This review essay conducts and works to contribute an assessment of recent realist critiques of liberal hegemony. It finds that realists identify important problems with liberal hegemony, but also finds that under scrutiny the alternative foreign policies that realist critics offer suffer from their own serious limitations. It makes the case that realist proposals of “restraint” and “offshore balancing” avoid the problems realists associate with liberal interventionism, but would also be generative of proxy wars, while offering insufficient additional institutions, practices, and norms for mitigating and managing proxy wars and great power conflict, among other global and international challenges. From closer examination and consideration, that is, the argument is made that these limitations of alternative realist foreign policies question their ability to contribute to international order in the twenty-first century and suggest, quite the opposite, that if pursued they would instead become new sources of international disorder, albeit while avoiding some of the problems associated with liberal internationalism.
{"title":"The Limits of Realism after Liberal Hegemony","authors":"A. McKeil","doi":"10.1093/JOGSS/OGAB020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/JOGSS/OGAB020","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This review essay conducts and works to contribute an assessment of recent realist critiques of liberal hegemony. It finds that realists identify important problems with liberal hegemony, but also finds that under scrutiny the alternative foreign policies that realist critics offer suffer from their own serious limitations. It makes the case that realist proposals of “restraint” and “offshore balancing” avoid the problems realists associate with liberal interventionism, but would also be generative of proxy wars, while offering insufficient additional institutions, practices, and norms for mitigating and managing proxy wars and great power conflict, among other global and international challenges. From closer examination and consideration, that is, the argument is made that these limitations of alternative realist foreign policies question their ability to contribute to international order in the twenty-first century and suggest, quite the opposite, that if pursued they would instead become new sources of international disorder, albeit while avoiding some of the problems associated with liberal internationalism.","PeriodicalId":44399,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global Security Studies","volume":"13 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87332456","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In public health emergencies that take place in violent contexts, which non-state armed groups engage in public health interventions, and what do those interventions consist of? While a growing literature on rebel governance has increased our understanding of how these armed groups govern civilian populations day to day, less understood is how armed groups respond to emergencies, such as natural disasters or pandemics. In a world defined by an increasing number of unpredictable crises, it is important to understand the ways in which armed groups respond. The Covid-19 pandemic provides an unprecedented opportunity to examine how armed groups respond to crises across conflicts. Drawing upon new data from Geneva Call on armed groups’ responses to Covid-19, the article offers a descriptive analysis of the types of actions armed groups take and the characteristics of armed groups taking action.
{"title":"Armed Groups and Public Health Emergencies: A Cross-Country Look at Armed Groups’ Responses to Covid-19","authors":"Jori Breslawski","doi":"10.1093/JOGSS/OGAB017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/JOGSS/OGAB017","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In public health emergencies that take place in violent contexts, which non-state armed groups engage in public health interventions, and what do those interventions consist of? While a growing literature on rebel governance has increased our understanding of how these armed groups govern civilian populations day to day, less understood is how armed groups respond to emergencies, such as natural disasters or pandemics. In a world defined by an increasing number of unpredictable crises, it is important to understand the ways in which armed groups respond. The Covid-19 pandemic provides an unprecedented opportunity to examine how armed groups respond to crises across conflicts. Drawing upon new data from Geneva Call on armed groups’ responses to Covid-19, the article offers a descriptive analysis of the types of actions armed groups take and the characteristics of armed groups taking action.","PeriodicalId":44399,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global Security Studies","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80163716","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Approaches variously described as critical, reflexive, postpositivist, and agonistic constructivism reject the idea that the meaning of a norm can be fixed. These approaches look instead to the role that discursive practice plays in repeatedly constructing meaning. While the focus on how discourse shapes the meaning of a norm can tell us something about the ongoing social significance of that norm, it does not answer the question of whether that norm is normatively appropriate. Taking its cue from pragmatic ethics, this paper addresses the above limitation in the existing scholarship. It does so by not only tracing norms’ meanings in use, but also crucially evaluating the extent to which they are useful in alleviating the social problems they were designed to address. The theoretical argument is illustrated by examining the meanings in use of the rebuilding norm in the aftermath of the 2011 humanitarian intervention in Libya; how was the norm understood and practiced? What were the consequences of such meanings in use? I argue that this type of analysis can significantly improve our understanding of normative outcomes of norm contestation processes by bringing to the fore the practical consequences of norms, their various meanings, and the political environment within which they are enacted.
