Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925488
Sara K. Eskridge
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Stringbean: The Life and Murder of a Country Music Legend</em> by Taylor Hagood <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Sara K. Eskridge </li> </ul> <em>Stringbean: The Life and Murder of a Country Music Legend</em>. By Taylor Hagood. Music in American Life. (Urbana, Chicago, and Springfield: University of Illinois Press, 2023. Pp. [xii], 241. Paper, $19.95, ISBN 978-0-252-08711-0; cloth, $110.00, ISBN 978-0-252-04498-4.) <p>In the rural South, <em>Hee Haw</em> (1969–1992) was once a fixture of television. Get past the corny jokes—literally, characters popped up out of a cornfield to tell jokes—and the hayseed costumes, and viewers were treated to top-notch bluegrass performances from multiple generations of talent. Among those performers was David Akeman, a banjo player and comic performer professionally known as Stringbean. It is his life and tragic end that Taylor Hagood shares in <em>Stringbean: The Life and Murder of a Country Music Legend</em>, taking us from Akeman’s humble beginnings in rural Kentucky through his brutal murder and the subsequent trial of his killers. Hagood depicts Stringbean as an exceptional talent preserving old-fashioned banjo music in a time of sweeping musical innovation. Stringbean helped develop the bluegrass sound, went out of fashion with rock and roll, and was then reborn as a musical icon of folk musicians in the 1960s. Hagood presents Stringbean as a laconic man with simple pleasures, a man with no enemies and many friends, whose death rocked the foundations of the Nashville country music community.</p> <p>Hagood, whose previous books include <em>Faulkner, Writer of Disability</em> (Baton Rouge, 2014), <em>Secrecy, Magic, and the One-Act Plays of Harlem Renaissance Women Writers</em> (Columbus, Ohio, 2010), and others, gives us a cursory examination of Stringbean’s youth before delving into his early years as a musician and the evolution of his performance style. The sources for this section are a bit thin—Stringbean did not give many interviews, and, as a result, the author is sometimes left to guess on some of the major events of his subject’s life. For example, Hagood is on shaky footing discussing Stringbean’s time with Bill Monroe’s band and his eventual replacement by Earl Scruggs, although he does demonstrate that it was Stringbean’s time with the band, not Scruggs’s, that solidified the banjo as part of the burgeoning bluegrass sound.</p> <p>The book’s second half is stronger, tracing Stringbean’s navigation of the rock and roll craze of the mid-1950s. As country music fell out of favor, he pressed on, playing schoolhouses at a fraction of his previous price just to make ends meet. After more than a decade of struggling, a new generation of folk musicians discovered him. By the late 1960s, he was in high demand, a <strong>[End Page 462]</strong> regular on the
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者 Stringbean: The Life and Murder of a Country Music Legend by Taylor Hagood Sara K. Eskridge Stringbean: The Life and Murder of a Country Music Legend.作者：泰勒-哈古德。美国生活中的音乐。(乌尔班纳、芝加哥和斯普林菲尔德：伊利诺伊大学出版社，2023 年。Pp.[xii], 241。纸质版，19.95 美元，ISBN 978-0-252-08711-0；布质版，110.00 美元，ISBN 978-0-252-04498-4）。在南方农村地区，Hee Haw（1969-1992 年）曾经是电视的固定节目。节目中的人物从玉米地里蹦出来讲笑话，再加上干草装束，观众可以欣赏到多代人才表演的顶级蓝草音乐。在这些表演者中，有一位名叫大卫-阿克曼（David Akeman）的班卓琴演奏家和滑稽表演者，职业艺名是 "Stringbean"。泰勒-哈古德（Taylor Hagood）在《Stringbean：乡村音乐传奇的生平与谋杀》一书中分享了他的生平和悲惨结局，带领我们从阿克曼在肯塔基州农村的卑微出身，到他被残忍谋杀以及随后对凶手的审判。哈古德将弦豆描绘成一位在音乐革新浪潮中传承古老班卓琴音乐的杰出人才。Stringbean帮助发展了蓝草音乐，随着摇滚乐的兴起而过时，然后在二十世纪六十年代作为民谣音乐家的音乐偶像而重生。哈古德将弦豆描绘成一个生活简朴的人，一个没有敌人、朋友众多的人，他的去世动摇了纳什维尔乡村音乐界的根基。哈古德之前的著作包括《福克纳，残疾作家》（巴吞鲁日，2014 年）、《秘密、魔力和哈莱姆文艺复兴时期女作家的独幕剧》（俄亥俄州哥伦布，2010 年）等，在深入介绍弦豆早年的音乐生涯及其表演风格的演变之前，他先粗略地介绍了弦豆的青年时代。这一部分的资料来源略显单薄--Stringbean 接受的采访并不多，因此，作者有时只能靠猜测来了解他生活中的一些重大事件。例如，哈古德在讨论 Stringbean 与比尔-门罗（Bill Monroe）乐队的合作以及他最终被厄尔-斯克鲁格斯（Earl Scruggs）取代时，就站不住脚，不过他确实证明了是 Stringbean 与乐队的合作，而不是斯克鲁格斯的合作，巩固了班卓琴在新兴蓝草音乐中的地位。本书的后半部分更为精彩，描写了 Stringbean 在 20 世纪 50 年代中期摇滚乐热潮中的发展历程。随着乡村音乐逐渐失宠，他仍坚持演出，为了维持生计，他在学校里演出，价格只有以前的几分之一。经过十多年的奋斗，新一代民谣音乐家发现了他。到了 20 世纪 60 年代末，他受到了追捧，成了 "乡村老大剧院"（Grand Ole Opry）的常客。1969 年，他受邀加入《Hee Haw》剧组，这巩固了他乡村音乐传奇人物的地位。哈古德只能猜测弦豆为什么开始以更显眼的方式炫耀自己的财富，他开着一辆凯迪拉克，随身携带一大叠现金。这些行为让他的朋友们很担心，担心他会引起别人的注意。这些担心在 1973 年 11 月 10 日得到了最可怕的验证，当时有人闯入阿克曼家，杀死了从奥普里剧院回来的斯特林豆和他的妻子。斯特林豆的谋杀案以及随后的调查和审判是本书后三分之一篇幅的重点，这部分内容的资料来源最为丰富，包括警方报告、新闻报道以及对斯特林豆同时代人的采访。虽然过于详尽，但却引人入胜。哈古德展示了纳什维尔社区在谋杀案发生后的几周和几个月里弥漫的妄想症，音乐家们一边悼念他们的朋友，一边猜测自己是否会成为下一个目标。作者指出，随着明星们选择采取更多安全措施并变得更加孤僻，这标志着乡村音乐的故乡失去了纯真。本书是伊利诺伊大学出版社长期出版的《美国生活中的音乐》丛书的又一力作，该丛书揭示了美国音乐界鲜为人知的人物和运动。
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Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925470
Adam L. Tate
