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At War with King Alcohol: Debating Drinking and Masculinity in the Civil War by Megan L. Bever (review) 与醇王开战：内战中的饮酒与男子气概辩论》，Megan L. Bever 著（评论）
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY
CIVIL WAR HISTORY
Pub Date : 2024-02-08 DOI: 10.1353/cwh.2024.a918899
Jonathan S. Jones
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>At War with King Alcohol: Debating Drinking and Masculinity in the Civil War</em> by Megan L. Bever <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Jonathan S. Jones (bio) </li> </ul> <em>At War with King Alcohol: Debating Drinking and Masculinity in the Civil War</em>. Megan L. Bever. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2022. ISBN: 978-1-4696-6954-0. 260 pp., paper, $27.95. <p>This unique and much-needed book fills a stunning gap in the historiographies of the Civil War and the temperance movement. As Megan L. Bever rightfully observes, most historians of the latter have concluded that the Civil War was ultimately a setback for the temperance movement. Bever also contends that Civil War historians—with a few exceptions including Elaine Frantz, Lorien Foote, Margaret Humphreys, James Marten, and Scott C. Martin—have largely overlooked alcohol use in Civil War armies or approached drinking in the ranks as a window into topics like the culture of Civil War armies, common soldiering, the experiences of veterans, or contests over manhood.</p> <p>In contrast, Bever makes alcohol the central focus in <em>At War with King Alcohol: Debating Drinking and Masculinity in the Civil War</em>, providing the first thorough scholarly treatment of the topic to squarely address wartime alcohol use in the Union and Confederate armies situated within the historical context of the nineteenth-century temperance movement, medicine, and state development. Building on the work of Holly Berkley Fletcher, Paul Boyer, Bruce Dorsey, Ian Tyrrell, Elaine Frantz, Lorien Foote, Gerald F. Linderman, Kathryn Shively, <strong>[End Page 79]</strong> Peter S. Carmichael, and Lauren K. Thompson, <em>At War with King Alcohol</em> blends cultural, gender, medical, and military history methodologies. Bever draws on diverse sources ranging from temperance literature to medical texts, soldiers' letters, newspapers, and the records of courts martial and state legislatures. The result is a tightly constructed, well-executed, one-of-a-kind book that advances scholars' understanding of the Civil War and the temperance movement.</p> <p>While the book's subtitle refers to masculinity, the scope is broader in focus than the title suggests. Much of the book focuses on excavating alcohol use patterns among US and Confederate soldiers and officers during the Civil War. Bever finds that soldiers made war with alcohol as their constant recreational and medicinal aid. Although officers, who could licitly drink for fun, and soldiers, who were theoretically forbidden from nonmedicinal drinking, did not necessarily share a common drinking culture, most men in uniform imbibed regularly. Through trial and error, and despite spirited debate, prophylactic alcohol rations in the US and Confederate militaries became the norm during the war. Holidays and paydays als
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者： At War with King Alcohol：梅根-L.-贝弗（Megan L. Bever）著，乔纳森-S.-琼斯（Jonathan S. Jones）译：内战中的饮酒与男子气概辩论》。Megan L. Bever.Chapel Hill：北卡罗来纳大学出版社，2022 年。ISBN：978-1-4696-6954-0。260 页，纸质版，27.95 美元。这本独特而亟需的书填补了内战和节制运动史学中的一个惊人空白。正如梅根-L-贝弗（Megan L. Bever）正确指出的那样，大多数研究后者的历史学家都认为南北战争最终是禁酒运动的挫折。贝弗还认为，除了伊莱恩-弗朗茨（Elaine Frantz）、洛林-佛特（Lorien Foote）、玛格丽特-汉弗莱斯（Margaret Humphreys）、詹姆斯-马顿（James Marten）和斯科特-C-马丁（Scott C. Martin）等少数例外，内战史学家在很大程度上忽视了内战军队中的饮酒问题，或者将军队中的饮酒作为了解内战军队文化、普通士兵、退伍军人经历或男子汉气概的一个窗口。相比之下，贝弗在《与酒王作战》一书中则将酒作为核心关注点：内战中的饮酒与男子气概之争》一书首次对这一主题进行了全面的学术研究，在 19 世纪禁酒运动、医学和国家发展的历史背景下，正视了联邦军队和邦联军队在战时饮酒的问题。在 Holly Berkley Fletcher、Paul Boyer、Bruce Dorsey、Ian Tyrrell、Elaine Frantz、Lorien Foote、Gerald F. Linderman、Kathryn Shively、[结束语] Peter S. Carmichael 和 Lauren K. Thompson 等人的研究基础上，《与酒王作战》融合了文化、性别、医学和军事史方法论。贝弗借鉴了从节制文学到医学文献、士兵书信、报纸以及军事法庭和州立法机构记录等各种资料。该书结构严密、内容充实、独一无二，加深了学者们对内战和节制运动的理解。虽然该书的副标题提到了男性气质，但其关注的范围比标题所暗示的更为广泛。该书的大部分内容侧重于挖掘南北战争期间美国和南方邦联士兵和军官的饮酒模式。贝弗发现，士兵们在战争中经常以酒精作为娱乐和医疗的辅助工具。虽然军官可以合法饮酒取乐，而士兵理论上被禁止非药用饮酒，但他们并不一定拥有共同的饮酒文化，大多数穿军装的人都经常饮酒。尽管争论激烈，但经过反复试验，预防性酒精配给在美国和邦联军队中成为战争期间的常态。节假日和发薪日也经常引发醉酒狂欢。贝弗的分析还超越了使用模式，研究了战时饮酒如何与节制运动--19 世纪最大的社会改革运动--相联系。节制运动的拥护者不仅没有退缩，反而利用南北战争继续与 "酒王 "展开长期的文化和政治战争。战争期间，白酒和啤酒的使用量不仅激增，而且具有了新的政治和文化含义。对北方的节制活动家--以及对许多节制活动家试图招募的士兵和军官--来说，军队中的地方性酗酒代表着比滋扰更邪恶的东西。它威胁到了军纪，给酒鬼打上了不男不女、不爱国的烙印，而战时酒类的大量贩运则有可能破坏联邦的战争努力。南方邦联的情况更是如此，在那里，有利可图的蒸馏酒业务将稀缺的粮食从粮食生产中转移出来。贝弗认为，与大多数北方人相比，南方邦联平民接触醉酒士兵的机会也更多，这有助于将南方白人对饮酒的恐惧从只关注被奴役者转向其他人群。因此，贝弗令人信服地认为，南北战争使某种形式的节制成为军事上的迫切需要，从而推动了节制运动的发展。然而，军队对药用烈酒的依赖--贝弗认为这是发动战争的必要条件--在很大程度上排除了全面禁酒的可能性。当联邦军队对缝纫工和士兵实施零敲碎打的管制时，邦联各州却走得更远，许多州的立法机构首次严格控制[第80页完]或彻底禁止蒸馏酒和贩运酒。因此，南北战争刺激了......
