Abstract Throughout the coronavirus outbreak, politicians and commentators have often adopted a war-like rhetoric, invoking a language more often associated to terrorist violence, rather than epidemics. Although COVID-19 represents primarily a public health emergency, not inflicted by human agency, there are similarities in the type and scope of regulations governments have introduced to tackle the virus and to respond to terrorist attacks. In this article, we first ask what we can learn from the extant studies on the attitudinal and emotional consequences of terrorism, relating it to recent research on public opinions in the wake of COVID-19, in order to better understand and predict how the pandemic will influence public sentiments. We then analyze how attitudes can shift when a critical event not only threatens the population of a country as a whole, but directly affects its political leader. Leveraging recently released survey data, we show how the announcement of Angela Merkel’s quarantine significantly dampened the trust in and the credibility of her government, although this effect was short-lived.
{"title":"COVID-19, Security Threats and Public Opinions","authors":"V. Bove, Riccardo Di Leo","doi":"10.1515/peps-2020-0033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/peps-2020-0033","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Throughout the coronavirus outbreak, politicians and commentators have often adopted a war-like rhetoric, invoking a language more often associated to terrorist violence, rather than epidemics. Although COVID-19 represents primarily a public health emergency, not inflicted by human agency, there are similarities in the type and scope of regulations governments have introduced to tackle the virus and to respond to terrorist attacks. In this article, we first ask what we can learn from the extant studies on the attitudinal and emotional consequences of terrorism, relating it to recent research on public opinions in the wake of COVID-19, in order to better understand and predict how the pandemic will influence public sentiments. We then analyze how attitudes can shift when a critical event not only threatens the population of a country as a whole, but directly affects its political leader. Leveraging recently released survey data, we show how the announcement of Angela Merkel’s quarantine significantly dampened the trust in and the credibility of her government, although this effect was short-lived.","PeriodicalId":44635,"journal":{"name":"Peace Economics Peace Science and Public Policy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/peps-2020-0033","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46638145","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The article analyzes how Covid-19 might affect the risk of violence against civilians (VAC) in two ways. First, I glean from Armed Conflict Location and Event Data the quantity and types of Covid-related VAC attacks. Second, I present possible economic channels by which Covid could affect mass atrocity risk. I apply the channels to identify possible Covid-related economic risks for VAC in Democratic Republic of the Congo.
{"title":"The other virus: Covid-19 and violence against civilians","authors":"Charles H. Anderton","doi":"10.1515/peps-2020-0039","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/peps-2020-0039","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article analyzes how Covid-19 might affect the risk of violence against civilians (VAC) in two ways. First, I glean from Armed Conflict Location and Event Data the quantity and types of Covid-related VAC attacks. Second, I present possible economic channels by which Covid could affect mass atrocity risk. I apply the channels to identify possible Covid-related economic risks for VAC in Democratic Republic of the Congo.","PeriodicalId":44635,"journal":{"name":"Peace Economics Peace Science and Public Policy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/peps-2020-0039","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45623555","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Juan Carlos Arboleda-Ariza, Gabriel Prosser Bravo, Fredy Mora-Gámez
Abstract The Colombian State and subversive groups have made attempts to build peace by the establishment of accords since the 1980s. Recently, the signature of a peace accord by former president Santos and the FARC-EP leadership in 2016, has come along with changes in the interpretative frameworks of the conflict and the emergence of new institutions, forms of subjectivity and collective meanings around peace. Nowadays, Colombia is in the transition from being a country at war to a peaceful nation. In this transition, the discourse of victims and state representatives about peace and conflict are predominant in the literature. This article characterizes the simultaneously coexisting discourses about peace and conflict in former combatants. We conducted a discourse analysis of 19 semi-structured interviews with former members of paramilitaries and guerrillas. The results are clustered into two categories: absent peace, in which peace is seen as the lack of something that was missed and lost; and the indefinite war, where peace can be hardly imagined due to the permanence of conflict and longevity of violence. The overlooked angle of the narratives of combatants about peace and conflict is discussed, and the findings are suggested as potential guidelines to navigate displaced and divergent accounts of peace and conflict in transition societies.