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>American Catholics and the Quest for Equality in the Civil War Era</em> by Robert Emmett Curran <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Adam L. Tate </li> </ul> <em>American Catholics and the Quest for Equality in the Civil War Era</em>. By Robert Emmett Curran. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2023. Pp. xii, 458. $60.00, ISBN 978-0-8071-7930-7.) <p>Robert Emmett Curran’s <em>American Catholics and the Quest for Equality in the Civil War Era</em> is a spirited work that examines Catholics’ participation in American life, “in pursuit of a promised equality that had never fully included” them, between 1846 and 1877 (p. 2). One might expect, Curran intimates, that Catholics, who had suffered for years at the hands of political nativists, would have embraced the end of slavery, national citizenship, and equal rights for all. Instead, Curran gripes that white Catholics were committed “to slavery and the racial order it guaranteed” and thus helped “[turn] backward” Abraham Lincoln’s “revolution” before they retreated into their self-imposed postwar ghettos (pp. 4, 6). The book offers a useful perspective on Catholicism in mid-nineteenth-century America, but its polemical tone distorts its historical narrative.</p> <p>Curran’s book provides a wealth of interesting information. In the past, Curran has written on numerous topics—Catholic higher education and anti-Catholicism in North America, in particular—and edited diaries and letters of both prominent and obscure nineteenth-century American Catholics. He expertly weaves in his previous research throughout the book, producing a volume that includes the perspectives of both clergy and laity, men and women. Curran laments the Catholic majority opinion during the 1850s and 1860s, but his volume actually shows Catholics on all sides of the issues of the day. During the Civil War, Catholics supported both abolition (such as Orestes Brownson and General William Rosecrans) and slavery (Bishop Patrick Lynch of Charleston). Catholics could be found among the enlisted men in both armies as well as in the officer corps. Curran points out that three generals, William Tecumseh Sherman, Philip Sheridan, and Thomas Ewing Jr., saved the Union war effort in 1864. All had attended the same Catholic church, St. Joseph’s in Somerset, Ohio, as boys. Additionally, Catholics were involved in diplomacy on both sides (Archbishop John Hughes of New York and Lynch). Tragically, Catholics were involved in Lincoln’s assassination, too. Mary Surratt, a Catholic, was the first woman executed by the United States government. <strong>[End Page 438]</strong> Ewing was one of the lawyers involved in the trials of the conspirators. In fact, Curran demonstrates that Catholics were prominent throughout the whole history of the war. That white Catholics took varied positions and were d
{"title":"American Catholics and the Quest for Equality in the Civil War Era by Robert Emmett Curran (review)","authors":"Adam L. Tate","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a925470","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a925470","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>American Catholics and the Quest for Equality in the Civil War Era</em> by Robert Emmett Curran <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Adam L. Tate </li> </ul> <em>American Catholics and the Quest for Equality in the Civil War Era</em>. By Robert Emmett Curran. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2023. Pp. xii, 458. $60.00, ISBN 978-0-8071-7930-7.) <p>Robert Emmett Curran’s <em>American Catholics and the Quest for Equality in the Civil War Era</em> is a spirited work that examines Catholics’ participation in American life, “in pursuit of a promised equality that had never fully included” them, between 1846 and 1877 (p. 2). One might expect, Curran intimates, that Catholics, who had suffered for years at the hands of political nativists, would have embraced the end of slavery, national citizenship, and equal rights for all. Instead, Curran gripes that white Catholics were committed “to slavery and the racial order it guaranteed” and thus helped “[turn] backward” Abraham Lincoln’s “revolution” before they retreated into their self-imposed postwar ghettos (pp. 4, 6). The book offers a useful perspective on Catholicism in mid-nineteenth-century America, but its polemical tone distorts its historical narrative.</p> <p>Curran’s book provides a wealth of interesting information. In the past, Curran has written on numerous topics—Catholic higher education and anti-Catholicism in North America, in particular—and edited diaries and letters of both prominent and obscure nineteenth-century American Catholics. He expertly weaves in his previous research throughout the book, producing a volume that includes the perspectives of both clergy and laity, men and women. Curran laments the Catholic majority opinion during the 1850s and 1860s, but his volume actually shows Catholics on all sides of the issues of the day. During the Civil War, Catholics supported both abolition (such as Orestes Brownson and General William Rosecrans) and slavery (Bishop Patrick Lynch of Charleston). Catholics could be found among the enlisted men in both armies as well as in the officer corps. Curran points out that three generals, William Tecumseh Sherman, Philip Sheridan, and Thomas Ewing Jr., saved the Union war effort in 1864. All had attended the same Catholic church, St. Joseph’s in Somerset, Ohio, as boys. Additionally, Catholics were involved in diplomacy on both sides (Archbishop John Hughes of New York and Lynch). Tragically, Catholics were involved in Lincoln’s assassination, too. Mary Surratt, a Catholic, was the first woman executed by the United States government. <strong>[End Page 438]</strong> Ewing was one of the lawyers involved in the trials of the conspirators. In fact, Curran demonstrates that Catholics were prominent throughout the whole history of the war. That white Catholics took varied positions and were d","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"17 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140637348","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925448
Ezelle Sanford III