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引用次数: 0
The Cacophony of Politics: Northern Democrats and the American Civil War by J. Matthew Gallman (review) 政治的杂音：马修-加尔曼（J. Matthew Gallman）著的《北方民主党人与美国内战》（评论
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY
CIVIL WAR HISTORY
Pub Date : 2024-02-08 DOI: 10.1353/cwh.2024.a918898
Brie Swenson Arnold
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>The Cacophony of Politics: Northern Democrats and the American Civil War</em> by J. Matthew Gallman <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Brie Swenson Arnold (bio) </li> </ul> <em>The Cacophony of Politics: Northern Democrats and the American Civil War</em>. J. Matthew Gallman. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2021. ISBN: 978-0-8139-4656-6. 416 pp., cloth, $35.00. <p>In this thought-provoking volume, noted historian J. Matthew Gallman offers his latest look at aspects of the political and social dynamics of the Civil War North. The emphasis here is Northern Democrats: who remained a Democrat between 1860 and 1865 and why; how various individuals and the party as a whole defined what it meant to be a Democrat during this pivotal period; and how Democrats navigated being the opposition in the midst of a civil war. <strong>[End Page 76]</strong> Though a sizeable contingent of Northerners continued to be Democrats during the era of the ascendency of the Republican Party, secession and the exodus of Southern Democrats, and the Civil War, Northern Democrats have remained less studied and understood. <em>The Cacophony of Politics</em> substantially attends to that, especially when read alongside other volumes that are part of an uptick in attention to Northern Democrats. (See, for example, Jennifer Weber, <em>Copperheads: The Rise and Fall of Lincoln's Opponents in the North</em> [New York: Oxford University Press, 2006]; Michael Todd Landis, <em>Northern Men with Southern Loyalties: The Democratic Party and the Sectional Crisis</em> [Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2014]; Adam I. P. Smith, <em>The Stormy Present: Conservatism and the Problem of Slavery in Northern Politics, 1846–1865</em> [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2017]; Joshua A. Lynn, <em>Preserving the White Man's Republic: Jacksonian Democracy, Race, and the Transformation of American Conservatism</em> [Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2019]; and Lauren Haumesser, <em>The Democratic Collapse: How Gender Politics Broke a Party and a Nation, 1856–1861</em> [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2022]. For the foundational study on the topic, see Jean Baker, <em>Affairs of Party: The Political Culture of Northern Democrats in the Mid-Nineteenth Century</em> [1983; repr., New York: Fordham University Press, 1998]). Gallman wants to understand the "men and women who did not see eye to eye with Abraham Lincoln and the Republican Party" and what those "more ideologically conservative" Northerners meant by terms like <em>loyalty, Union, Constitution</em>, and <em>Democrat</em> (9, 10). As members of the party of the opposition during a civil war, Northern Democrats also ran up against and helped to define the boundaries of acceptable wartime dissent.</p> <p>To tell this story, the book does not fol
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者 The Cacophony of Politics：马修-加尔曼（J. Matthew Gallman）著，布里-斯文森-阿诺德（Brie Swenson Arnold）（简历）《喧嚣的政治：北方民主党人与美国内战》（The Cacophony of Politics: Northern Democrats and the American Civil War）：北方民主党人与美国内战》。J. Matthew Gallman 著。夏洛茨维尔：弗吉尼亚大学出版社，2021 年。ISBN：978-0-8139-4656-6。416 页，布面，35.00 美元。在这本发人深省的书中，著名历史学家马修-加尔曼（J. Matthew Gallman）对南北战争时期北方的政治和社会动态进行了最新的研究。本书的重点是北方民主党人：在 1860 年至 1865 年期间，谁仍然是民主党人，为什么；在这一关键时期，不同的个人和整个党派如何定义民主党人的含义；以及民主党人如何在内战中成为反对党。[虽然在共和党崛起、分裂和南方民主党人出走以及内战期间，相当一部分北方人仍然是民主党人，但对北方民主党人的研究和了解仍然较少。政治的喧哗》在很大程度上解决了这一问题，尤其是在与其他书卷一起阅读时，这些书卷是关注北方民主党人热潮的一部分。(例如，参见詹妮弗-韦伯（Jennifer Weber）的《铜头党》（Copperheads：The Rise and Fall of Lincoln's Opponents in the North [New York: Oxford University Press, 2006]；Michael Todd Landis, Northern Men with Southern Loyalties：The Democratic Party and the Sectional Crisis [Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2014]；Adam I. P. Smith, The Stormy Present：保守主义与 1846-1865 年北方政治中的奴隶制问题》[Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2017]；Joshua A. Lynn, Preserving the White Man's Republic：杰克逊民主、种族和美国保守主义的转变》[夏洛茨维尔：弗吉尼亚大学出版社，2019 年]；劳伦-豪梅瑟：《民主党的崩溃：How Gender Politics Broke a Party and a Nation, 1856-1861 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2022]。关于该主题的奠基性研究，见 Jean Baker, Affairs of Party：The Political Culture of Northern Democrats in the Mid-Nineteenth Century [1983; repr.）加尔曼希望了解那些 "与亚伯拉罕-林肯和共和党意见相左的男男女女"，以及那些 "意识形态较为保守 "的北方人对忠诚、联盟、宪法和民主党等术语的理解（9, 10）。作为内战期间反对党的成员，北方民主党人也遇到了挑战，并帮助界定了战时可接受的异议的界限。为了讲述这个故事，该书并没有遵循典型的惯例：它既是对加尔曼之前工作的总结，也是一个新的尝试；既是一个综合，也是一个案例研究的集合；其组织结构在 "广泛的年表 "和 "说明性事件 "之间切换；没有（公开）尝试历史学干预；也没有中心论点（10-11）。相反，在本书的九个章节中，盖尔曼探讨了几个 "主要观点 "和 "核心论点"，其中包括需要更密切地关注标签（如战争民主党人、和平民主党人、铜头党人、忠诚党人、种族主义者）以及北方民主党人被归类的方式；内战时期政治无处不在这一事实；地点和时间对政治信仰的影响；战时公民自由的复杂性；以及种族和民族在战时政治中的作用（11-16）。为了准确定位民主党人的信仰，盖尔曼利用了报纸、演讲稿、党纲和私人信件等传统资料，以及 [End Page 77] 以新方式解读的既有资料（尤其是地区宪兵司令报告）和书面文字以外的资料（如暴民、拳击、骚乱、逮捕）。该书将十九世纪的北方描绘成 "一个充满政治的世界"，并对政治人物和政治事物进行了广阔的阐述，进一步证实了党派政治从来不是政治家的专利，它始终受到街头、家庭和投票站中各种人群的影响（13）。我们遇到了斯蒂芬-道格拉斯、乔治-麦克莱伦、克莱门特-瓦兰迪格姆、塞缪尔-巴洛、查尔斯和爱德华-英格索尔等著名的党内人士，以及民主党的普通群众，包括爱尔兰和德国移民、农妇、政治家的妻子......
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引用次数: 0
Editor's Overview 编辑概述
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY
CIVIL WAR HISTORY
Pub Date : 2024-02-08 DOI: 10.1353/cwh.2024.a918893
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Editor's Overview <!-- /html_title --></li> </ul> <p>In 2004, in response to the prolific scholarship on the Civil War, distinguished historian Drew Gilpin Faust published "'We Should Grow Too Fond of It': Why We Love the Civil War," in this journal. It immediately became canonical. Twenty years later, as editor, I wanted to know if we still love the Civil War. It remains a core part of scholarship, teaching, and reading for so many of us. but has the Civil War lost some of its appeal? To answer this question, I organized a round-table with some of the world's leading thinkers about the Civil War. We were fortunate enough to get Drew Faust to join the conversation!</p> <p>Also, in the issue are two terrific contributions to Civil War–era studies. The first, by Bennett Parten, brings to light the nearly twenty thousand formerly enslaved refugees who followed Gen. William T. Sherman's famous March to the Sea from Atlanta to Savannah. Building on the expanding raft of studies on emancipation, which he refers to as the "refugee turn," Parten challenges Willie Lee Rose's classic 1964 study <em>Rehearsal for Reconstruction: The Port Royal Experiment</em>, which shoehorns the Georgia refugees into the Port Royal experiment without realizing how their migration and displacement distinguished them from the freedpeople living on the Sea Islands. Pushing against the federal government's idea that the messiness of wartime emancipation could be easily rectified, Parten insists that the refugee framework better explains their status after slavery.</p> <p>Also upending traditional interpretations of the Civil War era, Brent Campney exposes how white Northerners engaged in mob violence against white Southerners in Kansas, flipping the familiar script of white Southerners attacking white Northerners. Setting his attention "within Kansas onto the internecine struggle among white Kansans themselves," Campney covers a seven-year period "when white Northerners jockeyed for power with white Southerners amid rapidly and profoundly shifting state and national debates." By emphasizing newspaper accounts of the conflicts in Kansas, Campney reconstructs the violence that shaped Kansas's political history during the Civil War era and in so doing expands the temporal parameters of Bleeding Kansas.</p> <p>The book review section, as always, delivers an exciting cast of reviews that would not be possible without Sarah Gardner's impeccable leadership and incisive editing. Brie Swenson Arnold reviews J. Matthew Gallman's much anticipated book on Democrats in the North during the Civil War, <em>The Cacophony of</em> <strong>[End Page 7]</strong> <em>Politics: Northern Democrats and the American Civil War</em>, and Jonathan S. Jones reviews Megan L. Bever's insightful study, <em>At War with King Alcohol: Debating Drinking and Masculinity in the Civil War</em>.