{"title":"Norm Contestation and Pragmatic Ethics: Evaluating the Rebuilding Norm in Libya","authors":"Outi Donovan","doi":"10.1093/jogss/ogab016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogab016","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Approaches variously described as critical, reflexive, postpositivist, and agonistic constructivism reject the idea that the meaning of a norm can be fixed. These approaches look instead to the role that discursive practice plays in repeatedly constructing meaning. While the focus on how discourse shapes the meaning of a norm can tell us something about the ongoing social significance of that norm, it does not answer the question of whether that norm is normatively appropriate. Taking its cue from pragmatic ethics, this paper addresses the above limitation in the existing scholarship. It does so by not only tracing norms’ meanings in use, but also crucially evaluating the extent to which they are useful in alleviating the social problems they were designed to address. The theoretical argument is illustrated by examining the meanings in use of the rebuilding norm in the aftermath of the 2011 humanitarian intervention in Libya; how was the norm understood and practiced? What were the consequences of such meanings in use? I argue that this type of analysis can significantly improve our understanding of normative outcomes of norm contestation processes by bringing to the fore the practical consequences of norms, their various meanings, and the political environment within which they are enacted.","PeriodicalId":44399,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global Security Studies","volume":"55 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83578660","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper explores the unintended consequences of counterterrorism measures by reconceptualizing them as forms of state repression. In line with the study of state repression, this paper distinguishes between two types of counterterrorism measures—selective and indiscriminate. Therefore, I argue the impacts of both forms of counterterrorism measures mirror those of selective and indiscriminate state repression. This paper is particularly concerned with the relationship between indiscriminate counterterrorism measures and consequent mobilization against the state. Drawing on cases of indiscriminate counterterrorism measures in Northern Ireland and Bosnia and Herzegovina, this paper argues that indiscriminate counterterrorism measures, like indiscriminate state repression, exacerbate divisions between the state and its citizens, increasing the risk of the violence that counterterrorism measures are assumed to prevent. Cet article explore les conséquences involontaires des mesures antiterroristes en les reconceptualisant en tant que formes de répression étatique. S'alignant sur l’étude de la répression étatique, cet article distingue deux types de mesures antiterroristes: les mesures sélectives et les mesures indiscriminées. Je soutiens donc que l'impact de ces deux formes de mesures antiterroristes reflète celui des deux formes de répression étatique: la répression sélective et la répression indiscriminée. Cet article s'intéresse particulièrement à la relation entre les mesures antiterroristes indiscriminées et la mobilisation contre l’État qui en résulte. Il s'appuie sur des cas de mesures antiterroristes indiscriminées qui ont été employées en Irlande du Nord et en Bosnie-Herzégovine et soutient que les mesures antiterroristes indiscriminées, tout comme la répression étatique indiscriminée, exacerbent les divisions entre l’État et ses citoyens, accroissant ainsi le risque de violence que les mesures antiterroristes sont supposées empêcher. En este artículo, se exploran las consecuencias imprevistas de las medidas antiterroristas al reconceptualizarlas como formas de represión estatal. En línea con el estudio de la represión estatal, en este documento se distinguen entre dos tipos de medidas antiterroristas: selectivas e indiscriminadas. Por lo tanto, sostengo que el impacto de ambas formas de medidas antiterroristas refleja el de la represión estatal selectiva e indiscriminada. En este documento, se aborda especialmente la relación entre las medidas antiterroristas indiscriminadas y la consiguiente movilización contra el Estado. En función de los casos de medidas antiterroristas indiscriminadas en Irlanda del Norte y Bosnia y Herzegovina, en este documento se argumenta que las medidas antiterroristas indiscriminadas, al igual que la represión estatal indiscriminada, exacerban las divisiones entre el Estado y sus ciudadanos, y potencian el riesgo de casos de violencia que se supone que las medidas antiterroristas deben evitar.
本文通过将反恐措施重新定义为国家镇压的形式，探讨了反恐措施的意外后果。根据对国家镇压的研究，本文区分了两种类型的反恐措施-选择性和无差别。因此，我认为这两种形式的反恐措施的影响反映了选择性和不加区分的国家镇压的影响。本文特别关注不分青红皂白的反恐措施与随之而来的反对国家的动员之间的关系。本文以北爱尔兰和波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那不分青红皂白的反恐措施为例，认为不分青红皂白的反恐措施，就像不分青红皂白的国家镇压一样，加剧了国家与其公民之间的分歧，增加了反恐措施被认为可以防止的暴力的风险。这篇文章探讨了与反恐怖主义措施有关的较少的交换条件，以及重新定义的较少的交换条件和较少的交换条件。在反恐怖主义方面，有两种不同类型的措施:有针对性的措施和无差别的措施。反恐怖主义措施的影响:反恐怖主义措施的影响:反恐怖主义措施的影响:反恐怖主义措施的影响:反恐怖主义措施的影响:反恐怖主义措施的影响:反恐怖主义措施的影响:反恐怖主义措施的影响:反恐怖主义措施的影响:反恐怖主义措施的影响:第3条是“与恐怖分子不分青红皂白的交换和动员控制”，即“与特定的交换和交换”。Il年代'appuie苏尔des cas de措施反恐indiscriminees校正高频员工en Irlande du Nord et en Bosnie-Herzegovine et soutient变量措施反恐indiscriminees,都像镇压etatique indiscriminee, exacerbent les部门之间我ses citoyen,依照ainsi accroissant le危险暴力德莱斯措施反恐是假设empecher。在este artículo上，我们探索了反恐怖主义在媒体上的连续性，并重新定义了represión estal上的经济形式。En línea con el estudio de la represión estatal, En este documentento se distinct centre dos tipos de medias反恐怖主义:选择性和无差别。可怜的坦托，我们不知道如何影响大使的形式，媒体和反恐怖主义的反映，represión有选择性和不分青红皂白。在这一文件中，我们特别注意到relación中心媒体反恐分子不分青红皂白的行为，并注意到movilización中心媒体反恐人员的行为。在脂肪酸的洛卡索de medidas antiterroristas indiscriminadas En Irlanda del Norte y y波斯尼亚黑塞哥维那,在埃斯特documento se argumenta,拉斯维加斯medidas antiterroristas indiscriminadas,艾尔igual乘缆车represion estatal indiscriminada, exacerban las部门之间el Estado y sus一,y potencian危险卡索他正在violencia se supone主要las medidas antiterroristas岁避免。
{"title":"A Dangerous Balance: Indiscriminate Counterterrorism Measures and Mobilization against the State","authors":"Nicola Mathieson","doi":"10.1093/JOGSS/OGAB014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/JOGSS/OGAB014","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 This paper explores the unintended consequences of counterterrorism measures by reconceptualizing them as forms of state repression. In line with the study of state repression, this paper distinguishes between two types of counterterrorism measures—selective and indiscriminate. Therefore, I argue the impacts of both forms of counterterrorism measures mirror those of selective and indiscriminate state repression. This paper is particularly concerned with the relationship between indiscriminate counterterrorism measures and consequent mobilization against the state. Drawing on cases of indiscriminate counterterrorism measures in Northern Ireland and Bosnia and Herzegovina, this paper argues that indiscriminate counterterrorism measures, like indiscriminate state repression, exacerbate divisions between the state and its citizens, increasing the risk of the violence that counterterrorism measures are assumed to prevent.