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A Graduation Approach-Based Program for Victims of Colombia’s Armed Conflict: Lessons for Economic Inclusion 哥伦比亚武装冲突受害者毕业方案:经济包容的经验教训
IF 1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-01 DOI: 10.1515/peps-2021-0041
Viviana León-Jurado, Jorge H. Maldonado
Abstract Transformando Mi Futuro (Transforming my Future) is a poverty reduction program implemented by the Colombian government as part of the strategy to support and repair the victims of the armed conflict. The program is based on the graduation approach that implies a comprehensive intervention in which the household receives consumption support, financial education, asset transfer, technical training, and instruction in life skills. However, unlike other graduation programs, this one targeted the urban population and did not offer direct transfers. Its primary purpose was to build capacities among those households who reported wanting to invest their legal monetary compensation as victims in productive projects. A before-after approach was employed to evaluate this program. The main results highlight positive changes in well-being and a reduction in the gap between the current perception of well-being, expectations for two and five years in the future, and positive changes in labor income and informal savings. These results suggest that the program contributed to improve the living conditions of participating households. However, a heterogeneity analysis shows that changes are differentiated according to participants’ initial labor status.
摘要Transformando Mi Futuro(Transforming my Futuro)是哥伦比亚政府实施的一项减贫计划,是支持和修复武装冲突受害者战略的一部分。该计划以毕业法为基础,意味着家庭接受消费支持、金融教育、资产转移、技术培训和生活技能指导的全面干预。然而,与其他毕业项目不同,这一项目面向城市人口,不提供直接转学服务。其主要目的是在那些报告希望将其法定货币补偿投资于生产项目的家庭中建立能力。采用前后法对该方案进行评估。主要结果强调了幸福感的积极变化,以及当前对幸福感的感知、对未来两年和五年的期望以及劳动力收入和非正规储蓄的积极变化之间的差距缩小。这些结果表明,该计划有助于改善参与家庭的生活条件。然而,异质性分析表明,变化是根据参与者的初始劳动状态来区分的。
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引用次数: 0
Peacekeeping and Economic Recovery from Conflict 维持和平与冲突后的经济复苏
IF 1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-28 DOI: 10.1515/peps-2021-0018
Lars Jensen
Abstract To better understand the large country-level heterogeneity found with respect to post-conflict economic recovery, this paper examines the potential role and impact of UN peacekeeping operations (PKOs) using a dataset which includes key information on civil conflicts and UN PKOs spanning 124 developing economies from 1990 to 2018. Analytical results provide evidence in support of PKOs’ positive impact on post-conflict economic recovery. Recovery growth (defined as a real GDP growth above peacetime growth) is found to only occur when a PKO is deployed and the relationship is stronger for, and likely driven by, the so-called transformative PKOs. Across robustness tests results imply that PKOs are, on average, associated with recovery rates of growth between 2 to 4 percentage points, and thus that peacekeeping could be an important factor in reducing and eliminating conflict-attributable macroeconomic losses. Foreign direct investments (FDI) and official development assistance (ODA) are explored as two potential channels that could help explain the growth results. While results for FDI are inconclusive, ODA results imply that there is a strong association between periods of recovery and ODA (as a percentage of GDP) when recovery periods coincide with the presence of a PKO, and again much stronger for transformative PKOs.