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要： 编辑综述 2004 年，针对有关南北战争的大量学术研究，著名历史学家德鲁-吉尔平-福斯特（Drew Gilpin Faust）在本刊发表了"'我们应该越来越喜欢它'：我们为何热爱内战》一文。这篇文章立即成为经典。二十年后，作为编辑，我想知道我们是否仍然热爱内战。内战仍然是我们许多人学术、教学和阅读的核心部分。但内战是否已经失去了一些吸引力？为了回答这个问题，我组织了一次圆桌会议，邀请了一些世界顶尖的内战思想家。我们有幸邀请到了德鲁-浮士德参加对话！此外，本期还刊登了两篇关于内战时期研究的精彩文章。第一篇是贝内特-帕尔顿（Bennett Parten）撰写的，介绍了跟随威廉-谢尔曼将军著名的 "海上行军 "从亚特兰大到萨凡纳的近两万名曾受奴役的难民。帕尔顿将解放问题研究称为 "难民转向"，在此基础上，他对威利-李-罗斯（Willie Lee Rose）1964 年的经典研究《重建排练》（Rehearsal for Reconstruction）提出了质疑：该书将佐治亚难民硬塞进皇家港实验中，却没有意识到他们的迁移和流离失所与生活在海岛上的自由人有何不同。帕腾反对联邦政府认为战时解放的混乱局面可以轻松纠正的想法，坚持认为难民框架更能解释他们在奴隶制之后的地位。布伦特-坎普尼（Brent Campney）也颠覆了对内战时期的传统解释，他揭露了北方白人如何在堪萨斯州对南方白人实施暴民暴力，颠覆了南方白人攻击北方白人这一耳熟能详的剧本。坎普尼将他的注意力 "放在堪萨斯州内白人之间的自相残杀上"，"在迅速而深刻变化的州和全国辩论中"，"北方白人与南方白人争夺权力 "的七年期间。通过强调报纸对堪萨斯州冲突的报道，坎普尼重构了南北战争时期影响堪萨斯州政治历史的暴力事件，从而拓展了《流血的堪萨斯州》的时间范围。书评部分一如既往地提供了令人兴奋的书评，如果没有莎拉-加德纳无可挑剔的领导和精辟的编辑，这些书评是不可能出现的。布里-斯文森-阿诺德评论了马修-加尔曼（J. Matthew Gallman）备受期待的关于南北战争期间北方民主党人的著作《政治的喧哗》（The Cacophony of [End Page 7] Politics）：乔纳森-S-琼斯（Jonathan S. Jones）评论了梅根-L-贝弗（Megan L. Bever）富有洞察力的研究报告《与酒王开战》（At War with King Alcohol：内战中的饮酒与男性气质辩论》。本期还收录了许多其他出色的评论文章。自从担任编辑以来，我每年都非常荣幸地在期刊封面上刊登著名历史学家内尔-佩因特（Nell Painter）的作品。2024 年所有期刊的封面，用画家的话说，将是 "2022 年《新名称 2 号》，纸上水墨 12″ × 9″，属于威廉-斯蒂尔的《斯蒂尔采访记》启发下的一套绘画，斯蒂尔采访了从南方奴役中自我解放的人们。原画和石版印刷的《威廉-斯蒂尔三联画》被宾夕法尼亚州历史学会永久收藏。[第 8 页完] Copyright © 2024 肯特州立大学出版社 ...
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引用次数: 0
"Driven Out on the Old Charge of Being a Rebel": White-on-White Sectional Violence and the "Long" Bleeding Kansas "被叛军的旧罪名赶出家门"：白人对白人的部族暴力与 "漫长 "的堪萨斯流血事件
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY
CIVIL WAR HISTORY
Pub Date : 2024-02-08 DOI: 10.1353/cwh.2024.a918895
Brent M. S. Campney
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> "Driven Out on the Old Charge of Being a Rebel"<span>White-on-White Sectional Violence and the "Long" Bleeding Kansas</span> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Brent M. S. Campney (bio) </li> </ul> <p>"Desperado Hung," blared the <em>Emporia News</em> on February 8, 1867, after white townspeople in nearby Council Grove hanged Jack McDowell, a fellow white man whom they accused of having been a bushwhacker during the American Civil War. To justify their actions, they claimed McDowell had been part of the guerrilla band that, under the leadership of William Clarke Quantrill, had burned Lawrence, Kansas, in 1863 and killed a minimum of 150 men and boys. They based their justification on thin evidence, including the following: "When being brought down from Omaha [he] begged not to be brought through Lawrence, as he would be recognized there and hung. This circumstance seems to establish the general suspicion that he was a member of the Quantrell gang." Although the <em>News</em> professed to regret mob violence, it accepted the result: "From the best evidence that could be procured this McDowell was a thief of long standing, and one of the old Missouri bushwhackers, and if hanging by the people could ever be excused[,] it could in this case."<sup>1</sup></p> <p>The lynching of an accused pro-Confederate bushwhacker by a unionist mob in Kansas early in Reconstruction reveals a violent dynamic rarely investigated—violence perpetrated by white Northerners against white Southerners in Bleeding Kansas during the 1850s and 1860s. In the historiography of <strong>[End Page 27]</strong> the Kansas Territory, historians tend to examine the intimidation by proslavery Missourians against the antislavery settlers from the Northeast and Midwest and the responses of the latter. In the historiography on Civil War violence on the Kansas-Missouri border, they tend to emphasize Missouri, where endemic guerrilla violence and neighbor-on-neighbor partisan strife raged. In the historiography on Kansas, they investigate attacks within the state by pro-Confederate guerrillas invading from Missouri. Responding to these biases, and focusing on the Civil War years and early Reconstruction, this study shifts the focus away from the intimidation of the proslavery forces and onto that perpetrated by free staters, away from Missouri and onto Kansas itself, and within Kansas onto the internecine struggle among white Kansans themselves.<sup>2</sup></p> <p>Although this essay incorporates the better-known story of the violence perpetrated by white Southerners against white Northerners, it focuses on the under-investigated story of mob violence by white Northerners against their white Southern counterparts or against those suspected of working in cahoots with them. Covering a seven-year period at the backend of what it calls the "long" Bleeding Kansas, the study exam
以下是内容简介，以代替摘要： "1867 年 2 月 8 日，《恩波利亚新闻》（Emporia News）上刊登了这样一则消息：附近理事会格罗夫（Council Grove）的白人镇民绞死了白人同胞杰克-麦克道尔（Jack McDowell），他们指控麦克道尔在美国内战期间曾是一名丛林袭击者。为了给自己的行为辩解，他们声称麦克道尔是游击队的一员，在威廉-克拉克-匡特里尔的领导下，游击队于 1863 年烧毁了堪萨斯州的劳伦斯，至少杀害了 150 名男子和男孩。他们的理由证据不足，其中包括以下内容："从奥马哈被带下来时，[他]乞求不要经过劳伦斯，因为他会在那里被认出并被吊死。这一情况似乎证实了人们普遍怀疑他是匡特雷尔团伙的成员"。尽管《新闻报》对暴民的暴力行为表示遗憾，但它还是接受了这一结果：根据所能获得的最佳证据，这个麦克道尔是一个久负盛名的盗贼，也是密苏里州的老牌丛林杀手之一，如果说人民的绞刑是可以原谅的[]，那么在这个案件中也是可以原谅的。"1 在重建初期，堪萨斯州的工会暴民对一名被指控的亲同盟丛林杀手处以私刑，揭示了一种很少被调查的暴力动态--19 世纪 50 年代和 60 年代，在 "流血的堪萨斯"，北方白人对南方白人实施的暴力。在堪萨斯地区的 [第 27 页结束] 史学研究中，历史学家倾向于研究支持奴隶制的密苏里人对来自东北部和中西部的反奴隶制定居者的恐吓，以及后者的反应。在关于堪萨斯州与密苏里州边境内战暴力的史学研究中，他们倾向于强调密苏里州，因为那里的游击队暴力和邻里之间的党派纷争十分猖獗。在有关堪萨斯州的史料中，他们调查了从密苏里州入侵的亲联邦游击队在该州发动的袭击。为了回应这些偏见，本研究将重点放在南北战争时期和重建初期，将焦点从支持奴隶制的势力的恐吓转移到自由州人的恐吓，从密苏里转移到堪萨斯州本身，并将堪萨斯州内的焦点转移到白人堪萨斯人之间的内斗。尽管这篇文章包含了南方白人对北方白人施暴这一广为人知的故事，但它重点关注的是北方白人对南方白人或涉嫌与南方白人勾结的暴徒施暴这一调查不足的故事。该研究涵盖了被称为 "漫长 "的 "流血的堪萨斯 "后期的七年时间，探讨了 1861 年至 1867 年间的多事之秋，当时北方白人与南方白人在迅速而深刻变化的州和国家辩论中争夺权力，最终爆发了战争。报告还探讨了北方白人如何首先被迫与主要来自密苏里州的自由黑人和逃亡黑人结成不稳定的联盟，然后在战胜白人对手后，又如何通过白人至上主义的暴力活动来反对他们昔日的黑人盟友。1854 年，国会通过了《堪萨斯-内布拉斯加法案》，推翻了 1820 年的《密苏里妥协法案》，该法案阻止了奴隶制在 36º 30′ 以北地区的扩张，并将堪萨斯州的奴隶制地位留给了在该州定居的白人公民。这样做加剧了 19 世纪 50 年代在奴隶制向西扩张问题上的派别和意识形态矛盾，并引发了双方游击队员的疯狂迁徙。支持奴隶制的定居者，其中许多人来自毗邻的奴隶制州密苏里州，还有一些人来自肯塔基州和田纳西州，还有一些人来自南方深处，他们迁入密苏里州，以确立自己将特殊制度西迁的权利。有些密苏里人干脆越过边境，恐吓自由州的定居者，进行选民欺诈，为支持奴隶制的选民投票。他们这样做确保了堪萨斯州的第一个领地政府将制定一部奴隶法典，旨在严惩任何被判定破坏奴役制度的人。与此同时，北方白人定居者向西迁移。1854 年，来自新英格兰和纽约的热心废奴主义者和资本家纷纷西迁，将堪萨斯州变成了一个...