\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 \u0000 Cet article explore les conséquences involontaires des mesures antiterroristes en les reconceptualisant en tant que formes de répression étatique. S'alignant sur l’étude de la répression étatique, cet article distingue deux types de mesures antiterroristes: les mesures sélectives et les mesures indiscriminées. Je soutiens donc que l'impact de ces deux formes de mesures antiterroristes reflète celui des deux formes de répression étatique: la répression sélective et la répression indiscriminée. Cet article s'intéresse particulièrement à la relation entre les mesures antiterroristes indiscriminées et la mobilisation contre l’État qui en résulte. Il s'appuie sur des cas de mesures antiterroristes indiscriminées qui ont été employées en Irlande du Nord et en Bosnie-Herzégovine et soutient que les mesures antiterroristes indiscriminées, tout comme la répression étatique indiscriminée, exacerbent les divisions entre l’État et ses citoyens, accroissant ainsi le risque de violence que les mesures antiterroristes sont supposées empêcher.\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 \u0000 En este artículo, se exploran las consecuencias imprevistas de las medidas antiterroristas al reconceptualizarlas como formas de represión estatal. En línea con el estudio de la represión estatal, en este documento se distinguen entre dos tipos de medidas antiterroristas: selectivas e indiscriminadas. Por lo tanto, sostengo que el impacto de ambas formas de medidas antiterroristas refleja el de la represión estatal selectiva e indiscriminada. En este documento, se aborda especialmente la relación entre las medidas antiterroristas indiscriminadas y la consiguiente movilización contra el Estado. En función de los casos de medidas antiterroristas indiscriminadas en Irlanda del Norte y Bosnia y Herzegovina, en este documento se argumenta que las medidas antiterroristas indiscriminadas, al igual que la represión estatal indiscriminada, exacerban las divisiones entre el Estado y sus ciudadanos, y potencian el riesgo de casos de violencia que se supone que las medidas antiterroristas deben evitar.","PeriodicalId":44399,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global Security Studies","volume":"69 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91281119","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Is there a meaningful offense–defense balance of technological, geographical, and human factors that substantially affects war likelihood and severity? Key contemporary policy debates are certainly infused with the notion, from the dangers of crisis instability in East Asia to the possible first-move advantages of cyber weaponry. Defensive realist theory, meanwhile, raises the possibility of inferring intent from external posture choices. Yet for offensive realists, such signaling is a doomed hope, because of aggressors’ incentives to conceal their hostile intentions before turning extant military technology to offensive ends. This article suggests that both perspectives misstate the causal role of the offense–defense balance. Competition may be a general condition of international politics—but it only manifests itself as a military conflict, defined as “cold” or ultimately “hot” war, under certain conditions. Specifically, the feasibility of advancing political goals via aggression rests on prevailing military technology, taken in its geographical context—that is, offense–defense calculations. Via three sub-theoretical cases—the “stopping power of water,” conventional blitzkrieg, and nuclear counterforce innovation—the article shows that the offense–defense balance affects conflict likelihood and severity even within offensive realism, specifically by affecting deterrence prospects. But this does not mean, as defensive realism posits, that the distinguishability of defense dominance promises a route out of the security dilemma.
{"title":"When Does Competition Become Conflict? Technology, Geography, and the Offense–Defense Balance","authors":"D. Blagden","doi":"10.1093/JOGSS/OGAB007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/JOGSS/OGAB007","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Is there a meaningful offense–defense balance of technological, geographical, and human factors that substantially affects war likelihood and severity? Key contemporary policy debates are certainly infused with the notion, from the dangers of crisis instability in East Asia to the possible first-move advantages of cyber weaponry. Defensive realist theory, meanwhile, raises the possibility of inferring intent from external posture choices. Yet for offensive realists, such signaling is a doomed hope, because of aggressors’ incentives to conceal their hostile intentions before turning extant military technology to offensive ends. This article suggests that both perspectives misstate the causal role of the offense–defense balance. Competition may be a general condition of international politics—but it only manifests itself as a military conflict, defined as “cold” or ultimately “hot” war, under certain conditions. Specifically, the feasibility of advancing political goals via aggression rests on prevailing military technology, taken in its geographical context—that is, offense–defense calculations. Via three sub-theoretical cases—the “stopping power of water,” conventional blitzkrieg, and nuclear counterforce innovation—the article shows that the offense–defense balance affects conflict likelihood and severity even within offensive realism, specifically by affecting deterrence prospects. But this does not mean, as defensive realism posits, that the distinguishability of defense dominance promises a route out of the security dilemma.","PeriodicalId":44399,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global Security Studies","volume":"36 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-04-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76736867","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) around the world has risen to astronomical levels—approximately 33 million individuals were driven from their homes in 2019 alone. Yet, despite the history of violence which has been perpetrated against these IDPs, little research has been done to uncover the strategic logic for attacking these transient individuals. This paper seeks to fill that gap in the literature through the lens of the West African insurgency known as Boko Haram. While the group has been noted for its tendency to conduct suicide bombings, it has recently added IDP camps to its target profile, in a unique consistent and sustained effort against IDPs by a terrorist organization. In analyzing this case study, I ask: why do terrorist organizations target IDPs in the first place? Is there any existing theory of target selection which explains the targeting of IDP camps at high frequencies? Leveraging a unique dataset tracking all of Boko Haram's suicide bombings from April 2011 to August 2020, this article tests three theories of terrorist target selection to explain this phenomenon. First, it illustrates that theories of efficiency and casualty maximization cannot explain Boko Haram's IDP camp attacks, given the high rates of failure and low rates of casualties. Second, it shows that Boko Haram's targeting practices cannot be understood solely by ideology, as the group only makes religious decisions about who can be victimized, not who should. Instead, the article argues that signaling theory should be extended to target selection—specifically, that targeting of IDP camps can be viewed as part of a broader signaling campaign, which has motivated the group's overall use of suicide bombing. Such insight suggests that signaling theories may guide target selection over time for many terrorist organizations, to communicate that the local and international community are powerless and that the terrorist group cannot be defeated.
