{"title":"Польша или Русь? Литва в составе Российской империи by Дарюс Сталюнас","authors":"А.П. Кононенко","doi":"10.1353/imp.2023.0017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/imp.2023.0017","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45377,"journal":{"name":"Ab Imperio-Studies of New Imperial History and Nationalism in the Post-Soviet Space","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90924656","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1353/imp.2023.a906847
several languages there is no doubt. But he could have published this material more providentially as two or more specialized articles, allowing him to better hone his subject matter and offer clearer arguments. Instead, there is a wealth of information but few guideposts or conclusions. In the final analysis, this book will best serve as a compendium for historians and others interested in further exploring Anglo-Russian relations; policymaking, economics, law, architecture, society, and culture under Alexander I; and international business and finance. Roman OSHAROV
{"title":"Under the Shadow of White Tara: Buriat Buddhists in Imperial Russia by Nikolay Tsyrempilov (review)","authors":"","doi":"10.1353/imp.2023.a906847","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/imp.2023.a906847","url":null,"abstract":"several languages there is no doubt. But he could have published this material more providentially as two or more specialized articles, allowing him to better hone his subject matter and offer clearer arguments. Instead, there is a wealth of information but few guideposts or conclusions. In the final analysis, this book will best serve as a compendium for historians and others interested in further exploring Anglo-Russian relations; policymaking, economics, law, architecture, society, and culture under Alexander I; and international business and finance. Roman OSHAROV","PeriodicalId":45377,"journal":{"name":"Ab Imperio-Studies of New Imperial History and Nationalism in the Post-Soviet Space","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135444813","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1353/imp.2023.a906842
Stephan Rindlisbacher, Alun Thomas
SUMMARY: The national delimitation of Soviet Central Asia in 1924 embedded a particular interpretation of nationhood into the constitutional structures of the Soviet Union. Pastoral nomadism was still common, and the dichotomy between sedentary and nonsedentary peoples became important in dividing nationalities: Uzbek versus Kyrgyz, Kazakh, and Turkmen. But the decision to build territorial national autonomies enhanced the importance of borders, and the logic of internal borders became insensitive to nomadic interests. The eventual project of national delimitation sidelined alternative viable scenarios for rearranging the region's populations and territories, such as a Central Asian Federation, economic raionirovanie , or embracing a nomadic perspective on space. Резюме: Понятие нации, положенное в основу конституционной структуры Советского Союза, сформировалось в ходе национального размежевания Средней Азии в 1924 г. Кочевое животноводство оставалось широко распространенным в регионе, и дихотомия между оседлыми и неоседлыми народами играла важную роль в дифференциации национальностей: узбеков и кыргызов, казахов и туркмен. Однако выбор в пользу создания территориальных национальных автономий повысил важность республиканских границ, а бюрократическая логика поддержания границ продемонстрировала нечувствительность к интересам кочевников. Окончательный проект национального размежевания заставил отказаться от альтернативных сценариев организации населения и территорий региона, таких как Среднеазиатская федерация, экономическое районирование или принятие кочевого восприятия пространства.