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引用次数: 0
The Whartons' War: The Civil War Correspondence of General Gabriel C. Wharton & Anne Radford Wharton 1863–1865 ed. by William C. Davis and Sue Heth Bell (review) 沃顿的战争：1863-1865 年加布里埃尔-C-沃顿将军和安妮-拉德福德-沃顿的内战通信》，William C. Davis 和 Sue Heth Bell 编（评论）
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY
CIVIL WAR HISTORY
Pub Date : 2024-02-08 DOI: 10.1353/cwh.2024.a918901
Jonathan A. Noyalas
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>The Whartons' War: The Civil War Correspondence of General Gabriel C. Wharton & Anne Radford Wharton 1863–1865</em> ed. by William C. Davis and Sue Heth Bell <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Jonathan A. Noyalas (bio) </li> </ul> <em>The Whartons' War: The Civil War Correspondence of General Gabriel C. Wharton & Anne Radford Wharton 1863–1865</em>. Edited by William C. Davis and Sue Heth Bell. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2022. ISBN: 978-1-4696-6829-1, 456 pp., paper, $45.00. <p>Near the end of his life, former Confederate general Gabriel Wharton took time to reread the wartime correspondence he had exchanged with his wife, Nannie. After revisiting the 524 letters the two sent to each other between March 8, 1863, and June 21, 1865, Wharton penned a simple note instructing his heirs to destroy the correspondence upon his death. While no one, fortunately, carried out Wharton's instructions, the content-rich letters resided in obscurity until by Sue Heth Bell, one of Wharton's descendants, discovered them recently.</p> <p>While historians interested in military operations in the Old Dominion, particularly southwestern Virginia and the Shenandoah Valley, will find much useful material throughout these letters, smartly edited by Bell and William C. "Jack" Davis, one of the most prolific Civil War historians of our time, this volume offers significantly more than a recounting of military events, weather conditions, and war's impact on the landscape.</p> <p>Foremost, these letters reveal the difficulties married couples confronted during the conflict. Married on May 14, 1863, the two spent considerably little <strong>[End Page 84]</strong> time together during their first two years. Loneliness, fear, and frustration consumed both. Sometimes those emotions compelled one to lash out at the other. For instance, on December 15, 1864, Nannie expressed anger over her husband's inability to get away from the army and spend time with her and their infant son, William, born on June 11, 1864. She threatened to cease communicating with Gabriel until he spent time with them. However, she soon realized the folly of her ultimatum and apologized for threatening to cut off the only means the two had of building their relationship.</p> <p>Additionally, and perhaps most significantly, this collection offers an intriguing case study of the limits of Confederate patriotism. While the Whartons might not be representative of the entire Confederacy, their letters clearly demonstrate that battlefield success, lack of recognition for duty well performed, and the Confederacy's political landscape affected one's devotion to the Confederacy. While Gabriel expressed more optimism than Nannie about the South's prospects, even in the aftermath of catastrophic defeats, the honest and candid exchanges between t
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者 The Whartons' War: The Civil War Correspondence of General Gabriel C. Wharton & Anne Radford Wharton 1863-1865 ed. by William C. Davis and Sue Heth Bell Jonathan A. Noyalas (bio) The Whartons' War: The Civil War Correspondence of General Gabriel C. Wharton & Anne Radford Wharton 1863-1865.William C. Davis 和 Sue Heth Bell 编辑。教堂山：北卡罗来纳大学出版社，2022 年。ISBN：978-1-4696-6829-1，456 页，纸质版，45.00 美元。前南军将领加布里埃尔-沃顿（Gabriel Wharton）在生命即将结束时，抽空重读了他与妻子南妮的战时书信往来。在重温了 1863 年 3 月 8 日至 1865 年 6 月 21 日期间两人互寄的 524 封信件后，沃顿写了一张简单的便条，嘱咐他的继承人在他死后销毁这些信件。幸运的是，没有人执行沃顿的指示，这些内容丰富的信件一直默默无闻，直到沃顿的后人之一苏-赫斯-贝尔（Sue Heth Bell）最近发现了它们。贝尔和当代最多产的内战史学家之一威廉-C-"杰克"-戴维斯（William C. "Jack" Davis）对这些信件进行了精心编辑，对老多米尼克地区，尤其是弗吉尼亚州西南部和谢南多纳河谷的军事行动感兴趣的历史学家可以在这些信件中找到许多有用的资料，而这本书所提供的远不止是对军事事件、天气状况以及战争对地貌影响的描述。最重要的是，这些信件揭示了已婚夫妇在冲突期间所面临的困难。他们于 1863 年 5 月 14 日结婚，在最初的两年里，两人在一起的时间非常少 [第 84 页结束]。孤独、恐惧和挫败感笼罩着两人。有时，这些情绪会迫使一个人向另一个人发泄。例如，1864 年 12 月 15 日，南妮对丈夫无法离开军队陪伴她和 1864 年 6 月 11 日出生的幼子威廉表示愤怒。她威胁要停止与加布里埃尔的通信，直到他抽出时间来陪伴他们。然而，她很快意识到自己的最后通牒是愚蠢的，并为威胁切断两人建立关系的唯一途径而道歉。此外，也许最重要的是，这本小说集提供了一个关于邦联爱国主义局限性的有趣案例研究。虽然沃顿夫妇可能并不能代表整个邦联，但他们的书信清楚地表明，战场上的胜利、因出色完成任务而得不到认可以及邦联的政治格局都会影响一个人对邦联的忠诚度。虽然加布里埃尔比南妮更看好南方的前景，即使是在灾难性的失败之后，但两人之间真诚坦率的交流清楚地表明，随着失败越来越频繁，伤亡越来越大，加布里埃尔没有得到应有的晋升，他们的支持也在减弱。在不同的场合，两人都表示希望放弃南方联盟，搬到一个可以安居乐业的地方。邦联政府的征兵政策进一步削弱了这对夫妇的忠诚。在她的信中，南妮毫不留情地批评了邦联的一些高层军事人物。例如，北弗吉尼亚军在葛底斯堡战败后，南妮表达了对罗伯特-李将军的蔑视。也许这就是沃顿将军希望在死后将这些信件烧掉的原因之一，因为他非常钦佩李将军，并建议妻子全力支持他。不过，有时候，沃顿夫妇也会对南军军官的能力表示赞同，其中最著名的是朱巴尔-厄尔利中将。1864 年 7 月中旬，在厄尔利军团中指挥一个师的沃顿认为，厄尔利在向华盛顿郊区推进后值得一赞，但 1864 年秋天，在谢南多河谷发生一连串灾难后，南妮和加布里埃尔都认为厄尔利该辞职了。这批藏品的核心内容提供了关于邦联爱国主义局限性以及夫妇如何应对战争中无数挑战的重要视角，同时，这些信件还提供了历史学家对其他主题的洞察力，其中最值得注意的是被奴役者的经历。通过提到埃米琳和蒂姆这两个被沃顿夫妇奴役的人，这些信件揭示了被奴役者如何平衡他们对自由的渴望......