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>A City without Care: 300 Years of Racism, Health Disparities, and Health Care Activism in New Orleans</em> by Kevin McQueeney <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Ezelle Sanford III </li> </ul> <em>A City without Care: 300 Years of Racism, Health Disparities, and Health Care Activism in New Orleans</em>. By Kevin McQueeney. Studies in Social Medicine. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2023. Pp. xiv, 271. Paper, $29.95, ISBN 978-1-4696-7392-9; cloth, $99.00, ISBN 978-1-4696-7391-2.) <p>Kevin McQueeney joins the likes of Keith Wailoo, Samuel Kelton Roberts Jr., and Andrew T. Simpson among a growing cohort of scholars who critically examine racial inequities and the history of American medicine and health care at the local level. With his new book, <em>A City without Care: 300 Years of Racism, Health Disparities, and Health Care Activism in New Orleans</em>, McQueeney brings a deep knowledge of the complex development of health care in New Orleans to join others’ studies of Memphis, Baltimore, Pittsburgh, and Houston.</p> <p>McQueeney traces the development of a “racialized health care system,” which he defines as “one built on [d]ifferent levels of access to, and treatment for, whites versus nonwhites, based on the placement of individuals into racial categories, and often on ideas of scientific racism that define African Americans as biologically different from and inferior to whites” and on “[t]he embedding of racism into the structure of health care, seen most visibly in historically white health care institutions (hospitals, clinics, medical schools, etc.) that have carried out efforts of exclusion of African Americans as patients and practitioners and the exploitation of African Americans by white medical practitioners for profit and professional advancement” (p. 5). Central to McQueeney’s exploration of racialization in urban American health care is the notion that racial health disparities are historically produced.</p> <p>His sweeping study traverses more than three hundred years, beginning with the French colonial foundations of New Orleans in 1718. He explores the <strong>[End Page 408]</strong> development of its white medical establishment and its connections to the economies of enslavement. By 1861, New Orleans had become “the ‘medical metropolis of the South,’” a title supported by two of the city’s first hospitals: the French Company of the Indies’s Royal Hospital and the private Charity Hospital (p. 33). Both institutions owned enslaved people. After an examination of the short-lived Freedmen’s Bureau hospital system, McQueeney recounts the development of an “alternate Black medical district,” which included the city’s Black-owned and Black-operated Flint Goodridge Hospital, a facility with more than one hundred beds (p. 14). The district also included Black doctors’ priva
{"title":"A City without Care: 300 Years of Racism, Health Disparities, and Health Care Activism in New Orleans by Kevin McQueeney (review)","authors":"Ezelle Sanford III","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a925448","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a925448","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>A City without Care: 300 Years of Racism, Health Disparities, and Health Care Activism in New Orleans</em> by Kevin McQueeney <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Ezelle Sanford III </li> </ul> <em>A City without Care: 300 Years of Racism, Health Disparities, and Health Care Activism in New Orleans</em>. By Kevin McQueeney. Studies in Social Medicine. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2023. Pp. xiv, 271. Paper, $29.95, ISBN 978-1-4696-7392-9; cloth, $99.00, ISBN 978-1-4696-7391-2.) <p>Kevin McQueeney joins the likes of Keith Wailoo, Samuel Kelton Roberts Jr., and Andrew T. Simpson among a growing cohort of scholars who critically examine racial inequities and the history of American medicine and health care at the local level. With his new book, <em>A City without Care: 300 Years of Racism, Health Disparities, and Health Care Activism in New Orleans</em>, McQueeney brings a deep knowledge of the complex development of health care in New Orleans to join others’ studies of Memphis, Baltimore, Pittsburgh, and Houston.</p> <p>McQueeney traces the development of a “racialized health care system,” which he defines as “one built on [d]ifferent levels of access to, and treatment for, whites versus nonwhites, based on the placement of individuals into racial categories, and often on ideas of scientific racism that define African Americans as biologically different from and inferior to whites” and on “[t]he embedding of racism into the structure of health care, seen most visibly in historically white health care institutions (hospitals, clinics, medical schools, etc.) that have carried out efforts of exclusion of African Americans as patients and practitioners and the exploitation of African Americans by white medical practitioners for profit and professional advancement” (p. 5). Central to McQueeney’s exploration of racialization in urban American health care is the notion that racial health disparities are historically produced.</p> <p>His sweeping study traverses more than three hundred years, beginning with the French colonial foundations of New Orleans in 1718. He explores the <strong>[End Page 408]</strong> development of its white medical establishment and its connections to the economies of enslavement. By 1861, New Orleans had become “the ‘medical metropolis of the South,’” a title supported by two of the city’s first hospitals: the French Company of the Indies’s Royal Hospital and the private Charity Hospital (p. 33). Both institutions owned enslaved people. After an examination of the short-lived Freedmen’s Bureau hospital system, McQueeney recounts the development of an “alternate Black medical district,” which included the city’s Black-owned and Black-operated Flint Goodridge Hospital, a facility with more than one hundred beds (p. 14). The district also included Black doctors’ priva","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"31 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140637423","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925460