{"title":"Paths Not Taken: How Did Nomadism Affect Border-Making during National Delimitation in Central Asia?","authors":"Stephan Rindlisbacher, Alun Thomas","doi":"10.1353/imp.2023.a906842","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/imp.2023.a906842","url":null,"abstract":"SUMMARY: The national delimitation of Soviet Central Asia in 1924 embedded a particular interpretation of nationhood into the constitutional structures of the Soviet Union. Pastoral nomadism was still common, and the dichotomy between sedentary and nonsedentary peoples became important in dividing nationalities: Uzbek versus Kyrgyz, Kazakh, and Turkmen. But the decision to build territorial national autonomies enhanced the importance of borders, and the logic of internal borders became insensitive to nomadic interests. The eventual project of national delimitation sidelined alternative viable scenarios for rearranging the region's populations and territories, such as a Central Asian Federation, economic raionirovanie , or embracing a nomadic perspective on space. Резюме: Понятие нации, положенное в основу конституционной структуры Советского Союза, сформировалось в ходе национального размежевания Средней Азии в 1924 г. Кочевое животноводство оставалось широко распространенным в регионе, и дихотомия между оседлыми и неоседлыми народами играла важную роль в дифференциации национальностей: узбеков и кыргызов, казахов и туркмен. Однако выбор в пользу создания территориальных национальных автономий повысил важность республиканских границ, а бюрократическая логика поддержания границ продемонстрировала нечувствительность к интересам кочевников. Окончательный проект национального размежевания заставил отказаться от альтернативных сценариев организации населения и территорий региона, таких как Среднеазиатская федерация, экономическое районирование или принятие кочевого восприятия пространства.","PeriodicalId":45377,"journal":{"name":"Ab Imperio-Studies of New Imperial History and Nationalism in the Post-Soviet Space","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135446230","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1353/imp.2023.a906854
На обложке этой книги изображена самодельная табличка в цветах украинского флага с названием Улицы Героев Небесной Сотни в Киеве. На данный момент улиц с подобным названием по всей Украине насчитывается 45. Если учесть, что есть также одноименная аллея в Киеве, проспект в Одессе и площади в Харькове, Виннице и многих других населенных пунктах, то становится ясно, что культ погибших участников Евромайдана в 2013–2014 гг. – еще до начала полномасштабной войны в 2022 г. – занял важное место в городской топографии Украины. И речь идет не только об инициативах местной администрации или центральных киевских властей об увековечивании памяти погибших. Почти сразу после окончания противостояния на киевском Майдане Независимости в 2014 г. в Украине появилось несколько мемориальных мест, инициаторами сооружения которых были не только родственники погибших, но и представители гражданского общества. Очень скоро в их рядах появились представители различных украинских церквей, а потом и политики. Как описать становление культа Небесной Сотни в постевромайданной Украине, какими терминами? Можно ли говорить о возникновении гражданской религии, коль скоро налицо формирование квазирелигиозных коммеморативных форм, конкретнее – о сакрализации нации? Или, употребляя терминологию религиозного антрополога Кэтрин Уоннер, речь идет о так называемых народных религиозных практиках (vernacular religious practices), которые настолько политически релевантны, насколько они отражают узы родства и взаимные обязательства между живущими, а также связи между живыми и мертвыми?1 Рецензируемая книга предлагает задуматься и над терминологией, и над формами коммеморации, и над хронологическими рамками политических культов павших героев в модерной украинской истории.
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1353/imp.2023.a906840
Stephanie Ziehaus
