Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/02666286.2021.1946374
Carly B. Boxer
Abstract Late medieval English uroscopy diagrams depict twenty colors of urine in bright, often garish, colors and gold leaf, arranged in correspondence to digestive states. This article argues that the use of color in these diagrams reveals medieval ideas about the perception of color more broadly, and that the images themselves could train practices of comparative looking and visual judgment. Appearing in multiple formats, these images facilitated the theorization and practice of uroscopy—the diagnosis of an ailment by the appearance of a patient’s urine—and survive in large numbers from late medieval England. Diagrams accompany treatises that describe at length the humoral causes, physical symptoms, and particular appearances of different colors of urine. Medieval digestive theory held that changes in the relative proportion of heat, cold, moisture, and dryness in the blood caused qualitative changes in the look of substances such as urine. Accounts of the appearance of bodily evidence in uroscopy treatises, however, relied on a slippery network of color descriptions and comparisons of colors of urine with other colorful objects. Diagrams made these relationships not only legible but also instructive. In juxtaposing text and image, this article incorporates uroscopy—perhaps the best documented medieval practical application of ideas about color—into broader discussions of medieval color theory.
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Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/02666286.2022.2045171
Chriscinda Henry, M. Soranzo
Abstract Historians of Renaissance art have long been familiar with Giovanni Aurelio Augurello’s interest in painting and sculpture, while historians of alchemy are aware of his lifelong dedication to the gold-making art immortalized in his masterpiece, Chrysopoeia (1515). Yet the problem of how these interests intersect in the poet’s work has either been disregarded or framed within outdated categories such as occultism and hermeticism. In a dialogue with recent theoretical work on intermediality, and based on the identification of several key artistic allusions in Augurello’s Chrysopoeia, this article proposes to interpret them beyond the conventions of ekphrasis. A remarkable focus on artistic techniques, processes, and materials, we argue, defines the self-referential blend of poetry and alchemy inscribed in Chrysopoeia. Rather than being the expression of an occult or hermetic mentality, this poem’s fascination with the materiality and poetics of artworks, we propose, is attuned with the Northern Italian aesthetics nurtured by Andrea Mantegna, Giulio Campagnola, and other artists of the time.
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Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/02666286.2022.2025731
Timothy Raser
Abstract Letters written over the course of 1859–60 tell of an effort on Charles Baudelaire’s part to republish Charles Meryon’s Vues sur Paris, augmented with descriptive texts by the poet. The collaboration failed and, ever since, readers have wondered what would have come of it. At the same time, Baudelaire was “courting” Victor Hugo, sending him new and not-quite-new poems dedicated to him. At the very end of 1859, Baudelaire includes his Salon description of Meryon’s etchings in a letter to Hugo, one Walter Benjamin qualifies as among Baudelaire’s best prose pieces. Further, Baudelaire cites Hugo in his description of Meryon’s etchings, and declares that the etchings would certainly please him. Was the promise of more texts about the etchings nothing more than the tail end of an effort to please Hugo? Whatever the case, the project’s failure is not simply to be laid to the account of Meryon, afflicted by “délire mélancolique compliqué d’hallucination,” and dying at Charenton the year following Baudelaire’s own death. Baudelaire’s decisions are difficult to understand, and seem as influenced by Hugo as by other considerations. In particular, in his description of Meryon’s etchings, Baudelaire seeks to “inscribe” something on them, much as Hugo sought to inscribe his father’s name in his representation of the Arc de Triomphe. In fact, Baudelaire imposes the story of a dispute between father and son, or more exactly, God and man, on the etchings, a story modeled on his own relations to Hugo. Later accounts of Meryon follow the same pattern, insisting on finding narratives in images that they all acknowledge as monumental. This insistence on finding diachrony in synchronic images is the madness that afflicted Meryon.