Lauren Eldridge Stewart
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Jazz à la Creole: French Creole Music and the Birth of Jazz</em> by Caroline Vézina <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Lauren Eldridge Stewart </li> </ul> <em>Jazz à la Creole: French Creole Music and the Birth of Jazz</em>. By Caroline Vézina. American Made Music Series. (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2022. Pp. x, 236. Paper, $30.00, ISBN 978-1-4968-4242-8; cloth, $99.00, ISBN 978-1-4968-4240-4.) <p>In <em>Jazz à la Creole: French Creole Music and the Birth of Jazz</em>, Caroline Vézina pulls together a variety of sources to create a collage of Creole identity, New Orleans racial politics, and the music that emerged from that milieu. The resulting product combines carefully mined research in jazz studies, creolization theory, and folklore. The book begins by outlining the unique origins of Louisiana. Unlike most of the United States, Louisiana was populated “as a cosmopolitan, but asymmetric, three-tiered Creole society under the French and Spanish Empires, closely tied to the Caribbean” (p. 10). As a result, people engaged regularly with one another across racial divides while being governed by a complex set of rules. However, these three tiers did not survive the American Civil War. The antebellum period was an important inflection point in Creole identity, forcing the racial structures of the rest of the United States into the Gulf Coast region. Black Creoles became simply Black, white Creoles became white, and language loss contributed to the disappearance of a once influential sector of society.</p> <p>Vézina’s writing emphasizes this point, repeatedly pointing toward a community and identity that once existed more as fact than abstraction. She features the surviving narratives of two Creole women, one Black and one white, and their recollection of songs. The book is divided into two parts after the introduction and the opening material defining Creole identity. Part 1, “The Precursors of Jazz,” provides the reader with a soundscape of Louisiana around the turn of the twentieth century. Chapters in this section cover “Black American/French Creole Folk Music” (chap. 2), “French Religious Music” (chap. 3), and “European Music and Dances” (chap. 4). Throughout, the Creole narrators introduced in the first chapter furnish their impressions of and <strong>[End Page 425]</strong> interactions with these categories. The chapter on French religious music is particularly informative. The sub-chapter on classical music and Creole composers provides context for the widely known Creole composer Louis Moreau Gottschalk. The reader gets a glimpse into his world and, perhaps more important for the literature, the world of his sister, Clara Gottschalk Petersen, who published a collection of Creole songs.</p> <p>Part 2, “Early Jazz,” begins with a chapter profiling prominent Creole composers and mus
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Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925440
Stephen Berry
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Annual Report of the Secretary-Treasurer <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Stephen Berry (bio) </li> </ul> <p>T<small>he</small> S<small>outhern</small> H<small>istorical</small> A<small>ssociation is now in its ninetieth</small> year. As we begin turning our attention to our looming centennial, I think it appropriate to take a broader-than-usual look at the health and vitality of our organization.</p> <p>Once understood as a meeting and a journal, the SHA is now an organization that serves its members 365 days of the year (or 366 as the case may be). Our virtual programming includes our Junior Scholars Fellows program, the Second Book Writers Workshop, the new Classic Texts in Southern History book discussion, the SHA Coffee, Tea, and Confab, and the History Across the Generations interview, in which a junior scholar interviews a senior one. As always, our presence as a full voting board member of the Executive Council of the National Coalition for History ensures that our voice is heard on matters of public policy.</p> <p>In addition to “what the SHA does,” “who the SHA is” is undergoing important shifts. Our membership software focuses on those in arrears, allowing the Membership Committee to concentrate on growing our representation among new populations: museum professionals, folks at HBCUs, National Park Service personnel, K–12 teachers, and so on. The innovations and adaptations go deeper, however: our newest committees—the Professional Development Committee, the Committee on Teaching, the Communications Committee, and the Graduate Student Council; our new SHA Public Square, which creates a stage and a spotlight in our exhibit hall for the local history work being done on the ground by our allies in the cities we visit; and our new Prison History Book Initiative. Along with the continued growth and vitality of our affiliate organizations (European History Section, Latin American and Caribbean Section, Southern Conference on British Studies, Society of Civil War Historians, Southern Association for Women Historians, and a potential Native South section), these new developments have the combined effect of returning us to our roots as <strong>[End Page 391]</strong> an organization that absolutely, yes, represents all historians <em>of</em> the South but also represents all history educators <em>in</em> the South.