SUMMARY: The article traces the evolution of subjecthood's semantics in Russia in the second half of the nineteenth century using the example of the so-called Manchurian Wedge in the Amur region. By the Treaty of Aigun, signed in 1858, in the area where the Zeya River merges with the Amur near Blagoveshchensk, Russia acquired a long-established agglomeration consisting of "the sixty-four villages," which was part of the Manchu Eight Banner military-civilian organization and remained under the jurisdiction of the Qing authorities. Back in 1858, the Russian side was quite satisfied with this traditional imperial – multilevel, contextual, and mosaic – sovereignty in the region. However, the intertwining of territory, property, and subjecthood set processes in motion that led to the substitution of imperial subjecthood for de facto national citizenship, which allowed no special arrangements or exceptions. The newly arrived Russian colonists had no idea about the established informal arrangements regarding the land use in the region, and the Manchus had a vague idea about the new settler villages' boundaries. This led to frequent land conflicts that took on an international character since they had to be settled through negotiations between the local Russian and Qing authorities. Systematic mapping of the Manchurian Wedge in the 1870s–1880s and the growing trend among the Russian colonists toward the registration of land in private ownership with detailed cadastral maps of individual plots stimulated Russian settlers' subjectivity. Now they were defending their private homesteads and coveting the Manchurian land in their own interests while continuing to act as representatives of the Russian state. They found themselves in the role of citizens representing an ethnoconfessional nation and determining state policy in the region, as well as colonialists interested in expelling the local noncitizen population – simply put, they turned into settler colonialists. This transformation culminated in the Blagoveshchensk massacre of 1900, when, amid moral panic over the Boxer Rebellion in Manchuria, Russian settlers carried out a brutal ethnic cleansing of the Manchurian Wedge. They killed or expelled the inhabitants of the sixty-four villages and seized their land. Резюме: Статья прослеживает эволюцию категории подданства в России во второй половине XIX в. на примере так называемого "Маньчжурского клина" в Приамурье. По Айгунскому договору 1858 г. в районе слияния Зеи и Амура около Благовещенска на российской территории оказалась давно сформированная агломерация "шестьдесят четыре деревни", входящая в систему маньчжурской военно-гражданской организации "восьми знамен" и остававшаяся в юрисдикции цинских властей. В 1858 г. российскую сторону вполне устраивала традиционная имперская многоуровневость, контекстуальность и мозаичность суверенитета в регионе. Однако переплетение территории, собственности и подданства запустило процессы, приведшие к подмене имперского
摘要:本文以黑龙江地区所谓的满洲楔子为例，追溯了19世纪下半叶俄罗斯主体语义学的演变。根据1858年签订的《艾贡条约》(Treaty of Aigun)，在布拉戈维申斯克(Blagoveshchensk)附近的泽雅河与阿穆尔河汇合处，俄罗斯获得了一个由“六十四村”组成的历史悠久的聚居地，它是满清八旗军民组织的一部分，仍在清朝当局的管辖之下。早在1858年，俄罗斯方面就非常满意这种传统的帝国主权——多层次的、有背景的、马赛克式的主权。然而，领土、财产和主体性的相互交织推动了进程，导致帝国主体性取代了事实上的国家公民身份，这不允许任何特殊安排或例外。新到达的俄罗斯殖民者对该地区关于土地使用的非正式安排一无所知，满族人对新定居者村庄的边界也有一个模糊的概念。这导致了频繁的具有国际性质的土地冲突，因为它们必须通过当地俄罗斯和清朝当局之间的谈判来解决。19世纪70年代至80年代对满洲楔子的系统测绘，以及俄罗斯殖民者越来越倾向于用详细的个人地块地籍图来登记私人所有的土地，这激发了俄罗斯定居者的主体性。现在他们在捍卫自己的私人家园，为了自己的利益觊觎满洲的土地，同时继续充当俄罗斯国家的代表。他们发现自己是公民，代表着一个民族忏悔的国家，决定着该地区的国家政策，同时也是有意驱逐当地非公民人口的殖民主义者——简单地说，他们变成了定居的殖民主义者。这种转变在1900年的布拉戈维申斯克大屠杀中达到高潮，当时，在满洲义和团运动引发的道德恐慌中，俄罗斯定居者对满洲人进行了残酷的种族清洗。他们杀害或驱逐了64个村庄的居民，并夺取了他们的土地。:СРезюметатьяпрослеживаетэволюциюкатегорииподданствавРоссиивовторойполовин第十九ев。напримеретакназываемого”Маньчжурскогоклина”вПриамурье。По Айгунскому договору 1858врайонеслиянияЗеииАмураоколоБлаговещенсканароссийскойтерриторииоказаласьдавносформированнаяагломерация”шестьдесятчетыредеревни”,входящаявсистемуманьчжурскойвоенног,ражданскойорганизации”восьмизнамен”иостававшаясявюрисдикциицинскихвластей。В 1858российскуюсторонувполнеустраивалатрадиционнаяимперскаямногоуровневость,контекстуальностьимозаичностьсуверенитетаврегионе。Однакопереплетениетерритори,исобственностииподданствазапустилопроцессы,приведшиекподменеимперскогоподданствафактическинациональнымгражданством,недопускающимникакихисключений。Новоприбывшиероссийскиеколонистынеимелипредставленияосуществовавшихврегионенеформальныхдоговоренностях,касавшихсяземлепользования,аманьчжурынеоченьпредставлялисебеграницывладенийновыхпоселений。Этовелоксистематическимземельнымконфликтам,которыеприобреталидипломатическийхарактер,кольскорорегулировалисьпутемпереговоровместныхроссийскихицинскихвластей。КартографированиеМаньчжурскогоклинанапротяжени1870 - 1880 -хигг。инарастающаятенденциякоформлениюземливчастнуюсобственностьсдетальнымкадастровымоформлениемпридалисубъектностьроссийскимподданным。Теперьониотстаивалиличнуютерриториюизарилисьнаманьчжурскуювсобственныхинтересах,продолжая,однако,выступатьвролипредставителейроссийскогогосударства。Фактически,ониоказалисьвролиграждан,представляющихэтноконфессиональнуюнациюиопределяющихгосударственнуюполитикуврегионе,атакжеколонизаторов,заинтересованныхвизгнанииместногонаселения——неграждан(定居者殖民者)。КульминациейэтойтрансформациисталаБлаговещенскаярезня1900г。,когда,вобстановкеморальнойпаникииз——заБоксерскоговосстаниявМаньчжурии,российскиепоселенцыпроизвелижестокуюэтническуючисткуМаньчжурскогоклина。Ониубилиилиизгналижителейшестидесятичетырехдеревеньиприсвоилисебеихземлю。