{"title":"Absent Peace in Colombia: A Study of Transition Discourses in Former Combatants","authors":"Juan Carlos Arboleda-Ariza, Gabriel Prosser Bravo, Fredy Mora-Gámez","doi":"10.1515/peps-2019-0042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/peps-2019-0042","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Colombian State and subversive groups have made attempts to build peace by the establishment of accords since the 1980s. Recently, the signature of a peace accord by former president Santos and the FARC-EP leadership in 2016, has come along with changes in the interpretative frameworks of the conflict and the emergence of new institutions, forms of subjectivity and collective meanings around peace. Nowadays, Colombia is in the transition from being a country at war to a peaceful nation. In this transition, the discourse of victims and state representatives about peace and conflict are predominant in the literature. This article characterizes the simultaneously coexisting discourses about peace and conflict in former combatants. We conducted a discourse analysis of 19 semi-structured interviews with former members of paramilitaries and guerrillas. The results are clustered into two categories: absent peace, in which peace is seen as the lack of something that was missed and lost; and the indefinite war, where peace can be hardly imagined due to the permanence of conflict and longevity of violence. The overlooked angle of the narratives of combatants about peace and conflict is discussed, and the findings are suggested as potential guidelines to navigate displaced and divergent accounts of peace and conflict in transition societies.","PeriodicalId":44635,"journal":{"name":"Peace Economics Peace Science and Public Policy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/peps-2019-0042","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42785027","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The US’s ability to project power in Eurasia has been declining for some time. With the pandemic accelerating that decline, reviving international institutions of conflict management becomes urgent. Enhancing the UN and other atrophied international organizations, and negotiating treaties on nuclear arms issues, cyber warfare, space warfare, and new weapons are measures that have become necessary for minimizing the chance of nuclear catastrophe as well as reducing the likelihood of other wars.
{"title":"The Decline of US Power and the Future of Conflict Management after Covid","authors":"S. Skaperdas","doi":"10.1515/peps-2020-0029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/peps-2020-0029","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The US’s ability to project power in Eurasia has been declining for some time. With the pandemic accelerating that decline, reviving international institutions of conflict management becomes urgent. Enhancing the UN and other atrophied international organizations, and negotiating treaties on nuclear arms issues, cyber warfare, space warfare, and new weapons are measures that have become necessary for minimizing the chance of nuclear catastrophe as well as reducing the likelihood of other wars.","PeriodicalId":44635,"journal":{"name":"Peace Economics Peace Science and Public Policy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/peps-2020-0029","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46680139","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Covid is a virus which has been dominated by medical experts offering different views on its causes and treatments. But the virus has economic dimensions which need to be explored. Specifically, trade-offs arise between population safety and prosperity. Protecting the population from the virus required the economy to be closed leading to job losses, plant closures and poverty for some groups in society.
{"title":"Economics and the Covid Pandemic in the UK","authors":"K. Hartley","doi":"10.1515/peps-2020-0036","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/peps-2020-0036","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Covid is a virus which has been dominated by medical experts offering different views on its causes and treatments. But the virus has economic dimensions which need to be explored. Specifically, trade-offs arise between population safety and prosperity. Protecting the population from the virus required the economy to be closed leading to job losses, plant closures and poverty for some groups in society.","PeriodicalId":44635,"journal":{"name":"Peace Economics Peace Science and Public Policy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/peps-2020-0036","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46756374","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract While the number of African COVID-19 cases is relatively limited for now, the pandemic and the restrictive measures to curtail the virus might have important implications for the level of human security. They may give rise to economic decline and rising poverty, authoritarianism, urban violence, and increasing social inequalities. In this proceeding, we will outline the mechanisms through which these consequences may take hold in Africa.