{"title":"Targeting Transients: The Strategic Logic for Terrorist Targeting of Internally Displaced Persons","authors":"Ellen Chapin","doi":"10.1093/JOGSS/OGAB010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/JOGSS/OGAB010","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) around the world has risen to astronomical levels—approximately 33 million individuals were driven from their homes in 2019 alone. Yet, despite the history of violence which has been perpetrated against these IDPs, little research has been done to uncover the strategic logic for attacking these transient individuals. This paper seeks to fill that gap in the literature through the lens of the West African insurgency known as Boko Haram. While the group has been noted for its tendency to conduct suicide bombings, it has recently added IDP camps to its target profile, in a unique consistent and sustained effort against IDPs by a terrorist organization. In analyzing this case study, I ask: why do terrorist organizations target IDPs in the first place? Is there any existing theory of target selection which explains the targeting of IDP camps at high frequencies? Leveraging a unique dataset tracking all of Boko Haram's suicide bombings from April 2011 to August 2020, this article tests three theories of terrorist target selection to explain this phenomenon. First, it illustrates that theories of efficiency and casualty maximization cannot explain Boko Haram's IDP camp attacks, given the high rates of failure and low rates of casualties. Second, it shows that Boko Haram's targeting practices cannot be understood solely by ideology, as the group only makes religious decisions about who can be victimized, not who should. Instead, the article argues that signaling theory should be extended to target selection—specifically, that targeting of IDP camps can be viewed as part of a broader signaling campaign, which has motivated the group's overall use of suicide bombing. Such insight suggests that signaling theories may guide target selection over time for many terrorist organizations, to communicate that the local and international community are powerless and that the terrorist group cannot be defeated.","PeriodicalId":44399,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global Security Studies","volume":"44 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-04-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74141924","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Faced with crimes such as genocide there is an understandable plea for actors to name and shame the perpetrators involved. The problem is that studies show that while there are cases where this practice has a positive influence, there are many examples where it is not only ineffective, but also counterproductive as it leads to an increase in human rights violations. With this in mind, the article asks, is it right to name and shame the Chinese government over mass atrocities perpetrated against the Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities, and, if so, how? It uses a pragmatic approach to consider the ethical concerns that stem from this practice being used in this specific case. It draws links between the role that image and status play in two literatures: naming and shaming and China. It argues that the Chinese government's prioritization of image and status acts as a double-edged sword when it comes to naming and shaming as it could (1) fuel a backlash or (2) have a positive influence, especially in status-sensitive time periods. While questioning the overall effectiveness of this strategy in relation to China, it argues that a culmination of factors in the lead up to the 2022 Beijing Olympics creates a window of opportunity for naming and shaming to have a positive impact. It offers normative recommendations to shed light on how this practice should be done. At a broader level, the article makes three contributions to the literature on naming and shaming and pragmatist ethics.