{"title":"The Manchurian Wedge: Settler Colonialism, Subjecthood, and Land Use in the Russian Imperial Far East","authors":"Stephanie Ziehaus","doi":"10.1353/imp.2023.a906840","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/imp.2023.a906840","url":null,"abstract":"SUMMARY: The article traces the evolution of subjecthood's semantics in Russia in the second half of the nineteenth century using the example of the so-called Manchurian Wedge in the Amur region. By the Treaty of Aigun, signed in 1858, in the area where the Zeya River merges with the Amur near Blagoveshchensk, Russia acquired a long-established agglomeration consisting of \"the sixty-four villages,\" which was part of the Manchu Eight Banner military-civilian organization and remained under the jurisdiction of the Qing authorities. Back in 1858, the Russian side was quite satisfied with this traditional imperial – multilevel, contextual, and mosaic – sovereignty in the region. However, the intertwining of territory, property, and subjecthood set processes in motion that led to the substitution of imperial subjecthood for de facto national citizenship, which allowed no special arrangements or exceptions. The newly arrived Russian colonists had no idea about the established informal arrangements regarding the land use in the region, and the Manchus had a vague idea about the new settler villages' boundaries. This led to frequent land conflicts that took on an international character since they had to be settled through negotiations between the local Russian and Qing authorities. Systematic mapping of the Manchurian Wedge in the 1870s–1880s and the growing trend among the Russian colonists toward the registration of land in private ownership with detailed cadastral maps of individual plots stimulated Russian settlers' subjectivity. Now they were defending their private homesteads and coveting the Manchurian land in their own interests while continuing to act as representatives of the Russian state. They found themselves in the role of citizens representing an ethnoconfessional nation and determining state policy in the region, as well as colonialists interested in expelling the local noncitizen population – simply put, they turned into settler colonialists. This transformation culminated in the Blagoveshchensk massacre of 1900, when, amid moral panic over the Boxer Rebellion in Manchuria, Russian settlers carried out a brutal ethnic cleansing of the Manchurian Wedge. They killed or expelled the inhabitants of the sixty-four villages and seized their land. Резюме: Статья прослеживает эволюцию категории подданства в России во второй половине XIX в. на примере так называемого \"Маньчжурского клина\" в Приамурье. По Айгунскому договору 1858 г. в районе слияния Зеи и Амура около Благовещенска на российской территории оказалась давно сформированная агломерация \"шестьдесят четыре деревни\", входящая в систему маньчжурской военно-гражданской организации \"восьми знамен\" и остававшаяся в юрисдикции цинских властей. В 1858 г. российскую сторону вполне устраивала традиционная имперская многоуровневость, контекстуальность и мозаичность суверенитета в регионе. Однако переплетение территории, собственности и подданства запустило процессы, приведшие к подмене имперского","PeriodicalId":45377,"journal":{"name":"Ab Imperio-Studies of New Imperial History and Nationalism in the Post-Soviet Space","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135446751","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1353/imp.2023.a906853