摘要为了更好地理解在冲突后经济复苏方面发现的大国层面的异质性,本文使用一个数据集来研究联合国维和行动的潜在作用和影响,该数据集包括1990年至2018年124个发展中经济体的国内冲突和联合国维和组织的关键信息。分析结果为支持库尔德工人党对冲突后经济复苏的积极影响提供了证据。恢复增长(定义为高于和平时期增长的实际GDP增长)只有在部署PKO时才会发生,而且这种关系对于所谓的变革性PKO来说更为牢固,而且很可能是由其驱动的。总体稳健性测试结果表明,维和行动平均与2至4个百分点的增长恢复率有关,因此维和行动可能是减少和消除冲突造成的宏观经济损失的一个重要因素。外国直接投资和官方发展援助被探讨为有助于解释增长结果的两个潜在渠道。虽然外国直接投资的结果没有定论,但官方发展援助的结果表明,当复苏期与PKO的存在相吻合时,复苏期与官方发展援助(占国内生产总值的百分比)之间存在着强烈的关联,而变革性PKO的关联也要大得多。
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引用次数: 0
Fifth Walter Isard Annual Award for the Best Article in Peace Economics Peace Science and Public Policy 第五届沃尔特·伊萨德和平经济学和平科学与公共政策年度最佳文章奖
IF 1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-01 DOI: 10.1515/peps-2022-9016
Raul Caruso
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引用次数: 0
The Effect of the Spanish Civil War on City Shares 西班牙内战对城市股票的影响
IF 1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-08 DOI: 10.1515/peps-2021-0037
Rafael González‐Val, Javier Silvestre
Abstract This paper examines the effect of the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) shock on city shares of population applying the methodology proposed by Davis, D. R., and D. E. Weinstein. 2002. “Bones, Bombs, and Break Points: The Geography of Economic Activity.” The American Economic Review 92 (5): 1269–89. We make use of an unexploited long-term, historical dataset of populations disaggregated at the city level. Our instruments, a key methodological issue, are based on dead and wounded data collected by historians. We show that the effect of the Spanish Civil War on capital cities was temporary, and argue that the locational fundamentals theory is the principal explanation.
摘要本文采用Davis,D.R.和D.E.Weinstein提出的方法,研究了1936–1939年西班牙内战对城市人口份额的影响。2002年,《骨头、炸弹和断裂点:经济活动的地理位置》,《美国经济评论》92(5):1269-89。我们利用了一个未开发的长期历史数据集,该数据集按城市级别分类。我们的仪器是一个关键的方法论问题,基于历史学家收集的伤亡数据。我们证明了西班牙内战对首都的影响是暂时的,并认为区位基础理论是主要的解释。
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引用次数: 0
The Relationship Between Economic Structure and Political Violence in Latin America (1990–2019) 拉丁美洲经济结构与政治暴力的关系(1990-2019)
IF 1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-29 DOI: 10.1515/peps-2021-0043
A. Balestra
Abstract This paper provides evidence about the relationship between economic structure and political violence in Latin American countries in the period 1990–2019. The empirical analysis suggests that manufacturing activities are negatively associated with the number of terroristic attacks. On the contrary it exists a positive relationship between mining activities and political violence. A further analysis suggests that the relative size of manufacturing with respect to mining sector is negatively associated to terroristic attacks occurrence. Such relationship becomes stronger when it is associated to high levels of trade openness.
摘要本文提供了1990–2019年拉丁美洲国家经济结构与政治暴力之间关系的证据。实证分析表明,制造业活动与恐怖袭击次数呈负相关。相反,采矿活动与政治暴力之间存在着积极的关系。进一步的分析表明,制造业相对于采矿业的相对规模与恐怖袭击的发生呈负相关。当这种关系与高水平的贸易开放联系在一起时,这种关系就会变得更加牢固。
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引用次数: 0
Spillovers Between Russia’s and Turkey’s Geopolitical Risk During the 2000–2021 Putin Administration 2000-2021年普京执政期间俄罗斯与土耳其地缘政治风险的溢出效应
IF 1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-02 DOI: 10.1515/peps-2021-0021
Emmanouil M. L. Economou, N. Kyriazis
Abstract This paper sets out to explore the nexus between Russia and Turkey regarding their geopolitical uncertainty measures (GPR) during the Putin Administration era in Russia. The innovative Caldara and Iacoviello indices and the Vector Autoregressive (VAR) methodology are adopted. This study sheds light on the series of geopolitical events that have taken place in Russia and Turkey in recent decades. Empirical outcomes reveal that Turkish geopolitical uncertainty is a weak influencer that increases Russian GPR in the short-term while decreasing it in the medium-term. The reverse effect does not hold. The nexus between geopolitical risk in Turkey and Russia is found to be unstable. Uncertainty in Turkey constitutes both a negative and a positive determinant of geopolitical stability in Russia, depending on the time horizon of the impact. Russia could take advantage of Turkish positive effects in the medium-run. This could be alarming for investors but could also prove beneficial as they should not invest in Russian assets when the country’s geopolitical risk is elevated due to Turkey’s geopolitical instability. Additionally, it is documented that energy financial markets in Russia are not influential on geopolitical uncertainty.