{"title":"To Name and Shame or Not, and If So, How? A Pragmatic Analysis of Naming and Shaming the Chinese Government over Mass Atrocity Crimes against the Uyghurs and Other Muslim Minorities in Xinjiang","authors":"A. Gallagher","doi":"10.1093/JOGSS/OGAB013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/JOGSS/OGAB013","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Faced with crimes such as genocide there is an understandable plea for actors to name and shame the perpetrators involved. The problem is that studies show that while there are cases where this practice has a positive influence, there are many examples where it is not only ineffective, but also counterproductive as it leads to an increase in human rights violations. With this in mind, the article asks, is it right to name and shame the Chinese government over mass atrocities perpetrated against the Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities, and, if so, how? It uses a pragmatic approach to consider the ethical concerns that stem from this practice being used in this specific case. It draws links between the role that image and status play in two literatures: naming and shaming and China. It argues that the Chinese government's prioritization of image and status acts as a double-edged sword when it comes to naming and shaming as it could (1) fuel a backlash or (2) have a positive influence, especially in status-sensitive time periods. While questioning the overall effectiveness of this strategy in relation to China, it argues that a culmination of factors in the lead up to the 2022 Beijing Olympics creates a window of opportunity for naming and shaming to have a positive impact. It offers normative recommendations to shed light on how this practice should be done. At a broader level, the article makes three contributions to the literature on naming and shaming and pragmatist ethics.","PeriodicalId":44399,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global Security Studies","volume":"376 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-04-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76436996","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Amid growing speculation that the United States and China are destined for a more conflictual relationship, and that Russia is actively seeking to expand its global power, security scholars and professionals are increasingly interested in understanding the influence of great and rising powers throughout the world. However, in focusing primarily on power resources and international activities, existing scholarship on this subject has not adequately addressed how a state obtains and sustains international influence. To overcome this knowledge deficit, this article presents a framework for analyzing international influence that includes not only power resources and influence activities, but also a comprehensive set of power mechanisms that states mobilize to induce change in another state's behavior. The article applies the framework to US security sector activities in Africa. The analysis, based primarily on interviews with US defense attachés and security cooperation officers, shows how different types of activities mobilize different sets of power mechanisms. It reveals that activities that mobilize expertise, attraction, and recognition mechanisms have the greatest potential for developing and maintaining influence. The article concludes that, to obtain and sustain international influence, states must be more attentive to the mechanisms of power, rather than merely deploying their power resources. En medio de la creciente especulación de que Estados Unidos y China están destinados a tener una relación más conflictiva, y de que Rusia está buscando expandir su poder mundial de forma activa, los académicos y profesionales de la seguridad se interesan cada vez más por comprender la influencia de las grandes potencias y de las potencias emergentes en todo el mundo. Sin embargo, al centrarse principalmente en los recursos de poder y las actividades internacionales, los estudios existentes sobre este tema no han abordado adecuadamente la forma en que un Estado obtiene y mantiene su influencia internacional. Con el fin de superar el déficit de conocimiento, este artículo presenta un marco para el análisis de la influencia internacional que incluye no solo los recursos de poder y las actividades de influencia, sino también un amplio conjunto de mecanismos de poder que los Estados movilizan para inducir un cambio en el comportamiento de otro Estado. El artículo aplica el marco a las actividades del sector de la seguridad de Estados Unidos en África. El análisis, que se basa principalmente en entrevistas con agregados de defensa y funcionarios de cooperación en materia de seguridad de Estados Unidos, muestra de qué manera los distintos tipos de actividades movilizan diferentes conjuntos de mecanismos de poder. Revela que las actividades que movilizan mecanismos de experiencia, atracción y reconocimiento tienen el mayor potencial para desarrollar y mantener la influencia. El artículo concluye que, para obtener y mantener la influencia internaci
越来越多的人猜测，美国和中国注定会走向一种更加冲突的关系，俄罗斯正在积极寻求扩大其全球实力，安全学者和专业人士越来越有兴趣了解大国和新兴大国在世界各地的影响。然而，由于主要关注权力资源和国际活动，现有的关于这一主题的学术研究并没有充分讨论一个国家如何获得和维持国际影响力。为了克服这一知识缺陷，本文提出了一个分析国际影响力的框架，该框架不仅包括权力资源和影响活动，还包括一套全面的权力机制，国家动员这些机制来诱导另一个国家的行为发生变化。本文将这一框架应用于美国安全部门在非洲的活动。该分析主要基于对美国国防武官和安全合作官员的采访，显示了不同类型的活动如何调动不同的权力机制。它揭示了调动专门知识、吸引和识别机制的活动在发展和保持影响力方面具有最大的潜力。文章的结论是，为了获得和维持国际影响力，各国必须更加关注权力机制，而不仅仅是部署其权力资源。1 .在中国建立一个新组织especulación在中国建立一个新组织están在中国建立一个新组织relación más在冲突中建立一个新组织;在俄罗斯建立一个新组织，在国际上建立一个新组织;在国际上建立一个新组织;在国际上建立一个新组织más在国际上建立一个新组织;在世界上建立一个新组织。因此，所有的中央原则都是通过国际活动来实现的，这些工作室存在着一种庄严的形式，而不是通过国际活动来实现的形式。15 .在国际范围内，没有单独的组织和组织，例如，在国际范围内没有单独的组织和组织，例如，在国际范围内没有单独的组织和组织，例如，在国际范围内没有单独的组织和组织，例如，在国际范围内没有单独的组织和组织，例如，在国际范围内没有单独的组织和组织，例如，在国际范围内没有单独的组织和组织。El artículo application El marco a las actividades del sector de la securididad de Estados Unidos en África。(e) análisis，根据企业的基本原则，根据职能的基本原则，根据国家安全的基本原则，根据国家安全的基本原则，根据不同的基本原则，根据不同的基本原则，根据不同的基本原则，根据不同的基本原则，根据不同的基本原则，根据不同的基本原则，根据不同的基本原则，根据不同的基本原则，根据不同的基本原则，根据不同的基本原则，根据不同的基本原则，根据不同的基本原则，根据不同的基本原则，根据不同的基本原则，根据不同的基本原则。