{"title":"COVID-19 in Africa: Turning a Health Crisis into a Human Security Threat?","authors":"Roos Haer, Leila Demarest","doi":"10.1515/peps-2020-0032","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/peps-2020-0032","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract While the number of African COVID-19 cases is relatively limited for now, the pandemic and the restrictive measures to curtail the virus might have important implications for the level of human security. They may give rise to economic decline and rising poverty, authoritarianism, urban violence, and increasing social inequalities. In this proceeding, we will outline the mechanisms through which these consequences may take hold in Africa.","PeriodicalId":44635,"journal":{"name":"Peace Economics Peace Science and Public Policy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/peps-2020-0032","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42321983","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Trade and economic cooperation are often promoted through policy to facilitate post-conflict normalization. The Qualified Industrial Zone (QIZ) model of duty and quota-free industrial regions is a policy tool initiated by the United States as a brokerage in promoting peace between Israel and its Arab neighbors. Indeed, a vast literature aims to evaluate the economic and political potential of trade liberalization. Yet the mechanisms of trade policy implementation in a post-conflict environment, its timing and underlying political motives, are critical but rather neglected factors, which design the prospects of trade incentives. We therefore question the effectiveness of the QIZ as a tool addressing post-conflict dynamics and ask whether its impact on Israel–Egyptian relations reflects the value of this policy or the circumstances of its implementation. Using mixed methods, this study presents and evaluates the implementation of the QIZ in Egypt since 2004 and its results, both economic and political, fine tuning the broader debate to focus on circumstances of implementation. This case study demonstrates the results of trade opportunity implementation as a reaction to threat rather than mobilization to realize post-conflict rapprochement or even to reap economic opportunity. Notwithstanding the forces of globalization, Egypt’s pre and post-revolutionary internal political economy and delicate relations with Israel serve as the context for understanding the QIZ. This context facilitates contradicting political interpretations, with the QIZ simultaneously celebrated as an economic success, criticized as an Egyptian escape route from structural reforms, and accused as embodying a U.S.–Egyptian elite conspiracy, to coerce Egyptian economic normalization with Israel.
{"title":"Post Conflict Normalization through Trade Preferential Agreements: Egypt, Israel and the Qualified Industrial Zones","authors":"Yehudith Kahn, Tamar Arieli","doi":"10.1515/peps-2019-0020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/peps-2019-0020","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Trade and economic cooperation are often promoted through policy to facilitate post-conflict normalization. The Qualified Industrial Zone (QIZ) model of duty and quota-free industrial regions is a policy tool initiated by the United States as a brokerage in promoting peace between Israel and its Arab neighbors. Indeed, a vast literature aims to evaluate the economic and political potential of trade liberalization. Yet the mechanisms of trade policy implementation in a post-conflict environment, its timing and underlying political motives, are critical but rather neglected factors, which design the prospects of trade incentives. We therefore question the effectiveness of the QIZ as a tool addressing post-conflict dynamics and ask whether its impact on Israel–Egyptian relations reflects the value of this policy or the circumstances of its implementation. Using mixed methods, this study presents and evaluates the implementation of the QIZ in Egypt since 2004 and its results, both economic and political, fine tuning the broader debate to focus on circumstances of implementation. This case study demonstrates the results of trade opportunity implementation as a reaction to threat rather than mobilization to realize post-conflict rapprochement or even to reap economic opportunity. Notwithstanding the forces of globalization, Egypt’s pre and post-revolutionary internal political economy and delicate relations with Israel serve as the context for understanding the QIZ. This context facilitates contradicting political interpretations, with the QIZ simultaneously celebrated as an economic success, criticized as an Egyptian escape route from structural reforms, and accused as embodying a U.S.–Egyptian elite conspiracy, to coerce Egyptian economic normalization with Israel.","PeriodicalId":44635,"journal":{"name":"Peace Economics Peace Science and Public Policy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/peps-2019-0020","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44996483","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract We argue for viewing COVID-19 as an additional instance of bioeconomic interaction in an ongoing history of human relations with the rest of nature. We assert that COVID-19 and other increasingly frequent zoonotic pandemic diseases are a further example of global public bads (GPBs), which are collectively provoking the transition from an extensive to an intensive economic growth model characterized by the provision of corresponding global public goods (GPGs) and sigmoid growth. We describe how these dynamics map on to the classic production–predation dichotomy of peace and conflict economics and call for that dichotomy to be extended to the relationship between the human and nonhuman worlds. Finally, we argue that peace economists are particularly well-positioned to extend their research to diagnose human–nonhuman peace and conflict.