Reviewed by: Authoritarian Laughter: Political Humor and Soviet Dystopia in Lithuania by Neringa Klumbytė Senem Yildirim (bio) Neringa Klumbytė, Authoritarian Laughter: Political Humor and Soviet Dystopia in Lithuania (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2022). 287 pp., ill. Index. ISBN: 978-1-5017-6668-8. Shortest joke: "COMMUNISM." Broom, 1991 Studies of authoritarianism typically focus on state power, violence, and the infringement of human rights. Neringa Klumbytė, an associate professor of anthropology at the University of Miami, takes a different approach to the study of authoritarianism by examining "the commonplace experiences of power" through the production and consumption of the officially approved humor magazine in Soviet Lithuania – creating cartoons and satires, navigating censorship, and embracing the official culture through laughter (P. 4). Klumbytė contends that when democratic forms of political participation are lacking, the state mobilizes citizens and provides them with avenues of engagement through humor and satire. The author aims to reconstruct the process of the authoritarian regime's infiltrating of citizens' daily lives, engaging them politically, and making ideology a household item [End Page 232] on moral and emotional levels – or, alternatively, failing on these fronts. Specifically, the book studies the case of the Lithuanian satire and humor magazine Broom (Šluota) from 1956, when it was founded, to 1985, when Mikhail Gorbachev came to power as the general secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The author discusses how Broom, the only humor magazine in the Lithuanian language at the time, became the main outlet for state-sponsored laughter in Soviet Lithuania. The authorities considered such outlets to be disciplinary and propaganda tools at their disposal, but this was only partially so. Klumbytė masterfully shows how, along with its official role, Broom functioned as a site for contesting Sovietness and reaffirming the distinctiveness of Lithuania. This book provides a valuable contribution to studies of Soviet authoritarianism by exploring the dynamics between the authoritarian government and its citizens, the resistance to state power, and the role of state propaganda and popular participation. These topics have long been of interest to scholars studying the region. The early "totalitarian school" depicted the Soviet state as an institution with almost complete control over society, where citizens were portrayed as atomized individuals who were either completely brainwashed or repressed by the powerful state apparatus.1 However, in the 1970s and 1980s, revisionist scholars such as Sheila Fitzpatrick, Moshe Lewin, and Robert Thurston challenged this theory and introduced a social history approach that shed light on how the Soviet state was able to secure mass support.2 Post-revisionist scholars doubled down on this approach by asserting the existence of a distinctive Soviet subjectivity and arg
{"title":"Authoritarian Laughter: Political Humor and Soviet Dystopia in Lithuania by Neringa Klumbytė (review)","authors":"","doi":"10.1353/imp.2023.a906853","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/imp.2023.a906853","url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: Authoritarian Laughter: Political Humor and Soviet Dystopia in Lithuania by Neringa Klumbytė Senem Yildirim (bio) Neringa Klumbytė, Authoritarian Laughter: Political Humor and Soviet Dystopia in Lithuania (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2022). 287 pp., ill. Index. ISBN: 978-1-5017-6668-8. Shortest joke: \"COMMUNISM.\" Broom, 1991 Studies of authoritarianism typically focus on state power, violence, and the infringement of human rights. Neringa Klumbytė, an associate professor of anthropology at the University of Miami, takes a different approach to the study of authoritarianism by examining \"the commonplace experiences of power\" through the production and consumption of the officially approved humor magazine in Soviet Lithuania – creating cartoons and satires, navigating censorship, and embracing the official culture through laughter (P. 4). Klumbytė contends that when democratic forms of political participation are lacking, the state mobilizes citizens and provides them with avenues of engagement through humor and satire. The author aims to reconstruct the process of the authoritarian regime's infiltrating of citizens' daily lives, engaging them politically, and making ideology a household item [End Page 232] on moral and emotional levels – or, alternatively, failing on these fronts. Specifically, the book studies the case of the Lithuanian satire and humor magazine Broom (Šluota) from 1956, when it was founded, to 