从经验上讲，从活动上讲，从经验上讲，从认识上讲，从经验上讲，从行为上讲，从影响上讲，是潜在的。El artículo结论性问题，国际影响力管理方面的问题，los Estados deben estar más关注问题的机制，问题的限制，问题的解决和问题的复发。1 .在中国与世界的关系与冲突中，与中国与世界的关系与冲突中，与俄罗斯与世界的关系与冲突中，与俄罗斯与世界的关系与冲突中，与俄罗斯与世界的关系与世界的关系与世界的关系中，与俄罗斯与世界的关系与世界的关系中，与俄罗斯与世界的关系与世界的关系中，与俄罗斯与世界的关系与世界的关系中，与俄罗斯与世界的关系与世界的关系中，与俄罗斯与世界的关系与世界的关系中，与俄罗斯与世界的关系与世界的关系中，与俄罗斯与世界的关系与世界的关系中，与俄罗斯与世界的关系与世界的关系中，与俄罗斯与世界的关系中，与俄罗斯与世界的关系中，与俄罗斯与世界的关系中，与俄罗斯与世界的关系中，与俄罗斯与世界的关系中，与俄罗斯与世界的关系中，与俄罗斯与世界的关系中，与俄罗斯与世界的关系中，与俄罗斯与世界的关系中，与俄罗斯与世界的关系。在此基础上，集中原则保证了人口资源和活动的有限性、国际范围内的有限性和研究的有限性，保证了人口资源和活动的有限性和研究的有限性，保证了人口资源和活动的有限性和研究的有限性，保证了人口资源和活动的有限性和研究的有限性，保证了人口资源和活动的有限性。在《不解决人口问题的资源》和《不解决人口问题的活动》中，《不解决人口问题的资源》和《不解决人口问题的活动》中的《不解决人口问题的资源》和《不解决人口问题的活动》中的《不解决人口问题的资源》和《不解决人口问题的活动》中的《不解决人口问题的资源》États动员《不解决人口问题的资源》和《不解决人口问题的行为》État。在非洲，我将把我的活动干部和我的活动干部、我的个人活动干部、我的个人活动干部、我的个人活动干部、我的个人活动干部、我的个人活动干部、我的个人活动干部、我的个人活动干部、我的个人活动干部、我的个人活动干部、我的个人活动干部。我的分析是，同样的原则是，在不同的交换条件下，交换交换条件下，交换交换条件下，交换交换条件下，交换交换条件下，交换交换条件下，交换交换条件下，交换交换条件下，交换交换条件下的交换交换条件。在这些方面，有三个因素:一是成功的成功，二是成功的成功;三是成功的成功，三是成功的成功;三是成功的成功，三是成功的成功;三是成功的成功，三是成功的成功。文章总结了一个问题，即如何获得并维持其国际影响力，如何États doivent être加上关注的问题，即如何获得和维持其国际影响力，plutôt如何获得和维持其国际影响力。
{"title":"Understanding the Mechanisms of International Influence in an Era of Great Power Competition","authors":"Emily Meierding, R. Sigman","doi":"10.1093/JOGSS/OGAB011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/JOGSS/OGAB011","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 Amid growing speculation that the United States and China are destined for a more conflictual relationship, and that Russia is actively seeking to expand its global power, security scholars and professionals are increasingly interested in understanding the influence of great and rising powers throughout the world. However, in focusing primarily on power resources and international activities, existing scholarship on this subject has not adequately addressed how a state obtains and sustains international influence. To overcome this knowledge deficit, this article presents a framework for analyzing international influence that includes not only power resources and influence activities, but also a comprehensive set of power mechanisms that states mobilize to induce change in another state's behavior. The article applies the framework to US security sector activities in Africa. The analysis, based primarily on interviews with US defense attachés and security cooperation officers, shows how different types of activities mobilize different sets of power mechanisms. It reveals that activities that mobilize expertise, attraction, and recognition mechanisms have the greatest potential for developing and maintaining influence. The article concludes that, to obtain and sustain international influence, states must be more attentive to the mechanisms of power, rather than merely deploying their power resources.\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 \u0000 En medio de la creciente especulación de que Estados Unidos y China están destinados a tener una relación más conflictiva, y de que Rusia está buscando expandir su poder mundial de forma activa, los académicos y profesionales de la seguridad se interesan cada vez más por comprender la influencia de las grandes potencias y de las potencias emergentes en todo el mundo. Sin embargo, al centrarse principalmente en los recursos de poder y las actividades internacionales, los estudios existentes sobre este tema no han abordado adecuadamente la forma en que un Estado obtiene y mantiene su influencia internacional. Con el fin de superar el déficit de conocimiento, este artículo presenta un marco para el análisis de la influencia internacional que incluye no solo los recursos de poder y las actividades de influencia, sino también un amplio conjunto de mecanismos de poder que los Estados movilizan para inducir un cambio en el comportamiento de otro Estado. El artículo aplica el marco a las actividades del sector de la seguridad de Estados Unidos en África. El análisis, que se basa principalmente en entrevistas con agregados de defensa y funcionarios de cooperación en materia de seguridad de Estados Unidos, muestra de qué manera los distintos tipos de actividades movilizan diferentes conjuntos de mecanismos de poder. Revela que las actividades que movilizan mecanismos de experiencia, atracción y reconocimiento tienen el mayor potencial para desarrollar y mantener la influencia. El artículo concluye que, para obtener y mantener la influencia internaci","PeriodicalId":44399,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global Security Studies","volume":"54 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-04-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84786576","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How can we best analyze security subregions? The most commonly used theory of regional security in the discipline of international relations, the regional security complex theory, focuses on large regions, such as Europe, Asia, or the Middle East. It pays less attention to smaller regions within these. This is unfortunate, because the security dynamics of these subregions often are a result of more than their place in the larger region. At the same time, the security of subregions cannot be reduced to a function of the policies of the states comprising them either. In short, security subregions are a level of analysis in their own right, with their own material, ideational, economic, and political dynamics. To capture and understand this, we need an analytical framework that can be applied to security regions irrespective of where and when in time they occur. The aim of this article is to offer such an analytical framework that helps us theorize the forces forging regional security cooperation, by combining external push and pull forces with internal forces of pull and resistance. The utility of the framework is illustrated through the case of Nordic security cooperation. It allows for a systematic mapping of the driving forces behind it and the negative forces resisting it. The Nordic region thus becomes a meeting point between global and national forces, pushing and pulling in different directions, with Nordic Defense Cooperation being formed in the squeeze between them.