</p> <p>Walking our exhibit hall last year in Charlotte, I heard one message again and again: “We’re back!” The exhibit hall was alive with laughter. People were pitching books and talking history (and football). The panels, roundtables, and plenaries—including those designed by our Committees on Minorities and on Women, Gender, and Sexuality—were well attended and generative; the Public Square was a complete hit; and the vibe was exhilarating. Other highlights included the opening and closing plenaries—devoted to t
{"title":"Annual Report of the Secretary-Treasurer","authors":"Stephen Berry","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a925440","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a925440","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Annual Report of the Secretary-Treasurer <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Stephen Berry (bio) </li> </ul> <p>T<small>he</small> S<small>outhern</small> H<small>istorical</small> A<small>ssociation is now in its ninetieth</small> year. As we begin turning our attention to our looming centennial, I think it appropriate to take a broader-than-usual look at the health and vitality of our organization.</p> <p>Once understood as a meeting and a journal, the SHA is now an organization that serves its members 365 days of the year (or 366 as the case may be). Our virtual programming includes our Junior Scholars Fellows program, the Second Book Writers Workshop, the new Classic Texts in Southern History book discussion, the SHA Coffee, Tea, and Confab, and the History Across the Generations interview, in which a junior scholar interviews a senior one. As always, our presence as a full voting board member of the Executive Council of the National Coalition for History ensures that our voice is heard on matters of public policy.</p> <p>In addition to “what the SHA does,” “who the SHA is” is undergoing important shifts. Our membership software focuses on those in arrears, allowing the Membership Committee to concentrate on growing our representation among new populations: museum professionals, folks at HBCUs, National Park Service personnel, K–12 teachers, and so on. The innovations and adaptations go deeper, however: our newest committees—the Professional Development Committee, the Committee on Teaching, the Communications Committee, and the Graduate Student Council; our new SHA Public Square, which creates a stage and a spotlight in our exhibit hall for the local history work being done on the ground by our allies in the cities we visit; and our new Prison History Book Initiative. Along with the continued growth and vitality of our affiliate organizations (European History Section, Latin American and Caribbean Section, Southern Conference on British Studies, Society of Civil War Historians, Southern Association for Women Historians, and a potential Native South section), these new developments have the combined effect of returning us to our roots as <strong>[End Page 391]</strong> an organization that absolutely, yes, represents all historians <em>of</em> the South but also represents all history educators <em>in</em> the South.</p> <p>Walking our exhibit hall last year in Charlotte, I heard one message again and again: “We’re back!” The exhibit hall was alive with laughter. People were pitching books and talking history (and football). The panels, roundtables, and plenaries—including those designed by our Committees on Minorities and on Women, Gender, and Sexuality—were well attended and generative; the Public Square was a complete hit; and the vibe was exhilarating. Other highlights included the opening and closing plenaries—devoted to t","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"81 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140637045","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925483
Nathan K. Finney
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>The Racial Integration of the American Armed Forces: Cold War Necessity, Presidential Leadership, and Southern Resistance</em> by Geoffrey W. Jensen <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Nathan K. Finney </li> </ul> <em>The Racial Integration of the American Armed Forces: Cold War Necessity, Presidential Leadership, and Southern Resistance</em>. By Geoffrey W. Jensen. Modern War Studies. (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2023. Pp. xxxiv, 395. Paper, $29.95, ISBN 978-0-7006-3529-0; cloth, $49.95, ISBN 978-0-7006-3531-3.) <p>Analyzing the critical role of the American president in driving racial equality in the military during the Cold War, <em>The Racial Integration of the American Armed Forces: Cold War Necessity, Presidential Leadership, and Southern Resistance</em> focuses on the accomplishments and failures of administrations from Harry S. Truman’s to Richard M. Nixon’s. It is the first book written by Geoffrey W. Jensen, an associate professor of history at Embry-Riddle Aeronautical University. Using the lens of presidential power, Jensen attempts to supplement recent historical scholarship that focuses on bottom-up civil rights and public action for desegregation by describing how the integration of the military was dependent on presidents using their power to force change.