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引用次数: 0
Rebels in the Making: The Secession Crisis and the Birth of the Confederacy by William L. Barney (review) 造反者：威廉-巴尼（William L. Barney）所著的《分裂危机与南方联盟的诞生》（评论
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY
CIVIL WAR HISTORY
Pub Date : 2024-02-08 DOI: 10.1353/cwh.2024.a918897
Lawrence T. McDonnell
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Rebels in the Making: The Secession Crisis and the Birth of the Confederacy</em> by William L. Barney <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Lawrence T. McDonnell (bio) </li> </ul> <em>Rebels in the Making: The Secession Crisis and the Birth of the Confederacy</em>. William L. Barney. New York: Oxford University Press, 2020. 392 pp. ISBN: 978-0190076085, cloth, $34.95. <p>Publication of <em>Rebels in the Making</em> is a cause for celebration among historians of the Civil War era. It is the most valuable single-volume study of the secession crisis, crafted by a master scholar at the apex of his career. Deeply researched and powerfully synthetic, it promises to spark debate and generate further explorations of this crucial subject.</p> <p>To say that William Barney's book has been long anticipated would be an understatement—but that has become almost par for the course for those who study disunion. The available sources are vast, the historiography so extensive, complex, and high-caliber, the problems to resolve so knotted and subtle. Making sense of the fateful choice to break up the Union and establish a slaveholders' Confederacy requires mastering the cultural, economic, and political contexts of the national crisis—an Everest that many sensibly shy away from. Others tackle just a portion of the problem—secession in a state or city, the role of an individual or a revolutionary network, the influence of gender, honor, or some other inspiring force. That alone can consume a professional lifetime. The hardiest, like Allan Nevins or William Freehling, have told their seemingly all-encompassing tales over multiple volumes, produced across decades. What hero can hope or dare to do that now?</p> <p><em>Rebels in the Making</em> reframes the task: to explain comprehensively a vast national tragedy in human terms on a reasonable scale. Against great odds, it succeeds splendidly. Meshing voluminous research in manuscripts, newspapers, and other contemporary sources with deep understanding of historiographical debates, Barney's book, with its brevity and flow, will astonish careful readers. Tightly focused on the crisis of 1860–61, <em>Rebels</em> makes its "kaleidoscope of events and emotions" abundantly comprehensible precisely by arguing its central thesis: that disunion was not inevitable or structurally foreordained (4). Rather, Barney <strong>[End Page 74]</strong> shows how contingency ruled everywhere, how the intersection of bad ideas and drastic decisions by specific people in distant locations combined to destroy the United States. For what? Slavery, not state rights or any other reason, he shows. Whodunit? Anxious, self-interested slaveholders, specifically, thwarted younger men of property who worried about the decay of debt, the fracture of class alliances, Republican scheming, and turncoats in thei
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者： 造反者：威廉-L.-巴尼（William L. Barney）著，劳伦斯-T.-麦克唐纳尔（Lawrence T. McDonnell）译（简历）：《造反者：分裂危机与南方联盟的诞生》（Rebels in the Making：分裂危机与南方联盟的诞生》。威廉-L.-巴尼著。纽约：牛津大学出版社，2020 年。392 pp.ISBN: 978-0190076085，布版，34.95 美元。内战时期的反叛者》的出版令内战时期的历史学家们欢欣鼓舞。这是一位处于事业顶峰的大师级学者对分裂危机进行的最有价值的单卷研究。该书研究深入、综合有力，有望引发对这一关键主题的讨论和进一步探索。如果说威廉-巴尼的这本书是众望所归，那未免有些轻描淡写--但对于那些研究分裂问题的人来说，这几乎已是家常便饭。可利用的资料浩如烟海，史学研究如此广泛、复杂和高水准，需要解决的问题如此错综复杂和微妙。要理解解体联邦、建立奴隶主邦联这一命运抉择，就必须掌握这场国家危机的文化、经济和政治背景--这是一座珠穆朗玛峰，许多人理智地避而远之。还有一些人只解决了问题的一部分--一个州或城市的分离，个人或革命网络的作用，性别、荣誉或其他激励力量的影响。仅此一项，就可以耗尽专业人员的一生。像艾伦-内文斯（Allan Nevins）或威廉-弗里赫林（William Freehling）这样最勤奋的人，几十年来用多卷书讲述他们看似包罗万象的故事。现在还有哪位英雄希望或敢于这样做呢？造反者》重塑了这一任务：在合理的尺度上，用人性的语言全面阐释一场巨大的民族悲剧。在巨大的困难面前，它取得了辉煌的成功。巴尼在书中对手稿、报纸和其他当代资料进行了大量研究，并对史学争论有深刻理解，其简洁流畅的文字会让细心的读者大吃一惊。反叛者》紧紧围绕 1860-61 年的危机，正是通过论证其中心论点，使其 "事件和情感的万花筒 "变得通俗易懂：分裂不是不可避免的，也不是结构上注定的（4）。相反，巴尼[第74页完]展示了偶然性是如何无处不在的，糟糕的想法和远方特定人物的重大决定是如何交织在一起摧毁美国的。为了什么？他指出，是奴隶制，而不是州权或任何其他原因。凶手是谁？焦虑不安、自私自利的奴隶主，特别是那些担心债务危机、阶级联盟破裂、共和党阴谋诡计和自己内部叛徒的年轻有产者。巴尼解释说，这种担忧有些是妄想症或内疚，但更多的是出于一种愤怒的感觉，即高墙正在逼近。不仅如此，他还指出，弗吉尼亚州和密西西比州导致危机发生的政治条件明显不同；佐治亚州农村地区的亚历山大-斯蒂芬斯（Alexander Stephens）所面临的难题与头脑发热的查尔斯顿人亨利-古丁（Henry Gourdin）所面临的难题完全不同；即使是边缘化或被剥夺权利的南方人，无论男女，无论白人还是黑人，都对事件产生了巨大的影响。在本书中，雷特、扬赛和戴维斯等一百多位研究者仍是中心人物，但他们受到了敢于发声的白人精英女性的鞭策和鼓励，也受到了被奴役的纵火犯和暗中的废奴主义者的困扰，他们希望在南方的一百多个地方造成伤害--当地人是这么认为的。这本书有许多推动者，而其主要推动者巴尼则非常轻松地协调了各种观点、行动者、事件和影响。这是一部相当生动、引人入胜的国家灾难小说。对具体细节、地方性、偶然性和个性的关注是本书的主要优势之一。巴尼以审慎高效的方式运用其丰富的知识，以近乎无情的方式解决棘手的问题，并使叙事不断向前推进。在书的开头，他巧妙地停顿了一下，讨论了 19 世纪 50 年代不均衡的繁荣、干旱和炎热问题、土壤枯竭和债务问题。后来，他在德克萨斯州、阿肯色州和北卡罗来纳州逗留，说明选择范围的缩小是如何让这些州加入邦联阵营的。这里的每一次介入都是有益的，哪怕只是为了引发争论。反叛者》中宗教的篇幅远远超过了荣誉；对自我利益如何战胜家长作风的考虑超过了奴隶制是资本主义还是......
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引用次数: 0
The Left-Armed Corps: Writings by Amputee Civil War Veterans by Allison M. Johnson (review) 《左翼武装部队:被截肢的内战老兵的作品》艾莉森·m·约翰逊著(书评)
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY
CIVIL WAR HISTORY
Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.1353/cwh.2023.a912513
Marla Anzalone
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>The Left-Armed Corps: Writings by Amputee Civil War Veterans</em> by Allison M. Johnson <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Marla Anzalone (bio) </li> </ul> <em>The Left-Armed Corps: Writings by Amputee Civil War Veterans</em>. Allison M. Johnson. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2022. ISBN: 978-0-8071-7707-5. 391 pp., paper, $29.95. <p>Through the span of the American Civil War, the Union army recorded more than sixteen thousand arm-related amputations, creating an unprecedented volume of disabled veterans who were tasked with learning to navigate the demands of postwar life as one-armed men (2). As chaplain at New York’s Central Park Hospital, editor and poet William Oland Bourne observed a Union soldier who had recently undergone a right-arm amputation signing his chaplain’s autograph book with his remaining, nondominant left hand. In witnessing this act, Bourne recognized the importance of learning to write with the left hand had for one-armed veterans’ recovery and overall social and professional success. Left-handed penmanship provided professional opportunities for veterans who were unable to perform manual labor by refining their writing skills to make them employable clerks or bookkeepers. Inspired through his hospital work, Bourne created two left-handed penman-ship contests for his newspaper, the <em>Soldier’s Friend</em>. Launched in 1864, the paper aimed to provide news and content relevant to soldiers’ interests and to find and furnish employment opportunities for Union veterans and their families. The first contest, announced in June 1865, called for submissions of original work containing “brief essays on patriotic themes, and especially narratives of the writer’s experience in the service of the country, incidents, or sketches of the war” (11). The collected prize essays from the 1865 competition were exhibited twice, first in New York and then Washington, DC, and presented to the public as narratives of war and recovery. In 1867, Bourne launched a second contest at the behest of members of the Left-Armed Corps who had not participated in the first contest. Across the two competitions, 333 entrants emerged, largely from New York, Ohio, and Illinois, the majority of whom were not commissioned officers. Of all the contestants, only two were Black soldiers, who submitted to the first contest.