1985, when Mikhail Gorbachev came to power as the general secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The author discusses how Broom, the only humor magazine in the Lithuanian language at the time, became the main outlet for state-sponsored laughter in Soviet Lithuania. The authorities considered such outlets to be disciplinary and propaganda tools at their disposal, but this was only partially so. Klumbytė masterfully shows how, along with its official role, Broom functioned as a site for contesting Sovietness and reaffirming the distinctiveness of Lithuania. This book provides a valuable contribution to studies of Soviet authoritarianism by exploring the dynamics between the authoritarian government and its citizens, the resistance to state power, and the role of state propaganda and popular participation. These topics have long been of interest to scholars studying the region. The early \"totalitarian school\" depicted the Soviet state as an institution with almost complete control over society, where citizens were portrayed as atomized individuals who were either completely brainwashed or repressed by the powerful state apparatus.1 However, in the 1970s and 1980s, revisionist scholars such as Sheila Fitzpatrick, Moshe Lewin, and Robert Thurston challenged this theory and introduced a social history approach that shed light on how the Soviet state was able to secure mass support.2 Post-revisionist scholars doubled down on this approach by asserting the existence of a distinctive Soviet subjectivity and arg","PeriodicalId":45377,"journal":{"name":"Ab Imperio-Studies of New Imperial History and Nationalism in the Post-Soviet Space","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135446533","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1353/imp.2023.a906849
Reviewed by: Screening Soviet Nationalities: Kulturfilms from the Far North to Central Asia by Oksana Sarkisova Camille Neufville (bio) Oksana Sarkisova, Screening Soviet Nationalities: Kulturfilms from the Far North to Central Asia (London: I. B. Tauris, 2017). 299 pp., ill. Filmography. Bibliography. ISBN: 978-1-7845-3573-5. Oksana Sarkisova's first monograph, originally published in 2017 and reissued in paperback in 2021 by Bloomsbury, investigates the way early Soviet documentary cinema represented and imagined national communities within the new Soviet Union, both on- and off-screen. This genre of documentaries was known by its German name "Kulturfilm." An experienced researcher in the dynamic field of visual studies, a fellow of the Blinken Open Society Archives in Budapest, and a keen organizer of events related to documentary filming such as the Verzió International Human Rights Documentary Film Festival, Sarkisova aptly brings together the theorist's critical, discerning gaze and an attention to the technical and administrative minutiae of any cinematic enterprise. The result is a rich and pleasurable book, both acute in its analysis of particular films and ample in scope. Conceptually anchored at the crossroads of cultural history, film studies, postcolonial theory, and critical science studies, Screening Soviet Nationalities tackles the issue of visibility as a power tool. Specifically, it focuses on the construction of otherness and its dynamic relationship with the early Soviet modernization project. In so doing, it draws inspiration from a wide array of theoretical works, ranging from Martin Jay's exploration of "scopic regimes" in modern Europe to state-of-the-art studies of visuality in Russian and Soviet contexts.1 Sarkisova posits a mutual and dynamic relationship between cinema and the appropriation of space, through visualizing techniques of dominance that were transferred from the geo-military to the cinematographic sphere, such as mapping and aerial shots (Pp. 47–52). The Empire's New Frames The persistence of a colonial, imperial Russian imagery in Soviet Kulturfilms, despite their authors' explicit desire to break with the visual tropes maintained by their predecessors, constitutes a central arc in Sarkisova's book. Screening [End Page 213] Soviet Nationalities is divided into seven chapters. The introduction situates Sarkisova's approach as one grounded not only in Soviet film studies but also in the history of Soviet cultural institutions and Soviet nationality policy. While introducing the reader to her corpus of more than 120 "non-fiction" films shot during expeditions to distant Soviet peripheries between 1926 and 1940, Sarkisova makes the case that these films served as a medium for the creation of "emerging visual conventions of filming Soviet diversity and unity" (P. 14). Chapter 1 discusses the generic hybridity of the category of "Kulturfilm" and the debates within Soviet film studios and cultural-political insti