</p> <p><em>The Racial Integration of the American Armed Forces</em> builds on previous research, however, by describing how pressure from civil rights activists and <strong>[End Page 455]</strong> the dynamics of Cold War ideologies pushed presidents toward integrating the military, for reasons of both morality and military effectiveness. On the other side of the equation, white southern culture and political power inhibited the integration of the military. According to Jensen, the American presidency sat in the middle of these forces, capable of changing the status of African Americans in the military by using its power to force change. Whether a president was willing to wield such power was dependent on their personality and incentives at that time. The causality and processes in which such change happened are somewhat opaque, however, requiring the reader to piece them together over the course of the book. Additionally, the three main elements at the heart of Jensen’s analysis—activist and geopolitical pressure, southern political sway, and presidents’ positions—ebb and flow throughout the narrative without clear description of causality, reducing the salience of their interplay as drivers or inhibitors of racial integration.</p> <p>This book is composed of six main chapters, beginning with a brief discussion on race and the military from the founding of the United States to the Cold War. The remaining chapters describe the presidential administrations of Truman, Dwight D. Eisenhower, John F. Kennedy, Lyndon B. Johnson,
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Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925491
Dionne T. Babineaux, Andrew W. Sanders, Bohan Zhang, William Gillispie
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Book Notes <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Dionne T. Babineaux, Andrew W. Sanders, Bohan Zhang, and William Gillispie </li> </ul> <p><em>A Secret among the Blacks: Slave Resistance in the Haitian Revolution</em>. By John D. Garrigus. (Cambridge, Mass., and London: Harvard University Press, 2023. Pp. [x], 236. $39.95, ISBN 978-0-674-27282-8.) John D. Garrigus uses archival research and knowledge of Caribbean plantation societies to discuss enslaved life in the eighteenth-century French colony of Saint-Domingue (modern Haiti). He explores the colony’s conditions, their effects on slavery, and the rising tensions, which led to the secret of resistance among Black people that circulated in the years before the Haitian Revolution.</p> <p>Garrigus opens with the story of Médor, whose elevated status in slavery allowed him to move freely around his town, Cap Français. Médor could visit the local market, where, as Garrigus shows, free and unfree Black inhabitants connected through common language, origin, and circumstance. Knowledge, plans, and supplies were often shared and purchased through these local connections. Like other Black residents, Médor purchased “powders” and “herbs” to treat illness among the enslaved and the livestock (p. 37). After the deaths of people he treated on the plantation, Médor was accused of poisoning and subjected to intense interrogation. Garrigus speculates that Médor’s guilt over the supposed poisonings caused him to divulge that enslaved people also used powders to influence their masters’ temperament and will. Médor’s alarming revelation of this secret created fear and panic among the whites and led to the belief in a Black conspiracy to overthrow the colony. Fear and uneasiness were not limited to whites; local Black people were also confused amid the rising unrest because medicines were traditionally intended to influence, not kill.</p> <p>Garrigus explores the records of Médor, Assam, and Makandal to expose their connected acts of slave resistance and survival through the use of medicines. The unexplained deaths of people and animals caused many healers to be accused, tortured, and forced to identify others as co-conspirators in a widespread slave poisoning plot. High death rates among whites and a significantly higher number of deaths among enslaved Blacks indicate another cause. Garrigus reveals that a strain of anthrax, not poisoning, was responsible for the decades of suspicious deaths. The disease was spread by eating contaminated meat, through contact with livestock, and due to conditions of drought and starvation common among the enslaved.</p> <p>Garrigus has examined three decades of conspiracy and persecution that engulfed plantations in Saint-Domingue. <em>A Secret among the Blacks: Slave Resistance in the Haitian Revolution</em> is invaluable for understanding local plantation condition