1859年至1860年间写的信件讲述了查尔斯·波德莱尔(Charles Baudelaire)重新出版查尔斯·梅里恩(Charles Meryon)的《巴黎风景》(Vues sur Paris)的努力，并增加了诗人的描述性文字。这次合作失败了，从那以后，读者们一直想知道这次合作的结果。与此同时，波德莱尔正在“追求”维克多·雨果，给他寄来献给他的新诗和不太新的诗。在1859年底，波德莱尔在给雨果的一封信中提到了他在沙龙上对梅里翁蚀刻版画的描述，这封信被沃尔特·本雅明认为是波德莱尔最好的散文作品之一。此外，波德莱尔在描述梅里恩的铜版画时引用了雨果，并宣称这些铜版画肯定会让他高兴。承诺提供更多关于蚀刻版画的文本，难道只是为了取悦雨果的最后努力吗?无论如何，这个项目的失败不能简单地归咎于梅里恩，他患有“幻想症”，在波德莱尔去世的第二年死于夏朗顿。波德莱尔的决定很难理解，似乎受到雨果和其他因素的影响。特别是，在描述梅里翁的蚀刻版画时，波德莱尔试图在上面“刻”一些东西，就像雨果试图在凯旋门的画上刻上他父亲的名字一样。事实上，波德莱尔将父亲和儿子之间的争论，或者更确切地说，上帝和人之间的争论，强加在蚀刻版画上，一个以他自己和雨果的关系为原型的故事。后来对梅里恩的描述遵循同样的模式，坚持在他们都认为具有纪念意义的图像中寻找叙事。这种坚持在共时性图像中寻找历时性的做法正是折磨着梅里恩的疯狂之处。
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Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/02666286.2022.2028524
Megan Dyson
Abstract The work of the British poet Christopher Logue is characterized by variation, collaboration, and intermedia projects. His output includes poetry set to jazz, printed poster-poems, public poetry performances, film scripts, collaborations with artists, and translations from Portuguese, German and, most significantly, ancient Greek. War Music, an ‘account of Homer’s Iliad’ according to its subtitle, became Logue’s life’s work, eclipsing many of his earlier projects. But collisions of word, image, and sound—the intermedia formats that characterize his early work—endure in Logue’s Homeric translations in the form of radical typographic experiments and textual images, such as inch-high capital letters marking the arrival of the god Apollo, and graphic shapes formed by variation in line lengths. This article demonstrates that War Music is a key text in the intersection of translation and visual poetry, which can be best understood in dialogue with other forms such as concrete poetry and the text-inspired art of Cy Twombly.
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Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/02666286.2022.2068310
Melissa L Gustin
Abstract Emma Stebbins’s untraced statue The Lotus-Eater (c.1857–60) purports to illustrate Alfred Tennyson’s poem of the same title, in turn derived from an episode in the Odyssey of Homer. This essay addresses the tension between Stebbins’s sculpture and Tennyson’s text. It brings to the discussion a body of antique visual and literary material to which Stebbins had access, images of and references to Antinous, the youthful and tragic lover of the Emperor Hadrian. Although the great flowering of Antinous scholarship and critique for queer men developed later in the nineteenth century, this study argues that the material was readily available for Stebbins, particularly through the writings of Johann Joachim Winckelmann and the objects in Rome, where she worked; later authors, such as John Addington Symonds, developed their commentary and fiction on Antinous from the same sources. The article brings together the thematic and visual resonances, references, and overlaps between the texts and images. It uses close attention to the formal qualities of the sculpture and the content of Tennyson’s poem to consider roads not taken, and how those options demonstrate the ambiguity in Stebbins’s finished sculpture: that is, its lack of clear moral or didactic content through its selection of the lotus-eater and Antinoan imagery, rather than a martial or moralizing figure from the poem. It demonstrates the complexity and subtlety of Stebbins’s selection of sources for her sculpture, and her rich, multivalent play between texts and images.