{"title":"Analyzing Security Subregions: Forces of Push, Pull, and Resistance in Nordic Defense Cooperation","authors":"K. Friis","doi":"10.1093/JOGSS/OGAB009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/JOGSS/OGAB009","url":null,"abstract":"How can we best analyze security subregions? The most commonly used theory of regional security in the discipline of international relations, the regional security complex theory, focuses on large regions, such as Europe, Asia, or the Middle East. It pays less attention to smaller regions within these. This is unfortunate, because the security dynamics of these subregions often are a result of more than their place in the larger region. At the same time, the security of subregions cannot be reduced to a function of the policies of the states comprising them either. In short, security subregions are a level of analysis in their own right, with their own material, ideational, economic, and political dynamics. To capture and understand this, we need an analytical framework that can be applied to security regions irrespective of where and when in time they occur. The aim of this article is to offer such an analytical framework that helps us theorize the forces forging regional security cooperation, by combining external push and pull forces with internal forces of pull and resistance. The utility of the framework is illustrated through the case of Nordic security cooperation. It allows for a systematic mapping of the driving forces behind it and the negative forces resisting it. The Nordic region thus becomes a meeting point between global and national forces, pushing and pulling in different directions, with Nordic Defense Cooperation being formed in the squeeze between them.","PeriodicalId":44399,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global Security Studies","volume":"36 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-04-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87035167","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How do urban security assemblages evolve? Scholars inspired by Deleuze's Control Thesis detect profound shifts in the ways security operates. Different to Foucault's disciplinary logics, they argue, security assemblages now rely intimately on expanding casts of policing agents, digital surveillance, and statistical knowledge(s). They reach beyond enclosures and national borders, and they challenge democratic politics ever more forcefully. Whether this general trajectory of security management holds true across the global cityscape is yet far from evident. Not only do most studies of contemporary control draw conclusions from European and North American cases exclusively. Many also reproduce and project abroad distinctively Eurocentric assumptions about state–society relations, governance, and insecurity. This article foregrounds and problematizes these penchants. It then looks at the Moroccan city of Marrakech to detail how urban security assemblages may evolve in different ways, at other speeds, and following different steering logics than what is generally set out by research on control. The article concludes with a discussion of how insights offered by places such as Marrakech contribute to more robust, analytically refined, and globally inclusive research on the contemporary politics of urban security. Comment les dispositifs de sécurité urbaine évoluent-ils? Des chercheurs inspirés par la thèse sur la société de contrôle de Deleuze ont détecté de profonds changements dans les manières dont la sécurité opère. Ces chercheurs se différencient de la logique disciplinaire de Foucault en soutenant que les dispositifs de sécurité reposent maintenant étroitement sur l’élargissement de la sélection des agents impliqués dans les forces de police, la surveillance numérique et les connaissances statistiques. Ils franchissent les clôtures et les frontières nationales et remettent en question les politiques démocratiques avec toujours plus de force. Il est cependant loin d’être évident que cette trajectoire générale de la gestion de la sécurité concerne la globalité des espaces urbains. Non seulement la plupart des études du contrôle contemporain tirent exclusivement des conclusions de cas européens et nord-américains. Mais en plus de cela, nombre d’entre elles reproduisent et projettent à l’étranger des hypothèses typiquement eurocentriques sur les relations entre l’état et la société, la gouvernance et l’insécurité. Le présent article met en avant et problématise ces inclinaisons. Il examine ensuite la ville marocaine de Marrakech pour détailler dans quelle mesure les dispositifs de sécurité urbaine peuvent évoluer de différentes manières, à d’autres rythmes, et suivant des logiques d’orientation différentes de celles qui sont généralement exposées par les études sur le contrôle. Il conclut par une discussion sur la façon dont les renseignements offerts par des lieux tels que Marrakech contribuent à rendre les recherches sur les politiques