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要： 读书笔记 Dionne T. Babineaux、Andrew W. Sanders、Bohan Zhang 和 William Gillispie 《黑人中的秘密》：海地革命中的奴隶反抗。John D. Garrigus 著。(马萨诸塞州剑桥市和伦敦：哈佛大学出版社，2023 年。Pp.[x], 236.39.95美元，书号978-0-674-27282-8）。约翰-D-加里古斯利用档案研究和对加勒比种植园社会的了解，探讨了十八世纪法国殖民地圣多明各（今海地）的奴隶生活。他探讨了殖民地的状况、其对奴隶制的影响以及日益加剧的紧张局势，这导致在海地革命前几年黑人中流传着反抗的秘密。加里古斯以梅多的故事开篇，梅多在奴隶制中的地位较高，可以在他所在的小镇 "Cap Français "自由行动。梅多尔可以去当地的市场，正如加里古斯所展示的，在那里，自由和非自由的黑人居民通过共同的语言、出身和环境联系在一起。知识、计划和用品往往通过这些当地的联系得以分享和购买。与其他黑人居民一样，梅多尔购买 "药粉 "和 "草药 "来治疗被奴役者和牲畜的疾病（第 37 页）。在种植园里治疗的人死亡后，梅多尔被指控投毒，并受到严密审讯。加里古斯推测，梅多尔对所谓的投毒事件的内疚使他泄露了被奴役者也使用药粉来影响主人的性情和意志。梅多尔令人震惊地揭露了这一秘密，在白人中造成了恐惧和惊慌，导致人们相信黑人阴谋推翻殖民地。恐惧和不安并不局限于白人，当地黑人也在日益加剧的骚乱中感到困惑，因为药物的传统作用是影响而非杀害。加里古斯探究了梅多尔、阿萨姆和马坎达尔的记录，揭露了他们通过使用药物进行奴隶反抗和生存的相关行为。不明原因的人和动物的死亡使许多医士受到指控、折磨，并被迫指认其他人是大范围奴隶投毒阴谋的同谋。白人的高死亡率和被奴役黑人的高死亡率表明了另一个原因。加里古斯揭示，造成数十年可疑死亡的是炭疽菌，而不是投毒。这种疾病是通过食用受污染的肉类、与牲畜接触以及被奴役者常见的干旱和饥饿条件传播的。加里古斯研究了圣多明各种植园三十年来的阴谋和迫害。黑人中的秘密：海地革命中的奴隶抵抗运动》对于了解当地种植园的状况、被奴役者的观点以及他们为在无力的环境中创造力量而进行的持续斗争具有重要价值。[莱斯大学 Dionne T. Babineaux]《美国奴隶弗雷德里克-道格拉斯的生平叙事》。作者：弗雷德里克-道格拉斯。斯科特-C-威廉姆森简介。(麦肯：默瑟大学出版社，2021 年。第 xlviii、128 页。纸质版，16.00 美元，ISBN 978-0-88146-792-5）。弗雷德里克-道格拉斯（Frederick Douglass）的经典著作《叙述》是所有奴隶制和废奴历史学家的重要著作，新版还附有路易斯维尔长老会神学院罗伯特-H-沃卡普神学伦理学教授斯科特-C-威廉姆森（Scott C. Williamson）的 [第 467 页完] 介绍。他是《叙事生活》一书的作者：威廉姆森首先将道格拉斯与亨利-戴维-梭罗相提并论，同时也谈到了他们之间的巨大距离。威廉姆森指出，当道格拉斯写下他的叙述时，梭罗正住在瓦尔登湖畔，寻求另一种逃避。威廉姆森认为，道格拉斯和梭罗都 "挑战各种形式的对社会习俗的顺从，倡导自决，并呼吁建立一个新的美国"（第 ix 页）。威廉姆森继续将道格拉斯的作品置于前被奴役者所写叙事这一更广泛体裁的背景下，指出了撰写此类文本在文学和政治上的困难，并反思了肤色界限如何塑造了文学经典。在介绍《叙述》本身时，威廉姆森看到了道格拉斯所描述的种植园世界与当今世界之间的相似之处。在其中一个例子中，他提到了道格拉斯对...
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Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925463
Graham A. Peck
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Young America: The Transformation of Nationalism Before the Civil War</em> by Mark Power Smith <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Graham A. Peck </li> </ul> <em>Young America: The Transformation of Nationalism Before the Civil War</em>. By Mark Power Smith. A Nation Divided: Studies in the Civil War Era. (Charlottesville and London: University of Virginia Press, 2022. Pp. xii, 277. $49.50, ISBN 978-0-8139-4853-9.) <p>Mark Power Smith’s <em>Young America: The Transformation of Nationalism Before the Civil War</em> examines the intellectual and political currents in the Young America movement from 1844 to 1861. Smith claims that its adherents pioneered a “novel conception of American nationalism” based on “the liberal tradition of natural law” and precipitated the political crisis of the 1850s (p. 10). To Young Americans, democracy “constituted the bedrock of American nationality, [and] increasingly became a natural right that predated political institutions, rather than a national inheritance designed to safeguard more fundamental rights” (p. 10). In so believing, Young Americans merged natural and political rights. State sovereignty rested on the “popular will” that preceded political institutions, and suffrage became “a natural right for white men” in accordance with natural distinctions between races and sexes (p. 12). These views were not retrogressive. Rather, Young Americans incorporated emerging ideas about political economy, international relations, and racial science into a conviction that “the social, economic, and political relations of the nation were, themselves, governed by natural law” (p. 12).</p> <p>Smith traces these ideas primarily through the pages of New York City’s <em>Democratic Review—</em>the unofficial organ of Young America—and the words of literary and political figures associated with the periodical. Young Americans began as Jacksonian Democrats, boasting both northern and southern adherents, but splintered in the 1850s under the pressure of sectional politics. Their unifying “principles” were “state sovereignty, local self-government, and free trade for white men around the world” (p. 7). Illinois senator Stephen A. Douglas was perhaps the most prominent Young American. His youth, dynamism, territorial expansionism, militant nationalism, and advocacy of white <strong>[End Page 429]</strong> men’s democracy made him Young America’s ideal exponent. He corresponded with its literary figures and the <em>Review</em>’s editors, and he led its political arm in Congress. There, he turned an intellectual project into a political program of immense consequence.</p> <p>Smith argues that Douglas’s Young American ideology precipitated the collapse of American democracy. The critical moment came in 1854, when Douglas drove the Kansas-Nebraska Act through Congress despite the risk of ag
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者： 年轻的美国：马克-鲍尔-史密斯（Mark Power Smith）著，格雷厄姆-佩克（Graham A. Peck）译，《年轻的美国：内战前民族主义的转变》（Young America: The Transformation of Nationalism Before the Civil War）：内战前民族主义的转变》。作者：马克-鲍尔-史密斯。一个分裂的国家：内战时代研究》。(夏洛茨维尔和伦敦：弗吉尼亚大学出版社，2022 年。第 xii、277 页。49.50美元，书号978-0-8139-4853-9）。马克-鲍尔-史密斯的《年轻的美国》：内战前民族主义的转变》研究了 1844 年至 1861 年间青年美国运动的思想和政治潮流。史密斯称，该运动的追随者开创了基于 "自然法的自由主义传统 "的 "美国民族主义新概念"，并引发了 19 世纪 50 年代的政治危机（第 10 页）。对 "美籍青年 "而言，民主 "构成了美国民族性的基石，[并]日益成为一种先于政治体制的自然权利，而不是一种旨在保障更多基本权利的民族遗产"（第10页）。美国青年将自然权利和政治权利合二为一。国家主权取决于先于政治体制的 "人民意愿"，而选举权则根据种族和性别之间的自然区别成为 "白人的自然权利"（第 12 页）。这些观点并非倒退。相反，《美国青年》将有关政治经济、国际关系和种族科学的新兴思想融入了 "国家的社会、经济和政治关系本身受自然法支配 "的信念中（第 12 页）。史密斯主要通过纽约市的《民主评论》--美国青年的非官方刊物--以及与该期刊相关的文学和政治人物的言论来追溯这些思想。美国青年最初是杰克逊民主党人，同时拥有北方和南方的拥护者，但在十九世纪五十年代的宗派政治压力下分裂了。他们统一的 "原则 "是 "国家主权、地方自治和全世界白人的自由贸易"（第 7 页）。伊利诺伊州参议员斯蒂芬-道格拉斯（Stephen A. Douglas）可能是最杰出的美国青年。他年轻有为、充满活力、领土扩张主义、激进的民族主义以及白人民主的主张，使他成为美国青年的理想代表。他与该组织的文学家和《评论》的编辑们通信，并在国会领导该组织的政治力量。在那里，他把一个知识分子项目变成了一个影响深远的政治计划。史密斯认为，道格拉斯的 "美国青年 "意识形态导致了美国民主的崩溃。关键时刻出现在 1854 年，道格拉斯不顾加剧派别纷争的风险，推动国会通过了《堪萨斯-内布拉斯加法案》。他的决定反映了他对国家扩张和物质进步的渴望，以及他认为领土定居者应决定奴隶制命运的信念。用史密斯的话说，《青年美国》为道格拉斯提供了一个 "解决派别纷争的方案"，而这个方案 "建立在《民主评论》长期详述的一整套假设之上"（第 139 和 140 页）。然而，这一行动适得其反，不必要地进一步分化了国家。最终，《青年美国》"成为内战的催化剂"（第 197 页）。史密斯的论点虽然新颖，但很难从证据中得到证明。这种困难部分反映了他在全文中将文学和政治资料混杂在一起的决定，这使得他证明《青年美国》的政治影响力的努力变得模糊不清。但这主要反映了一个哲学问题，即自然权利只能在政治共同体中实现。1776 年后的美国奴隶制完美地说明了这一问题。只有那些选择尊重黑人自然权利的州才废除了奴隶制。区分前政治权利和政治权利至关重要，但斯密并没有充分考虑到这一区别。最值得注意的是美国宪政的缺失令人吃惊。索引中甚至没有宪法一词。历史学家广泛分析了前贝卢姆时期政治家们关于奴隶财产权的详尽辩论，这是有道理的。政治家们一致认为，宪法制约着政治社会。美国并非处于前政治的自然状态。这就解释了为什么道格拉斯在1854年一再表示，领土定居者应根据宪法的参数来决定奴隶制的合法性。直到 1861 年，这些限制一直困扰着道格拉斯、人民主权和国家，也困扰着本书。自然法的限制不得不出现在宪法和其他政治权利的门槛上。格雷厄姆-A-佩克（Graham A. Peck），伊利诺伊大学...
