部类比(ࡕࡀࡓࡕࡀ 格子呢“二”)。这些形式存在于语言的两个极端阶段,而不是几乎完全不存在于曼达维经典收藏中,这不仅证明了一些新曼达维特色的古老起源,也证明了古代晚期在美索不达米亚繁荣的曼达维的广泛多样性。
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引用次数: 0
Scribal Correction Dots on an Unpublished Elephantine Aramaic Papyrus Fragment 未出版的象岛亚拉姆纸莎草残片上的抄写修正点
IF 0.6 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2018-05-24 DOI: 10.1163/17455227-01601006
James D. Moore
In a box of unpublished Aramaic papyri from the 1906–1907 German excavations of Elephantine there is a small fragment (p. 23141) that uses scribal marks in a margin or vacat to identify a textual edit. This is the first example of Aramaic editorial marks of this type from the Persian period, and demonstrates a previously unidentified scribal practice.
在一盒1906-1907年德国发掘大象的未出版的阿拉姆语纸莎草纸中,有一个小碎片(第23141页),它使用空白处或空白处的划线标记来识别文本编辑。这是波斯时期阿拉姆语这种类型的编辑标记的第一个例子,并展示了一种以前未经确认的涂鸦做法。
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引用次数: 0
Hippocrates in Two Syriac Alchemical Collections 希波克拉底在两个叙利亚炼金术集
IF 0.6 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/17455227-01502002
Matteo Martelli
In this article, I will explore the fortune of Hippocrates in the Syriac alchemical literature. I will investigate a so far unedited Syriac text (MS Cambridge University Library, Mm. 6.29, ff. 133r–134v) that presents Hippocrates as the founder of alchemy and medicine. This text is edited here for the first time, translated into English, and compared with other alchemical writings (both in Syriac and in Arabic) attributed to the ancient physician from Cos.
在这篇文章中,我将探索希波克拉底在叙利亚炼金术文献中的命运。我将研究迄今未编辑的叙利亚文本(剑桥大学图书馆,Mm. 6.29, ff)。133r-134v),将希波克拉底描述为炼金术和医学的创始人。这篇文章是第一次在这里编辑,翻译成英文,并与其他炼金术著作(包括叙利亚语和阿拉伯语)进行比较,这些著作被认为是来自Cos的古代医生。
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引用次数: 2
From Son of Man to Son of Adam—the Prophet Ezekiel in Targum Jonathan 从人子到亚当的儿子——先知以西结在他音约拿单上
IF 0.6 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/17455227-01501001
A. Damsma
The ubiquitous vocative expression ‮בן־אדם‬‎ (literally ‘son of man’) in the Book of Ezekiel seems to underscore the prophet’s status as a mere mortal. In contrast to the other ancient versions, Targum Jonathan to the Prophets interprets the word ‮אדם‬‎ as a proper noun, and renders the phrase accordingly as ‮בר אדם‬‎ ‘son of Adam’. This translation runs counter to the Targum’s conventional practice of rendering ‮בן־אדם‬‎ with ‮בר אנש(א)‬‎. In the absence of a satisfactory grammatical explanation for the divergent rendering, this article examines the possibility that the Targumist’s eschewal of ‮בר אנשא‬‎ was motivated by doctrinal concerns. On the strength of the findings it is argued that ‮בר אדם‬‎ was a clever and subtle alternative for ‮בר אנשא‬‎ because, depending on the context, the latter phrase could evoke associations with the Danielic Son of Man figure and the Son of Man Christology.
《以西结书》中无处不在的祈请性表达“人子”(字面意思是“人子”)似乎强调了先知作为凡人的地位。与其他古代版本相反,塔格姆·约拿单《先知书》将这个词解释为专有名词,并将其翻译为“亚当的儿子”。这种翻译违背了塔格姆语的传统做法,即把“()”译为“()”。在缺乏令人满意的语法解释的情况下,本文研究了Targumist对“”的回避是出于教义上的考虑的可能性。强度的研究结果认为‮בראדם‬‎是一个聪明的和微妙的替代‮בראנשא‬‎,因为根据上下文,后者短语可以唤起联想Danielic人子图和人子的基督论。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Aramaic Studies
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