摘要本文旨在探讨普京执政时期俄罗斯与土耳其在地缘政治不确定性措施(GPR)方面的关系。采用了创新的Caldara和Iacoviello指数和向量自回归(VAR)方法。这项研究揭示了近几十年来在俄罗斯和土耳其发生的一系列地缘政治事件。实证结果显示,土耳其地缘政治不确定性对俄罗斯探地雷达短期上升、中期下降的影响较弱。相反的效果并不成立。土耳其和俄罗斯地缘政治风险之间的联系是不稳定的。土耳其的不确定性既是俄罗斯地缘政治稳定的消极决定因素,也是积极决定因素,这取决于影响的时间范围。从中期来看,俄罗斯可以利用土耳其的积极影响。这可能会让投资者感到担忧,但也可能证明是有益的,因为由于土耳其的地缘政治不稳定,俄罗斯的地缘政治风险上升,他们不应该投资俄罗斯资产。此外,文献表明,俄罗斯能源金融市场对地缘政治不确定性没有影响。
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引用次数: 5
Defence Spending and Sovereign Debt in Greece: A Long-Term Historical Perspective 希腊国防开支与主权债务:一个长期的历史视角
IF 1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1515/peps-2021-0020
C. Kollias, Suzanna‐Maria Paleologou, Michel S. Zouboulakis
Abstract The paper sets out to examine the military spending-public debt nexus in the case of Greece. Unlike previous studies that exclusively focus their analyses in the post-WWII period, the empirical investigation conducted herein covers almost the entire two hundred years of the modern Greek state. The estimations using an ARDL framework cover the period 1848–2018 as well as sub-periods therein. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first paper to approach this issue in the case of Greece with such a long-term perspective. In broad terms, the findings do not unearth a statistically traceable effect of defence expenditures on public debt accumulation. The results indicate that this was very much driven by debt dynamics and the need to draw funds to service existing loans. This finding is consistent across both the entire period under scrutiny here as well as the various sub-periods.
摘要本文以希腊为例,考察军事支出与公共债务的关系。与之前只关注二战后时期分析的研究不同,本文进行的实证调查几乎涵盖了现代希腊国家的整个两百年。使用ARDL框架的估计涵盖1848–2018年期间及其子期间。据我们所知,这是第一篇以希腊为例,从如此长远的角度处理这一问题的论文。从广义上讲,这些发现并没有发现国防支出对公共债务积累的统计可追溯影响。结果表明,这在很大程度上是由债务动态和提取资金偿还现有贷款的必要性推动的。这一发现在本文所研究的整个时期以及各个子时期都是一致的。
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引用次数: 4
How Much are Iranian Men Willing to Pay for Exemption from Military Service? 伊朗男人愿意为免服兵役支付多少钱?
IF 1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-25 DOI: 10.1515/peps-2021-0014
M. Fatemi, M. Mehrara, Ali Taiebnia
Abstract Compulsory military service, due to its timing in the lives of men (at a young age, which is the key period for increasing human capital) and its length (in many cases, about a year and a half to two years), implies a significant cost (explicit or implicit) for them. Individual costs incurred as a result of compulsory military service is an important aspect to consider when measuring the economic and social costs of enforcing conscription. Compulsory military service has been a part of Iranian government policy since 1925. Accordingly, an attempt to estimate the cost for men in Iran is the main subject of this paper. We will estimate the willingness of men to pay for exemption from compulsory military service based on the dichotomous choice contingent valuation model (One-and-One-Half Bounded approach). The mean of willingness to pay is estimated at 1.61 billion Rials (38,000 USD) while the median of willingness to pay is 1.64 billion Rials. A calculation of the median of willingness to pay for sub-groups of respondents shows that individuals with an income of more than 70 million Rials (1670 USD) per month have the highest median of willingness to pay, followed by those with a Ph.D. degree, and finally, undergraduates are individuals with the lowest median of willingness to pay.