{"title":"Bioeconomic Peace Research and Policy","authors":"J. Brauer, Topher L. McDougal","doi":"10.1515/peps-2020-0034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/peps-2020-0034","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract We argue for viewing COVID-19 as an additional instance of bioeconomic interaction in an ongoing history of human relations with the rest of nature. We assert that COVID-19 and other increasingly frequent zoonotic pandemic diseases are a further example of global public bads (GPBs), which are collectively provoking the transition from an extensive to an intensive economic growth model characterized by the provision of corresponding global public goods (GPGs) and sigmoid growth. We describe how these dynamics map on to the classic production–predation dichotomy of peace and conflict economics and call for that dichotomy to be extended to the relationship between the human and nonhuman worlds. Finally, we argue that peace economists are particularly well-positioned to extend their research to diagnose human–nonhuman peace and conflict.","PeriodicalId":44635,"journal":{"name":"Peace Economics Peace Science and Public Policy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/peps-2020-0034","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45600703","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The 2020 Covid-19 pandemic may not be a game changer for future peacekeeping and humanitarian operations, but it is likely to strengthen developments that have been on-going since the early 2010s. Since then, major global and regional powers have increasingly pursued self-interested policies, interventions have become less accepted by host countries, and the UN is more financially constrained. These developments all point towards fewer and smaller interventions. Responses to Covid-19 so far suggest these trends to continue. Arguably, this hampers effective and collaborative action against global challenges such as Covid-19.
{"title":"Peacekeeping after Covid-19","authors":"Han Dorussen","doi":"10.1515/peps-2020-0022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/peps-2020-0022","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The 2020 Covid-19 pandemic may not be a game changer for future peacekeeping and humanitarian operations, but it is likely to strengthen developments that have been on-going since the early 2010s. Since then, major global and regional powers have increasingly pursued self-interested policies, interventions have become less accepted by host countries, and the UN is more financially constrained. These developments all point towards fewer and smaller interventions. Responses to Covid-19 so far suggest these trends to continue. Arguably, this hampers effective and collaborative action against global challenges such as Covid-19.","PeriodicalId":44635,"journal":{"name":"Peace Economics Peace Science and Public Policy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/peps-2020-0022","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49311926","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This conceptual article argues that COVID-19 poses myriad global collective action challenges, some of which are easier than others to address. COVID-19 requires numerous distinct activities – e.g., vaccine development, uncovering treatment practices, imposing quarantines, and disease surveillance. The prognosis for effective collective action rests on the underlying aggregator technologies, which indicate how individual contributions determine the amount of a COVID-19 activity that is available for consumption. Best- and better-shot aggregators are more apt to promote desired outcomes than weakest- and weaker-link aggregators. The roles for public policy and important actors (e.g., multi-stakeholder partnerships) in fostering collective action are indicated.
{"title":"COVID-19 and Collective Action","authors":"T. Sandler","doi":"10.1515/peps-2020-0023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/peps-2020-0023","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This conceptual article argues that COVID-19 poses myriad global collective action challenges, some of which are easier than others to address. COVID-19 requires numerous distinct activities – e.g., vaccine development, uncovering treatment practices, imposing quarantines, and disease surveillance. The prognosis for effective collective action rests on the underlying aggregator technologies, which indicate how individual contributions determine the amount of a COVID-19 activity that is available for consumption. Best- and better-shot aggregators are more apt to promote desired outcomes than weakest- and weaker-link aggregators. The roles for public policy and important actors (e.g., multi-stakeholder partnerships) in fostering collective action are indicated.","PeriodicalId":44635,"journal":{"name":"Peace Economics Peace Science and Public Policy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/peps-2020-0023","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42186808","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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