</p> <p>The archive of Bourne’s writing competitions through the <em>Soldier’s Friend</em> consists of thousands of pages detailing the experiences of the men who comprised the Left-Armed Corps. In <em>The Left-Armed Corps: Writings by Amputee Civil War Soldiers</em>, Allison M. Johnson deftly navigates this archive to present entries of as many veterans as possible in a manner that allows these texts to be accessible and navigable for scholars and Civil War enthusiasts alike. For each
代替摘要，这里是内容的简短摘录:由:左臂军团:由Allison M. Johnson撰写的被截肢的内战退伍军人Marla Anzalone(传记)左臂军团:由被截肢的内战退伍军人撰写。艾莉森·m·约翰逊。巴吞鲁日:路易斯安那州立大学出版社，2022。ISBN: 978-0-8071-7707-5。391页，纸质版，29.95美元。在美国内战期间，联邦军记录了超过一万六千例与手臂相关的截肢，创造了空前数量的残疾退伍军人，他们的任务是学习如何以单臂的方式适应战后的生活(2)。作为纽约中央公园医院的牧师，编辑兼诗人威廉·奥兰·伯恩观察到一位最近接受了右臂截肢手术的联邦军士兵用他剩下的胳膊在牧师的签名书上签名，左手不占优势。目睹了这一行为，伯恩意识到学习用左手写字对单臂退伍军人的康复以及整体社会和职业成功的重要性。左撇子的书法为那些不能从事体力劳动的退伍军人提供了职业机会，通过提高他们的写作技巧，使他们成为可雇佣的职员或簿记员。在医院工作的启发下，伯恩为他的报纸《士兵的朋友》举办了两次左手书写比赛。该报创刊于1864年，旨在提供与士兵利益相关的新闻和内容，并为联邦退伍军人及其家属寻找和提供就业机会。第一次竞赛于1865年6月宣布，要求提交原创作品，包括“爱国主题的简短文章，特别是作者为国家服务的经历，事件或战争的草图”(11)。1865年比赛的获奖作品共展出了两次，首先在纽约，然后在华盛顿特区，并作为战争和复苏的叙述向公众展示。1867年，伯恩在没有参加第一届比赛的左翼武装部队成员的要求下发起了第二届比赛。在两场比赛中，有333名参赛者脱颖而出，主要来自纽约、俄亥俄州和伊利诺伊州，其中大多数不是军官。在所有参赛者中，只有两名黑人士兵参加了第一次比赛。伯恩通过“士兵之友”组织的写作比赛档案有数千页，详细描述了左翼武装部队成员的经历。在《左翼武装部队:被截肢的内战士兵的作品》一书中，艾莉森·m·约翰逊(Allison M. Johnson)巧妙地浏览了这些档案，尽可能多地展示了退伍军人的作品，使这些文本对学者和内战爱好者来说都是可以访问和浏览的。在可能的情况下，约翰逊为每一篇文章都提供了作者的传记梗概，包括他在战争后的服役和生活信息。在她的脚注中，约翰逊提供了丰富的信息，以帮助读者进一步研究，特别是通过她的文章提交的分类展示了她的编辑能力。通过将提交的论文分为八个章节进行主题组织，约翰逊安排了一部生动的内战历史。第一章，“集结和行军”和第二章，“当兵生活”包括收集老兵的文章，重点是联邦士兵共有的普遍经历。这些章节对战场之外的士兵生活提供了宝贵的见解，因为它们描述了日常的营地生活及其所需的独创性，部队调动的艰辛，战斗结束后阵亡士兵的收集和埋葬，以及与他们所服务的其他男人建立的情感纽带的细节。第三章，“体验战争”，提供了主要战役的个人叙述，如葛底斯堡和安提特姆战役，为这些战役的历史编纂以及它们在塑造战争结果中的作用增加了重要的个人叙述。第4章，“受伤、截肢和康复”，结合了关注士兵受伤、受伤的感觉、手术和医院经历以及右臂截肢后康复和生活的文章条目。正如约翰逊所指出的那样，参赛者的讨论驳斥了学术观点，即内战作家掩盖了破碎和受伤的尸体，有利于恢复和民族和解。相反，正如该系列，尤其是她的第四章所揭示的那样，“许多左臂老兵拒绝隐瞒自己的伤口……
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引用次数: 0
The "First" Emancipation Proclamation: Black Rebellion, Removal, and Freedom during the Seminole Wars “第一份”解放宣言:塞米诺尔战争期间的黑人叛乱、迁移和自由
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY
CIVIL WAR HISTORY
Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.1353/cwh.2023.a912507
Kristen T. Oertel
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> The “First” Emancipation Proclamation<span>Black Rebellion, Removal, and Freedom during the Seminole Wars</span> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Kristen T. Oertel (bio) </li> </ul> <p>The brutal war had dragged on for years with no end in sight. The president grew increasingly frustrated by how poorly US troops had performed, and the people’s tolerance of bad news waned with each casualty report from the battlefield. Perhaps most concerning, debates in the US House of Representatives revealed that support for the war was precariously low, with one congressman complaining, “Immense sums of the public money have already been expended on this war and . . . have been extracted, like teeth, from this House.”<sup>1</sup> Something drastic had to be done to turn the tide, to win this seemingly endless war. Could the emancipation of enslaved Blacks trigger that turn and launch the US Army on a path to victory?</p> <p>President Lincoln likely asked this question as he wrestled with issuing the Emancipation Proclamation in the fall of 1862. But instead of picturing Lincoln in the Oval Office after Antietam, place yourself in a Florida swamp in 1838, and you will find Gen. Thomas Sidney Jesup issuing the “first” emancipation proclamation, twenty-six years before Lincoln’s, and freeing hundreds of enslaved <strong>[End Page 11]</strong> Blacks.<sup>2</sup> During the Second Seminole War, after repeatedly failing to negotiate peace with the Seminole Indians and their Black allies, Jesup promised the Black combatants “freedom and protection on their separating from the Indians and surrendering.”<sup>3</sup> Hoping to divide and conquer the Seminole and Black forces that had been fighting the US Army for decades, Jesup used emancipation of Black soldiers, many of whom were enslaved by Seminole citizens, as a military tool to weaken the opposition and quite literally remove a portion of enemy troops from Florida to Indian Territory. Negotiating with Black leaders like John Horse, he claimed that if they surrendered and moved to the West, the army would protect their freedom. In an order issued in March, he specified: “That all Negroes the property of the Seminole . . . who . . . delivered themselves up to the Commanding Officer of the troops should be free.”<sup>4</sup> As historian Kevin Mulroy has already noted, “Black emancipation and Removal had become the policy of the U.S. Army.”<sup>5</sup></p> <p>Of course, the British had offered the first promise of freedom to enslaved Blacks in what is now the United States during the Revolutionary War with Dunmore’s Proclamation in 1775, the Phillipsburg Proclamation in 1779, and again during the War of 1812, and the Spanish had used this playbook for decades in Florida and the Caribbean.<sup>6</sup> But Jesup’s is likely the first emancipation proclamation made by a US official, and similar procl
为了代替摘要，这里有一个简短的内容摘录:“第一次”解放宣言塞米诺尔战争期间黑人的叛乱，迁移和自由克里斯汀T.奥尔特尔(传记)残酷的战争已经拖了很多年，看不到结束的希望。总统对美军的糟糕表现越来越感到沮丧，人们对坏消息的容忍度随着战场上的每一份伤亡报告而减弱。也许最令人担忧的是，美国众议院的辩论显示，对这场战争的支持率低得吓人，一位国会议员抱怨说:“大量的公共资金已经花在了这场战争上……已经像牙齿一样从这个议院里拔了出来。必须采取一些激烈的措施来扭转局势，赢得这场看似无休止的战争。被奴役的黑人的解放是否会引发这种转变，并使美国军队走上胜利之路?林肯总统很可能在1862年秋天起草《解放奴隶宣言》时问过这个问题。但是，不要想象林肯在安提特姆之后在椭圆形办公室的情景，而是把自己置身于1838年的佛罗里达沼泽，你会发现托马斯·西尼·杰斯普将军发布了“第一份”解放宣言，比林肯早26年，解放了数百名被奴役的黑人。2在第二次塞米诺尔战争期间，在与塞米诺尔印第安人及其黑人盟友的和平谈判一再失败之后，Jesup向黑人战士承诺，只要他们脱离印第安人并投降，就会获得自由和保护。杰苏普希望分裂和征服几十年来一直与美军作战的塞米诺尔人和黑人军队，他利用解放黑人士兵(其中许多人被塞米诺尔公民奴役)作为一种军事工具，削弱反对派，实际上是将一部分敌军从佛罗里达转移到印第安领土。在与约翰·霍斯(John Horse)等黑人领袖谈判时，他声称，如果他们投降并迁往西部，军队将保护他们的自由。在3月发布的一项命令中，他特别指出:“所有黑人都是塞米诺尔人的财产……谁……向部队指挥官投降的人应该是自由的。正如历史学家凯文·马尔罗伊(Kevin Mulroy)已经指出的那样，“解放和驱逐黑人已经成为美国军队的政策。”5当然，在独立战争期间，英国人在1775年的《邓莫尔宣言》，1779年的《菲利普斯堡宣言》，以及1812年战争期间，首次向现在的美国境内被奴役的黑人提供了自由的承诺，西班牙人在佛罗里达和加勒比地区使用了几十年的这一策略。内战早期，约翰·c·弗莱姆蒙特和大卫·亨特等反奴隶制将军也发表了类似的宣言，模仿了杰瑟普的宣言。那么，为什么内战历史学家和研究解放奴隶问题的学者实际上忽略了耶苏普宣言的法律和历史先例呢?快速回顾一下最近出版的关于林肯解放奴隶宣言的文章和书籍，完全没有提到Jesup的命令，从而表明历史学家忽视了它对内战前军事政策和地区冲突的重要性7 .美国土著历史学家和研究黑人历史的业余学者称赞杰苏普的宣言是塞米诺尔人和黑人历史上的一个标志性事件，但内战历史学家和一般历史学家也必须把这一行为包括在内，认为这是黑人解放不平衡过程中的一个关键部分本文强调了第二次塞米诺尔战争中黑人反抗的传统，并将其作为内战时期黑人反抗的历史先例和解放宣言的先驱进行了研究。通过揭示这一“第一次”宣言的原因和后果，我希望填补一个史学上的空白，说明被奴役的黑人和塞米诺尔印第安人的抵抗是如何激发了杰萨普的宣言，并引发了北美历史上唯一一次成功的奴隶叛乱。最后，围绕Jesup的宣言及其在印第安领土上的影响的辩论揭示了与美国奴隶制制度和国家的痛苦历史有关的基本问题……