摘要义务兵役,由于其在男性生活中的时间安排(年轻时,这是增加人力资本的关键时期)和时间长度(在许多情况下,约为一年半至两年),意味着他们要付出巨大的成本(明示或暗示)。在衡量强制征兵的经济和社会成本时,因服兵役而产生的个人成本是需要考虑的一个重要方面。自1925年以来,义务兵役一直是伊朗政府政策的一部分。因此,试图估算伊朗男性的成本是本文的主要主题。我们将基于二分法选择或有价值评估模型(一个半有界方法)来估计男性为免除义务兵役付费的意愿。支付意愿的平均值估计为16.1亿里亚尔(38000美元),而支付意愿的中位数为16.4亿里亚尔。对受访者子群体支付意愿中位数的计算表明,月收入超过7000万里亚尔(1670美元)的个人的支付意愿中位数最高,其次是博士学位的个人,最后,本科生是支付意愿中位数最低的个人。
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引用次数: 1
Geopolitical Risk and the LNG-LPG Trade 地缘政治风险与液化石油气贸易
IF 1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-30 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3933751
Nektarios A. Michail, Konstantinos D. Melas
Abstract We explore the relationship between Liquified Natural Gas (LNG) and Liquified Petroleum Gas (LPG) carrier freight rates and global geopolitical risk, while also controlling for the macro environment. Our results show that a shock in geopolitical risk significantly increases the cost of the spot charter rates for both LNG and LPG carriers, with the impact reaching around 25% for the former and 18% for the latter. Our results bear significant implications for both the companies and the countries involved in the liquefied gas trade, with its importance growing as the use of this energy source is likely to continue substituting other fossil fuels in the future.
摘要本文探讨了液化天然气(LNG)和液化石油气(LPG)运价与全球地缘政治风险之间的关系,并对宏观环境进行了控制。我们的研究结果表明,地缘政治风险的冲击显著增加了LNG和LPG船的现货租船费率成本,前者的影响约为25%,后者的影响约为18%。我们的研究结果对参与液化气贸易的公司和国家都具有重要意义,随着这种能源的使用在未来可能会继续替代其他化石燃料,液化气的重要性日益增加。
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引用次数: 15
Trade Sanctions and Customs Union Partners of the Target Country: Evidence from Kazakhstan 目标国家的贸易制裁和关税同盟伙伴:来自哈萨克斯坦的证据
IF 1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-22 DOI: 10.1515/peps-2020-0044
A. Aituar
Abstract This paper analyses the effects of trade sanctions between Russia and Western countries on Kazakhstan. The nature of these sanctions is characterized by unilateral sanctions from Russia and multilateral sanctions against Russia. Although Kazakhstan refused to participate in these sanction wars, this might affect its economy significantly as it is highly integrated into the Russian economy. An empirical analysis is performed on the product level and time series techniques are used to estimate the effects of the sanctions. The paper assesses the overall effectiveness of trade sanctions through aggregating product level results into a sanction index. The derived sanction index shows that multilateral sanctions did not divert the trade flows from Western countries. On the other hand, the index indicates the existence of sanction busting activities against Russian unilateral counter-sanctions, confirming the hypothesis that unilateral sanctions are ineffective and allow for third-country effects.
摘要本文分析了俄罗斯与西方国家贸易制裁对哈萨克斯坦的影响。这些制裁的性质是俄罗斯的单方面制裁和对俄罗斯的多边制裁。尽管哈萨克斯坦拒绝参与这些制裁战争,但这可能会对其经济产生重大影响,因为它与俄罗斯经济高度融合。在产品层面进行了实证分析,并使用时间序列技术来估计制裁的影响。本文通过将产品层面的结果汇总为制裁指数来评估贸易制裁的总体有效性。衍生的制裁指数表明,多边制裁并没有转移西方国家的贸易流量。另一方面,该指数表明存在针对俄罗斯单方面反制裁的破坏制裁活动,证实了单方面制裁无效并考虑到第三国影响的假设。
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引用次数: 1
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Peace Economics Peace Science and Public Policy
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