城市安全组合是如何演变的?受德勒兹控制理论启发的学者发现了安全运作方式的深刻变化。他们认为，与福柯的纪律逻辑不同，安全组合现在密切依赖于不断扩大的警务人员、数字监控和统计知识。它们超越了圈地和国界，更加有力地挑战民主政治。这种安全管理的总体轨迹是否适用于全球城市景观还远未可知。当代控制的大多数研究不仅只从欧洲和北美的病例中得出结论。许多人还复制并向国外展示了关于国家-社会关系、治理和不安全的独特的欧洲中心假设。本文强调了这些倾向并提出了问题。然后，它着眼于摩洛哥的马拉喀什市，详细介绍了城市安全组合如何以不同的方式、不同的速度、遵循不同的控制研究通常设定的转向逻辑发展。文章最后讨论了马拉喀什等地提供的见解如何有助于对当代城市安全政治进行更有力、分析更精细、全球包容性的研究。评论les disposids de ssamiccurit urbaine samvolumedils ?Des chercheurs启发了samas par la th se sur la socisocies(社会)， de Deleuze(社会)和samas(社会)。在福柯看来，这是一种不同的生活方式，一种不同的生活方式，一种不同的生活方式，一种不同的生活方式，一种不同的生活方式，一种不同的生活方式。他的特许经营权给了他clôtures、他的frontierres、他的nationales、他的政府、他的政治人物、他的政治领袖、他的权力。我们将继续讨论·······关于全球空间和城市的问题。非seulement杜拉学生的des练习曲controle contemporain tirent exclusivement de cas纽约et nord-americains des的结论。主要内容包括:交换交换、交换交换、交换交换、交换交换、交换交换、交换交换、交换交换、交换交换、交换交换、交换交换、交换交换、交换交换和交换交换。这条规定满足了所有有问题的规定的倾向。将审查马拉喀什境内的所有组织，例如:与其他组织有关的、与其他组织有关的、与其他组织有关的、与其他组织有关的、与其他组织有关的、与其他组织有关的、与其他组织有关的、与其他组织有关的、与其他组织有关的组织。我将结束关于政治问题的一般性讨论，马拉喀什问题的一般性讨论，马拉喀什问题的一般性讨论，马拉喀什问题的一般性讨论，马拉喀什问题的一般性讨论，马拉喀什问题的一般性讨论，马拉喀什问题的一般性讨论，马拉喀什问题的一般性讨论，马拉喀什问题的一般性讨论，马拉喀什问题的一般性讨论，马拉喀什问题的一般性讨论，马拉喀什问题的一般性讨论，马拉喀什问题的一般性讨论。¿Cómo evolucionan los groupos de seguridad urbana?学院派的灵感来自于德勒兹的控制理论，来自于德勒兹的深刻变革，来自于安全歌剧的形式。论证的不同之处lógica福柯的学科之处，安全的群体之处，依赖的群体之处íntimamente福柯的模式之处expansión政治的治安代理人之处，数字的治安之处，由经济之处estadísticos。Traspasan los cercados y las fronteras nacional y desafían la política democrática de manera cada vez más contcontente。Aún no es para nada evidente is esta tradectoria general de la gestión de securidad persistenden todo el panorama urbano global。" mayoría控制研究中心的研究" contemporáneo "没有单独的研究结论"欧洲人的研究结论是"北美洲人的研究结论"，"没有单独的研究结论"，"没有单独的研究结论"，"没有单独的研究结论"，"没有单独的研究结论"，"没有特别的研究结论"，"没有特别的研究结论"，"没有特别的研究结论"，"没有特别的研究结论"，"没有特别的研究结论"，"没有特别的研究结论"，"没有特别的研究结论"，"没有特别的研究结论"，"没有特别的研究结论"，"没有特别的研究结论"，"没有特别的研究结论"，"没有特别的研究结论"。Este artículo coloca en primer plano y problematiza estas ininaciones。Luego，分析了马拉喀什的情况(marroquí)，分析了马拉喀什的情况，分析了不同的情况，分析了不同的情况，分析了不同的情况，分析了不同的情况，分析了不同的情况(lógicas)，分析了不同的情况(lógicas)，分析了不同的情况(lógicas)，分析了不同的情况(lógicas)，分析了不同的情况(investigación)，分析了不同的情况(investigación)。El危象finaliza反对联合国辩论尤其科莫数值conocimientos ofrecen洛杉矶卢格科莫马拉喀什病investigaciones mas最理想,perfeccionadas en terminos analiticos y globalmente inclusivas尤其la politica contemporanea de la seguridad乌尔班纳。
{"title":"Globalizing Control Research: The Politics of Urban Security in and beyond the Alaouite Kingdom of Morocco","authors":"J. Hagmann","doi":"10.1093/JOGSS/OGAB004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/JOGSS/OGAB004","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 How do urban security assemblages evolve? Scholars inspired by Deleuze's Control Thesis detect profound shifts in the ways security operates. Different to Foucault's disciplinary logics, they argue, security assemblages now rely intimately on expanding casts of policing agents, digital surveillance, and statistical knowledge(s). They reach beyond enclosures and national borders, and they challenge democratic politics ever more forcefully. Whether this general trajectory of security management holds true across the global cityscape is yet far from evident. Not only do most studies of contemporary control draw conclusions from European and North American cases exclusively. Many also reproduce and project abroad distinctively Eurocentric assumptions about state–society relations, governance, and insecurity. This article foregrounds and problematizes these penchants. It then looks at the Moroccan city of Marrakech to detail how urban security assemblages may evolve in different ways, at other speeds, and following different steering logics than what is generally set out by research on control. The article concludes with a discussion of how insights offered by places such as Marrakech contribute to more robust, analytically refined, and globally inclusive research on the contemporary politics of urban security.\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 \u0000 Comment les dispositifs de sécurité urbaine évoluent-ils? Des chercheurs inspirés par la thèse sur la société de contrôle de Deleuze ont détecté de profonds changements dans les manières dont la sécurité opère. Ces chercheurs se différencient de la logique disciplinaire de Foucault en soutenant que les dispositifs de sécurité reposent maintenant étroitement sur l’élargissement de la sélection des agents impliqués dans les forces de police, la surveillance numérique et les connaissances statistiques. Ils franchissent les clôtures et les frontières nationales et remettent en question les politiques démocratiques avec toujours plus de force. Il est cependant loin d’être évident que cette trajectoire générale de la gestion de la sécurité concerne la globalité des espaces urbains. Non seulement la plupart des études du contrôle contemporain tirent exclusivement des conclusions de cas européens et nord-américains. Mais en plus de cela, nombre d’entre elles reproduisent et projettent à l’étranger des hypothèses typiquement eurocentriques sur les relations entre l’état et la société, la gouvernance et l’insécurité. Le présent article met en avant et problématise ces inclinaisons. Il examine ensuite la ville marocaine de Marrakech pour détailler dans quelle mesure les dispositifs de sécurité urbaine peuvent évoluer de différentes manières, à d’autres rythmes, et suivant des logiques d’orientation différentes de celles qui sont généralement exposées par les études sur le contrôle. Il conclut par une discussion sur la façon dont les renseignements offerts par des lieux tels que Marrakech contribuent à rendre les recherches sur les politiques ","PeriodicalId":44399,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global Security Studies","volume":"88 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86868796","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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