艾玛·斯特宾斯(Emma Stebbins)的《食莲者》(The Lotus-Eater，约1857 - 60年)的来历不明，据称是为了说明阿尔弗雷德·丁尼生(Alfred Tennyson)的同名诗歌，而这首诗又源于《荷马奥德赛》中的一段情节。这篇文章探讨了斯特宾斯的雕塑和丁尼生的文本之间的紧张关系。它带来了一个古老的视觉和文学材料的讨论，斯蒂宾斯可以访问，图像和参考安提乌斯，年轻而悲惨的哈德良皇帝的情人。尽管在19世纪晚期，antiinous的学术研究和对酷儿男性的批评才开始蓬勃发展，但这项研究认为，对于Stebbins来说，这些材料很容易获得，特别是通过Johann Joachim Winckelmann的著作和罗马的物品，她在那里工作;后来的作家，如约翰·艾丁顿·西蒙兹，从同样的来源发展了他们对安提诺斯的评论和小说。这篇文章汇集了主题和视觉上的共鸣、参考，以及文本和图像之间的重叠。它密切关注雕塑的形式品质和丁尼生诗歌的内容，以考虑未采取的道路，以及这些选择如何展示Stebbins完成的雕塑中的模糊性:也就是说，它缺乏明确的道德或说教内容，通过选择吃莲者和反宗教意象，而不是诗歌中的军事或道德人物。它展示了斯特宾斯为她的雕塑选择来源的复杂性和微妙性，以及她在文本和图像之间丰富多样的游戏。
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Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/02666286.2022.2068121
Iva Ančić
Abstract This article interrogates the notion that comics that engage with history do so primarily within the scope of the archive. I argue, instead, that drawing and seeing/reading comics are embodied practices that generate meaning and memory in ways that exceed the discursive logic of the archive. Building on existing scholarship on embodied acts of memory within performance studies, I suggest that comics might better be seen in proximity to what Diana Taylor calls “the repertoire”: cultural memory embodied in live gestures, rather than deposited in language. Seen through the lens of the repertoire, a comic such as Joe Sacco’s The Fixer (2003) offers new ways to make visible and legible the histories that have been left outside the official archives. By opening up for analysis the body, its staging, and its gestures on the page, the lens of the repertoire makes good use of what archival memory dismisses as the site of traumatic aporia: the unreliable testimony of the perpetrator. Rather than dismissing such material, the methodology of the repertoire transforms it into a repository of cultural meanings, which provide an insight into the collective fantasies and imaginaries on which the nationalist archive tends to stay silent.
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Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/02666286.2021.1934371
J. Greenhill
Abstract Can a writer be considered a visual humorist? If words are the writer’s primary material, can they be bent into caricatural or grotesque formations? Through what filters must words be processed or mediated for comic pictures to emerge? This article seeks to answer these questions by focusing on an understudied short story that Mark Twain wrote in Florence, Italy: “Italian Without a Master,” published in Harper’s Weekly in 1904. The story offers a wild ride through the Italian language from the perspective of an English-speaking narrator who espouses “undictionarial” methods of translating the words he finds in the daily newspaper. To encourage readers to look at words with fresh eyes, Twain supplied, as his illustrations, clippings cut from the Italian papers. With these word-filled illustrations, Twain tests an expanded and experimental visuality, I argue, while also reimagining the terms of visual caricature. The story thus announces the capaciousness and elasticity of the writer’s comic vision, demonstrating his mastery over multiple domains. At the same time, however, the story also criticizes the impulse to expand into new territory by subtly gesturing to the geopolitics of imperialist “mastery,” which Twain railed against repeatedly at the turn of the century.