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引用次数: 0
"Portraits Torn to Shreds": Iconoclasm and the Destruction of Confederate Memory “被撕成碎片的肖像”:偶像破坏与同盟记忆的毁灭
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY
CIVIL WAR HISTORY
Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.1353/cwh.2023.a912508
Matthew Fox-Amato
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> “Portraits Torn to Shreds”<span>Iconoclasm and the Destruction of Confederate Memory</span> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Matthew Fox-Amato (bio) </li> </ul> <p>In July 1863, Jefferson Davis was stabbed. To understand the attack, one needs to begin earlier in the war, when Davis’s eldest brother, Joseph E. Davis, had moved belongings from the family’s Brierfield and Hurricane plantations to Owen B. Cox’s house near Clinton, Mississippi. The possessions were hidden in the attic of the main house and an outbuilding, and they might have remained safe, were it not for the actions of Alfred, a man Cox enslaved. Alfred had previously fled to the Union army; when the Union troops arrived at Cox’s house, he pointed them toward Davis’s concealed property. The troops promptly ruined and looted those possessions and many other household objects. They destroyed books from Jefferson Davis’s private library, which by one account numbered in the thousands. They ripped paintings with their bayonets, cut up carpets, damaged a walnut table, wrecked a piano, and stole curtains to use as blankets.<sup>1</sup> And, in particularly brutal fashion, they laid waste to Davis’s image. As one witness described, “among the evidences of petty malice a book was found containing Your Excellency’s likeness; this the soldiers <strong>[End Page 36]</strong> stabbed as often as they could find a piece of the paper large enough to receive the point of a knife.”<sup>2</sup></p> <p>The vision of Union troops knifing a small Jefferson Davis portrait might seem of minor significance in comparison to the many better-studied visual media of the Civil War—including engravings in <em>Harper’s Weekly</em> and <em>Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper</em>, battlefield images by Alexander Gardner, and photographs of fugitive enslaved people.<sup>3</sup> But we would do well to view this incident as one part of a broader cultural phenomenon: the iconoclastic impulses of the Civil War. Such sources as diaries, letters, memoirs, and newspapers demonstrate that in households across the South, Northern soldiers and enslaved people engaged in different forms of iconoclasm, meaning the <em>harming, destruction, theft, or appropriation of images and other visual objects</em>.<sup>4</sup> Union soldiers stole and sliced painted and photographic portraits as <strong>[End Page 37]</strong> well as book illustrations they encountered in Southern households. Enslaved people watched and enabled this iconoclasm, as Alfred’s actions demonstrate. But they also engaged in their own iconoclastic acts—by taking paintings from their masters’ houses, defacing those images, exchanging them, selling them, and hanging them on their cabin walls. At the end of the war, one Black woman even destroyed a bust of John Calhoun in the office of the <em>Charleston Mercury</em>. These acts direct our atte
为了代替摘要，这里有一个简短的内容摘录:“被撕成碎片的肖像”偶像破坏和南部联盟记忆的破坏马修福克斯阿马托(传记)1863年7月，杰斐逊戴维斯被刺死。要了解这次袭击，我们需要从战争早期开始，当时戴维斯的大哥约瑟夫·e·戴维斯(Joseph E. Davis)把家里的东西从布里尔菲尔德和飓风种植园搬到了欧文·b·考克斯(Owen B. Cox)在密西西比州克林顿附近的房子里。这些东西被藏在主楼的阁楼和一幢附属楼里，如果不是被考克斯奴役的阿尔弗雷德的行为，它们本来是安全的。阿尔弗雷德之前逃到了联邦军队;当联邦军队到达考克斯家时，考克斯指给他们看戴维斯隐藏的财产。部队迅速毁坏和掠夺了这些财产和许多其他家用物品。他们销毁了杰斐逊·戴维斯私人图书馆的藏书，据说有数千册。他们用刺刀撕破画，剪断地毯，损坏胡桃木桌子，毁坏钢琴，还偷窗帘当毯子用而且，以一种特别残忍的方式，他们毁掉了戴维斯的形象。正如一位证人所描述的那样，“在恶意中伤的证据中，发现了一本书，上面有阁下的肖像;士兵们尽可能多地刺伤这张纸，只要他们能找到一张足够大的纸来接受刀尖。与许多研究得更好的关于内战的视觉媒体——包括《哈珀周刊》和弗兰克·莱斯利的《画报》上的版画、亚历山大·加德纳的战场照片以及逃亡的被奴役者的照片——相比，联邦军队用刀刺穿杰斐逊·戴维斯的小画像的景象似乎意义不大但我们最好把这一事件看作是一个更广泛的文化现象的一部分:内战的反传统冲动。日记、信件、回忆录和报纸等资料表明，在南方的家庭中，北方的士兵和被奴役的人从事不同形式的偶像破坏，这意味着伤害、破坏、盗窃或占用图像和其他视觉对象联邦士兵偷走并切割了他们在南方家庭中遇到的绘画和摄影肖像以及书籍插图。奴隶们目睹并支持这种反传统的行为，阿尔弗雷德的行为就是明证。但他们也有自己的反传统行为——从他们主人的房子里拿走画作，破坏这些图像，交换它们，卖掉它们，挂在他们的小屋墙上。在战争结束时，一位黑人妇女甚至摧毁了查尔斯顿水星报办公室里约翰·卡尔霍恩的半身像。这些行为将我们的注意力引向内战偶像破坏的原因、影响和意义。圣像破坏的历史是漫长而全球性的——从罗马人摧毁描绘国家敌人的雕像，到宗教改革期间英国改革者对宗教形象的攻击，再到2001年塔利班对巴米扬大佛的破坏——然而学者们才刚刚开始努力研究它在内战中的具体轮廓和后果。艺术历史学家Jennifer Van Horn调查了被奴役的人们对奴隶主肖像的破坏和挪用，显示了打破偶像主义是如何作为一种反抗行为的本文以这样的学术研究为基础，拓宽了考虑各种战时角色如何发起和应对形象破坏的范围:它进一步探讨了被奴役者的偶像破坏(以及公众对此的反应)，同时首次全面研究了联邦士兵的偶像破坏和南方白人对此的反应。它问道，对奴隶和北方士兵来说，破坏圣像的动机和意义是什么?南方白人如何进一步回应?解决这些问题揭示了在整个战争期间，联邦军队和被奴役的人是如何对邦联家庭中的图像进行激烈的战斗的。这种随意破坏形象的行动无疑有很多意义。联邦军队可能会把摧毁邦联支持者的肖像理解为对敌人的身体优势的声明，而被奴役的人可能会把摧毁奴隶主的肖像视为反对奴役的一种行为，以及暴力种族垮台的标志……
{"title":"\"Portraits Torn to Shreds\": Iconoclasm and the Destruction of Confederate Memory","authors":"Matthew Fox-Amato","doi":"10.1353/cwh.2023.a912508","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2023.a912508","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;span&gt;&lt;span&gt;In lieu of&lt;/span&gt; an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:&lt;/span&gt;\u0000&lt;p&gt; &lt;ul&gt; &lt;li&gt;&lt;!-- html_title --&gt; “Portraits Torn to Shreds”&lt;span&gt;Iconoclasm and the Destruction of Confederate Memory&lt;/span&gt; &lt;!-- /html_title --&gt;&lt;/li&gt; &lt;li&gt; Matthew Fox-Amato (bio) &lt;/li&gt; &lt;/ul&gt; &lt;p&gt;In July 1863, Jefferson Davis was stabbed. To understand the attack, one needs to begin earlier in the war, when Davis’s eldest brother, Joseph E. Davis, had moved belongings from the family’s Brierfield and Hurricane plantations to Owen B. Cox’s house near Clinton, Mississippi. The possessions were hidden in the attic of the main house and an outbuilding, and they might have remained safe, were it not for the actions of Alfred, a man Cox enslaved. Alfred had previously fled to the Union army; when the Union troops arrived at Cox’s house, he pointed them toward Davis’s concealed property. The troops promptly ruined and looted those possessions and many other household objects. They destroyed books from Jefferson Davis’s private library, which by one account numbered in the thousands. They ripped paintings with their bayonets, cut up carpets, damaged a walnut table, wrecked a piano, and stole curtains to use as blankets.&lt;sup&gt;1&lt;/sup&gt; And, in particularly brutal fashion, they laid waste to Davis’s image. As one witness described, “among the evidences of petty malice a book was found containing Your Excellency’s likeness; this the soldiers &lt;strong&gt;[End Page 36]&lt;/strong&gt; stabbed as often as they could find a piece of the paper large enough to receive the point of a knife.”