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1353/imp.2023.a906850
Reviewed by: The Path to a Soviet Nation: The Policy of Belarusization by Alena Marková Alessandro Achilli (bio) Alena Marková, The Path to a Soviet Nation: The Policy of Belarusization ( Paderborn: Brill Schöningh, 2021). 295 pp., ill. Bibliography. Index. ISBN: 978-3-506-79181-8. Russia's full-scale aggression against Ukraine and Belarus's more or less direct involvement in the war seem to have dampened the interest in Belarus, its history and its culture that had arisen in 2020 in the context of the great wave of protests against Alexander Lukashenko's latest electoral fraud. However, Belarus continues to remain a significant element of the (post–)post-Soviet world and its culture a fascinating, though neglected and tragic segment of Slavic and East European history. Alena Marková's book on Belarusization in early Soviet Belarus is a book that has the potential to reignite scholarly attention toward Belarus's past and the role of Soviet Belarusian history for a deeper understanding of contemporary Belarus's challenges. Marková's research is based on meticulous archival work and has the ambition and the ability to inspire more scholars of East Europe to widen their scholarly horizon to encompass Belarus's complicated national path. The title of Marková's monograph foregrounds the Soviet context [End Page 217] and the aims of Belarusization efforts of the 1920s, which abruptly brought a language hitherto conceived of as solely belonging to peasants and a small group of nationally conscious intellectuals to the spheres of education, bureaucracy, and the military. After a detailed survey of the limited existing scholarship on the subject and a clarification of the terms she intends to invoke in her study, Marková proceeds to provide readers with an overview of the historical context of post-1917 Belarus. Having stressed that the overwhelming majority of urban dwellers in Belarus were Jews and Russians, Marková focuses on school education, print, and the crucial issue of Belarus's borders, which underwent various changes over the decade with the aim of consolidating the ethnically Belarusian lands. The question of Belarusization, a policy which was announced in 1923, is to be seen as part of a wider debate around the role of nationality in constructing a new society based on class ideology. The introduction of Belarusization policies was meant as a way to "provide 'the worker with an opportunity to unite with the Belarusian peasant, to know him better, to approach him better and to connect with him in a stronger way,'" as Marková points out, quoting from an issue of the Savetskaya Belarus' newspaper from November 1922 (P. 45). Discussing the first steps of Belaru sization, Marková also stresses that in the early 1920s the ethnic "Great Russian" chauvinism was perceived as a greater danger than Belarusian "bourgeois-democratic nationalism." This also explains the leading role of Belarusian intellectuals in the Belarusization efforts and the frequent
{"title":"The Path to a Soviet Nation: The Policy of Belarusization by Alena Marková (review)","authors":"","doi":"10.1353/imp.2023.a906850","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/imp.2023.a906850","url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: The Path to a Soviet Nation: The Policy of Belarusization by Alena Marková Alessandro Achilli (bio) Alena Marková, The Path to a Soviet Nation: The Policy of Belarusization ( Paderborn: Brill Schöningh, 2021). 