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Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/02666286.2021.1988481
Christopher Smith
Abstract Bakemonogatari (Monster Story) is a 2009 television anime (Japanese animation) produced by Studio Shaft and directed by Shinbō Akiyuki. To the plot and clever dialogue of the novels on which the show is based, the anime adds several striking filmic elements which create an entirely new layer of expression. Most notable among these elements is the profuse and reflexive use of text on the screen. The series is nearly overflowing with text, much of it highly conspicuous and disruptive, taunting the viewer with the promise of hidden meaning. Rather than attempt to decode this text, however, this article argues that the use of text to disrupt and infiltrate the narrative world engenders certain notable effects. For one, it creates a Brechtian alienation effect and reflexively calls attention to the construction of the anime. Most importantly, however, the use of text foregrounds intertextuality as a major theme; not only is Bakamonogatari itself intertextual, but also the anime attempts to show that everything from interior thought to sexual desire is ultimately intertextual in nature, linked through text to specifically historicized social constructs. Alienating text pervades everything, and therefore mediates everything, leaving nothing authentic or unique to the self.
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Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/02666286.2021.2006525
G. Byng
Abstract At the turn of the fifteenth century, architectural ethics acquired renewed prominence in England. A long-established discourse that had been developed by major figures in Europe’s intellectual history, and that threatened to reject all but the most utilitarian church-building projects, was given new energy, as well as a new English vocabulary and a newly extensive application, in heretical tracts and poems. At the same time, the poet most associated with the Lancastrian court, John Lydgate, was translating a lavish paean to ingenious and luxurious craftsmanship, while his patron’s circle was engaged in a wave of lavish building projects in cathedrals, universities, and parish churches—and, indeed, was prosecuting Lollards for their criticism of the same. Most remarkable, however, is that, having been scrupulously suppressed in the 1410s, a concern for restrained architecture would re-emerge twenty years later as a widely shared architectural ideology among England’s elite, including the king, Henry VI. For thirty years, it would come to shape a series of significant building projects. This article argues that this change must be understood as representing the reconstitution of a number of ideas and claims, necessitated by the dissolution of the interdependent antagonisms of the 1410s, in the context of newly influential spiritual, ethical, and sensory discourses.
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Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/02666286.2021.2007706
Diana Hiller
Abstract After the Early Christian period, the practice of depicting Christ’s chest stigma on the right-hand side of his upper torso was an established component of stigmata iconography. Thereafter, this tradition was consistently followed in painted images of stigmatic saints—most notably in representations of St Francis of Assisi. St Catherine of Siena (1357–80) also bore the stigmata, and when her chest stigma was included in her portraits the conventional pictorial tradition continued and artists placed the wound on the right side of her chest. Plautilla Nelli (1524–88), a Dominican prioress and painter in Florence, however, introduced a new iconography. Contrary to all visual precedents, she painted several small works depicting Catherine with a bloody chest stigma on her left-hand side. The suggestion offered here is that Nelli’s unorthodox and original iconography was indebted not to the visual tradition but to two near-contemporary textual sources for Catherine’s stigmatization. Raymond of Capua’s Legenda maior and Thommaso Caffarini’s Libellus de supplemento report Catherine’s own account of her imprinting in which she testifies that the ray to her chest came to her left side, the side of her heart.
在早期基督教时期之后，在基督上半身的右侧描绘基督的胸部耻辱的做法是一个确定的耻辱肖像的组成部分。此后，这一传统一直被遵循在污名圣人的绘画图像中-最著名的是阿西西的圣弗朗西斯的代表。锡耶纳的圣凯瑟琳(St Catherine of Siena, 1357 - 1380)身上也有这个污名，当她的胸部污名出现在她的肖像中时，传统的绘画传统仍在继续，艺术家们把伤口放在她胸部的右侧。然而，佛罗伦萨的多米尼加女修道院院长兼画家普劳蒂亚·内利(1524-88)引入了一种新的肖像学。与所有视觉先例相反，她画了几幅小作品，描绘了左手边有一个血腥的胸部耻辱的凯瑟琳。这里提出的建议是，内利的非正统和原始的图像不是感谢视觉传统，而是感谢两个近当代的文本来源，凯瑟琳的耻辱。卡普阿的雷蒙德的《传奇》和托马索·卡法里尼的《补充之路》都报道了凯瑟琳自己对她的印记的描述，她作证说，她胸部的光线来自她的左侧，心脏的一侧。
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