&lt;sup&gt;2&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;The vision of Union troops knifing a small Jefferson Davis portrait might seem of minor significance in comparison to the many better-studied visual media of the Civil War—including engravings in &lt;em&gt;Harper’s Weekly&lt;/em&gt; and &lt;em&gt;Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper&lt;/em&gt;, battlefield images by Alexander Gardner, and photographs of fugitive enslaved people.&lt;sup&gt;3&lt;/sup&gt; But we would do well to view this incident as one part of a broader cultural phenomenon: the iconoclastic impulses of the Civil War. Such sources as diaries, letters, memoirs, and newspapers demonstrate that in households across the South, Northern soldiers and enslaved people engaged in different forms of iconoclasm, meaning the &lt;em&gt;harming, destruction, theft, or appropriation of images and other visual objects&lt;/em&gt;.&lt;sup&gt;4&lt;/sup&gt; Union soldiers stole and sliced painted and photographic portraits as &lt;strong&gt;[End Page 37]&lt;/strong&gt; well as book illustrations they encountered in Southern households. Enslaved people watched and enabled this iconoclasm, as Alfred’s actions demonstrate. But they also engaged in their own iconoclastic acts—by taking paintings from their masters’ houses, defacing those images, exchanging them, selling them, and hanging them on their cabin walls. At the end of the war, one Black woman even destroyed a bust of John Calhoun in the office of the &lt;em&gt;Charleston Mercury&lt;/em&gt;. These acts direct our atte","PeriodicalId":43056,"journal":{"name":"CIVIL WAR HISTORY","volume":"136 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138540223","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Bloody Flag of Anarchy: Unionism in South Carolina during the Nullification Crisis by Brian C. Neumann (review) 无政府主义的血腥旗帜:废除宪法危机期间南卡罗来纳州的联合主义作者:布莱恩·c·诺伊曼(书评)
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY
CIVIL WAR HISTORY
Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.1353/cwh.2023.a912510
Michael E. Woods
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Bloody Flag of Anarchy: Unionism in South Carolina during the Nullification Crisis</em> by Brian C. Neumann <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Michael E. Woods (bio) </li> </ul> <em>Bloody Flag of Anarchy: Unionism in South Carolina during the Nullification Crisis</em>. Brian C. Neumann. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2022. ISBN: 978-0-8071-8790-0. 216 pp., cloth, $45.00. <p>When historian James M. Banner Jr. tackled “The Problem of South Carolina” nearly half a century ago, he focused on extremism: why was it that “South Carolina nullified alone and seceded first”? (James M. Banner Jr., “The Problem of South Carolina,” in <em>The Hofstadter Aegis: A Memorial</em>, ed. Stanley Elkins and Eric McKitrick [New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1974], 60). Antebellum South Carolina certainly demands explanation. But Brian C. Neumann takes a different and fruitful approach to the task by concentrating on the four in ten Palmetto State voters who rallied to the Union Party and steeled themselves for a bloody showdown with their Nullifier neighbors. This study, the first book-length treatment of the subject, adds much to the literature on Nullification, South Carolina politics, and the coming of the Civil War, though there is undoubtedly more to say about the unionists and their world.</p> <p>Neumann uses newspaper editorials, private correspondence, and published speeches and pamphlets to reconstruct unionists’ worldview. Convinced that Nullification threatened the cohesion of the United States and the fate of liberty worldwide, they resisted their state’s movement down a path toward chaos, violence, and disunion. Confident that slavery was safe within the Union—and determined to keep it that way—they rejected Nullifiers’ claims that protective tariffs were an entering wedge for abolitionism. Committed to what Neumann aptly terms “southern proslavery Unionism,” unionists thwarted Nullifers’ effort to forge white unity and thus facilitated the resolution of the 1832–33 crisis (4). Soon, however, whites’ broad-based devotion to slavery undermined unionists’ position amid the onslaught of abolitionist petitions and mailings in the mid-1830s. Bitterness over Nullification-era battles persisted, but the American Anti-Slavery Society did what Nullifiers could not: convince an overwhelming number of white South Carolinians to close ranks against a serious threat to slavery. <strong>[End Page 92]</strong></p> <p>Along with improving our understanding of the Nullification Crisis, Neumann offers four historiographical interventions. One is to reevaluate the Civil War’s timing by exploring how white southern unionism, conditional and proslavery though it was, helped hold the Union together before 1860. Second, the book traces the meanings attached to “Union” back into the antebellum period, highlighting ideas an
代替摘要，这里是内容的简短摘录:由:无政府主义的血腥旗帜:在废除危机期间南卡罗来纳州的工会主义由布莱恩C.诺伊曼迈克尔E.伍兹(传记)无政府主义的血腥旗帜:在废除危机期间南卡罗来纳州的工会主义。布莱恩·c·诺伊曼。巴吞鲁日:路易斯安那州立大学出版社，2022。ISBN: 978-0-8071-8790-0。216页，布，$45.00。近半个世纪前，当历史学家小詹姆斯·m·班纳(James M. Banner Jr.)研究“南卡罗来纳问题”(The Problem of South Carolina)时，他关注的是极端主义:为什么“南卡罗来纳独自宣布无效，并首先脱离联邦”?(James M. Banner Jr.，“南卡罗来纳问题”，收录于《霍夫施塔特·宙斯盾:纪念》，Stanley Elkins和Eric McKitrick主编[纽约:Alfred A. Knopf出版社，1974]，第60页)。南北战争前的南卡罗来纳州当然需要解释。但布莱恩·c·诺伊曼(Brian C. Neumann)采取了一种不同的、富有成效的方法来完成这项任务，他把注意力集中在棕榈州十分之四的选民身上，这些选民团结在联盟党(Union Party)一边，并下定决心与他们的“无效派”邻居进行血腥的摊牌。这本书是第一本关于这一主题的长篇著作，它为有关废奴主义、南卡罗来纳政治和内战的到来的文献增添了许多内容，尽管毫无疑问，关于联合主义者和他们的世界还有更多要说的。诺伊曼利用报纸社论、私人信件、发表的演讲和小册子来重建工会主义者的世界观。他们深信废除宪法会威胁到美国的凝聚力和世界自由的命运，因此他们抵制该州走向混乱、暴力和分裂的道路。他们相信奴隶制在联邦内是安全的，并决心保持这种状态，他们拒绝了“无效论者”的说法，即保护性关税是废奴主义的一个楔子。在诺依曼恰当地称之为“南方支持奴隶制的联合主义”的情况下，联合主义者挫败了废奴派建立白人团结的努力，从而促进了1832-33年危机的解决(4)。然而，很快，在19世纪30年代中期废奴主义请愿和信件的冲击下，白人对奴隶制的广泛忠诚削弱了联合主义者的地位。对废除奴隶制时代的斗争的怨恨依然存在，但美国反奴隶制协会做到了废除奴隶制者无法做到的事情:说服绝大多数南卡罗来纳白人团结起来，反对对奴隶制的严重威胁。除了提高我们对“无效危机”的理解，诺伊曼还提供了四种史学上的干预。一个是重新评估内战的时间，通过探索南方白人联合主义，尽管它是有条件的和支持奴隶制的，如何在1860年之前帮助维持了联邦的统一。其次，这本书追溯了南北战争前“联邦”的含义，强调了在内战期间形成后来对联邦主义诉求的思想和事件。第三，也许是最有趣的贡献，是调查卡罗来纳白人男性之间激烈冲突的性别维度。当然，否定派和统一派都贬低了他们的敌人的男子气概，同时劝诫他们的同胞履行公民、主人和保护者的男性角色。但《无效》并没有让两个铁板一块的男性相互对抗。诺伊曼指出，男子气概的概念分裂了统一主义者，有时会削弱他们的效力，比如当军事统一主义者要求准军事组织时，而温和派则通过政治谈判寻求妥协。第四，这本书定期将废权论的争论置于国际背景下，展示了1789年法国大革命的记忆，以及1830年欧洲自由主义革命的浪潮，如何为支持和反对废权论的辩论家提供了素材。植根于广泛的档案研究和写在一个干脆，简洁的风格，这本书有望将重振在无效危机的学术兴趣。未来的历史学家将很好地追随诺伊曼的领导，认真考虑联合主义者，但他们可能会追求在这里有些欠发达的研究方向。一是详细描述工会主义者到底是谁，以及他们所处的社会和政治环境。在威廉·弗里林著作的基础上，诺伊曼指出，联盟党是一个相当笨拙的联盟，在北部内陆地区和查尔斯顿尤其强大，还有少数低地种植园主和霍利区坚定的灵魂。但对联合主义者进行更持久的评估——从人口统计、财富、奴隶的所有权、过去和未来的政治立场等方面——将是有用的。特别有趣的是诺伊曼的观点，工会主义者……
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