295 pp., ill. Bibliography. Index. ISBN: 978-3-506-79181-8. Russia's full-scale aggression against Ukraine and Belarus's more or less direct involvement in the war seem to have dampened the interest in Belarus, its history and its culture that had arisen in 2020 in the context of the great wave of protests against Alexander Lukashenko's latest electoral fraud. However, Belarus continues to remain a significant element of the (post–)post-Soviet world and its culture a fascinating, though neglected and tragic segment of Slavic and East European history. Alena Marková's book on Belarusization in early Soviet Belarus is a book that has the potential to reignite scholarly attention toward Belarus's past and the role of Soviet Belarusian history for a deeper understanding of contemporary Belarus's challenges. Marková's research is based on meticulous archival work and has the ambition and the ability to inspire more scholars of East Europe to widen their scholarly horizon to encompass Belarus's complicated national path. The title of Marková's monograph foregrounds the Soviet context [End Page 217] and the aims of Belarusization efforts of the 1920s, which abruptly brought a language hitherto conceived of as solely belonging to peasants and a small group of nationally conscious intellectuals to the spheres of education, bureaucracy, and the military. After a detailed survey of the limited existing scholarship on the subject and a clarification of the terms she intends to invoke in her study, Marková proceeds to provide readers with an overview of the historical context of post-1917 Belarus. Having stressed that the overwhelming majority of urban dwellers in Belarus were Jews and Russians, Marková focuses on school education, print, and the crucial issue of Belarus's borders, which underwent various changes over the decade with the aim of consolidating the ethnically Belarusian lands. The question of Belarusization, a policy which was announced in 1923, is to be seen as part of a wider debate around the role of nationality in constructing a new society based on class ideology. The introduction of Belarusization policies was meant as a way to \"provide 'the worker with an opportunity to unite with the Belarusian peasant, to know him better, to approach him better and to connect with him in a stronger way,'\" as Marková points out, quoting from an issue of the Savetskaya Belarus' newspaper from November 1922 (P. 45). Discussing the first steps of Belaru sization, Marková also stresses that in the early 1920s the ethnic \"Great Russian\" chauvinism was perceived as a greater danger than Belarusian \"bourgeois-democratic nationalism.\" This also explains the leading role of Belarusian intellectuals in the Belarusization efforts and the frequent","PeriodicalId":45377,"journal":{"name":"Ab Imperio-Studies of New Imperial History and Nationalism in the Post-Soviet Space","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135446248","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1353/imp.2023.a906841
Vitalij Fastovskij
SUMMARY: This article examines how anti-colonial critique of the plunder of Egyptian antiquities reached the Russian Empire in the early twentieth century. Drawing on travelogues and secret police reports, the article analyzes how Russian travelers encountered (or did not encounter) Oriental antiquities through the mediation of local Egyptian guides. Once in the Russian Empire, the returnees shared their impressions with the reading audience and thus acted as coproducers of anti-colonial knowledge. However, the impact of the critique of European museal practices remained limited because of the complex arrangement of group identities and interests. Резюме: В данной статье рассматривается, как антиколониальная критика разграбления египетских древностей получила распространение в Российской империи в начале ХХ века. На основе путевых заметок и полицейских отчетов статья реконструирует реакцию российских путешественников на увиденные при посредничестве местных египетских гидов (или не увиденные на своем месте) восточные древности. Вернувшись в Россию, путешественники делились своими впечатлениями в печати и тем самым участвовали в производстве антиколониального знания. Однако влияние критики европейских музейных практик оставалось ограниченным в силу сложности групповых идентичностей и интересов.
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{"title":"To Make a Village Soviet: Jehovah's Witnesses and the Transformation of a Postwar Ukrainian Borderland by Emily B. Baran","authors":"Андрей Ферт","doi":"10.1353/imp.2023.0021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/imp.2023.0021","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45377,"journal":{"name":"Ab Imperio-Studies of New Imperial History and Nationalism in the Post-Soviet Space","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78526801","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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