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Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925467
Mary A. DeCredico
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>“A Wilderness of Destruction”: Confederate Guerrillas in East and South Florida, 1861–1865</em> by Zack C. Waters <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Mary A. DeCredico </li> </ul> <em>“A Wilderness of Destruction”: Confederate Guerrillas in East and South Florida, 1861–1865</em>. By Zack C. Waters. (Macon, Ga.: Mercer University Press, 2023. Pp. xii, 259. $39.00, ISBN 978-0-88146-881-6.) <p>Current Civil War scholarship has focused on the activities of guerrillas and partisan rangers in support of the Confederate war effort. Daniel E. Sutherland and Lorien Foote have argued that guerrillas played a significant role in the way the Union high command evolved its strategy from a soft <strong>[End Page 434]</strong> policy to “hard” war. Zack C. Waters’s <em>“A Wilderness of Destruction”: Confederate Guerrillas in East and South Florida, 1861–1865</em> contributes to the historiography by examining guerrilla bands in a state too often overlooked: Florida.</p> <p>In his introduction, Waters quotes Sutherland: “‘In proportion to the size of its population, Florida’s guerrilla war may have been the most intense in the Confederacy’” (p. 1). Yet save for Robert A. Taylor’s <em>Rebel Storehouse: Florida in the Confederate Economy</em> (Tuscaloosa, 1995), the state’s role in the Confederacy has been largely ignored. To be sure, Florida had only been a state for approximately twelve years when it seceded, and the state was sparsely settled. But Florida had an agricultural economy and, more specifically, large herds of cattle that would be critical to Confederate supply. Despite vociferous complaints from Governor John Milton, Florida was stripped of all Confederate units, forcing the governor to create militia units and to encourage towns and settlements to form guerrilla bands in order to protect white inhabitants.</p> <p>Waters’s book is organized chronologically, and he analyzes specific towns and regions in eastern and southern Florida counties within each chapter. He discusses in detail the local guerrilla leaders and their operations. Two major themes become clear: one, President Abraham Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation led to Federal efforts in Florida to recruit African Americans into United States Colored Troops units; and two, the fall of Vicksburg meant Florida beef was crucial to Confederate commissaries in Tennessee and Virginia. Florida’s guerrillas ensured that the Army of Northern Virginia and the Army of Tennessee were supplied with beef until the very end of the conflict.</p> <p>Waters suggests that Floridians easily accepted guerrillas and partisans as a result of the Seminole Wars, 1816–1858. He also contends that Florida was a deeply divided state, but that Federal commanders often overestimated how many Unionists resided there. To Waters, the Confederacy basically abandoned Florida from 1
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Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925447
Nicole Myers Turner
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Forging a Christian Order: South Carolina Baptists, Race, and Slavery, 1696–1860</em> by Kimberly R. Kellison <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Nicole Myers Turner </li> </ul> <em>Forging a Christian Order: South Carolina Baptists, Race, and Slavery, 1696–1860</em>. By Kimberly R. Kellison. America’s Baptists. (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 2023. Pp. xiv, 226. $50.00, ISBN 978-1-62190-759-6.) <p>This book is a history of South Carolina Baptists from the colonial period to the start of the Civil War. In it, Kimberly R. Kellison argues that South Carolina Baptists, and especially the Reverend Richard Furman (1755–1825), were at the vanguard of advancing arguments about “a Christian version of slavery” as a paternalistic institution and as the cornerstone of social order in a slave society (p. 1). These ideas were privately embraced during the colonial period and came to public expression in the early 1800s through Furman’s political advocacy. Chronicling the emergence of this Christian slavery and the ways it became the dominant argument among not just South Carolina Baptists but Southern Baptists writ large, Kellison contributes a rich local narrative with national and international scope to the historiography on proslavery thought.</p> <p>Over six chronological chapters, Kellison presents the development of southern Baptist proslavery ideology through the people, churches, and associations in South Carolina. Denominational development of the Charleston Baptist Association (1752), the national Triennial Convention (1814), and the South Carolina Baptist State Association (1821) provides a backbone to the narrative. These developments were achievements given the enduring regional cultural conflicts between the Lowcountry elite and upcountry folk over educational requirements for ministers, foreign missions, and denominationalism. For Furman, these organizations provided the platforms for political engagement as a “religious statesman” tasked with upholding morality in the public square (p. 59). When legislative changes made in response to enslaved rebellions like Gabriel’s in Virginia (1800) threatened enslaved people’s ability to gather for worship, Furman publicly articulated his views about slavery in petitions and other writings. He argued that it was a biblical institution characterized by obligations that would keep enslaved people from rebelling and would maintain white supremacy. As Furman codified his views of Christian slavery and social order, intensifying arguments over the immediate abolition of slavery saw the splintering of the national Triennial Convention into the American Baptist Free Mission Society (1843) and the Southern Baptist Convention (SBC, 1845). After that break, the formal association (which some South Carolina upcountry church leaders continued to oppose) becam
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者 Forging a Christian Order：Kimberly R. Kellison Nicole Myers Turner 著 Forging a Christian Order: South Carolina Baptists, Race, and Slavery, 1696-1860：南卡罗来纳州浸礼会教徒、种族和奴隶制，1696-1860 年。作者：Kimberly R. Kellison。美国浸礼会。(诺克斯维尔：田纳西大学出版社，2023 年。第 xiv、226 页。50.00美元，ISBN 978-1-62190-759-6）。本书是一部从殖民时期到内战开始的南卡罗来纳州浸礼会历史。Kimberly R. Kellison 在书中指出，南卡罗来纳州的浸礼会教徒，尤其是理查德-富尔曼牧师（1755-1825 年），率先提出了 "基督教版奴隶制 "的论点，认为奴隶制是一种家长式的制度，是奴隶社会社会秩序的基石（第 1 页）。这些观点在殖民地时期被私下接受，在十九世纪初通过富尔曼的政治主张得到公开表达。凯利森记录了这种基督教奴隶制的出现，以及它不仅在南卡罗来纳州浸礼会教徒中，而且在整个南浸礼会教徒中成为主导论点的方式，为有关支持奴隶制思想的史学研究提供了丰富的地方性叙事，并具有全国性和国际性的影响。在六个按时间顺序排列的章节中，凯利森通过南卡罗来纳州的人物、教会和协会，介绍了南方浸礼会亲奴隶制思想的发展。查尔斯顿浸礼会协会（1752 年）、全国三年一次的大会（1814 年）和南卡罗来纳州浸礼会州协会（1821 年）的教派发展为该书的叙述提供了主线。由于低地精英和高地民间在牧师教育要求、对外传教和教派问题上存在着持久的地区文化冲突，这些发展成就是有目共睹的。对福尔曼来说，这些组织为他作为 "宗教政治家 "参与政治提供了平台，他的任务是在公共场合维护道德（第 59 页）。当为应对弗吉尼亚州加布里埃尔叛乱（1800 年）等奴隶起义而进行的立法改革威胁到被奴役者集会做礼拜的能力时，富尔曼在请愿书和其他著作中公开阐述了他对奴隶制的观点。他认为，奴隶制是《圣经》中的一种制度，其特点是有义务阻止被奴役者反抗，并维护白人至上的地位。随着福尔曼将他对基督教奴隶制和社会秩序的观点编纂成典，关于立即废除奴隶制的争论愈演愈烈，全国三年一次的大会分裂为美国浸礼会自由传教会（1843 年）和南方浸礼会大会（SBC，1845 年）。分裂后，正式的协会（南卡罗来纳州一些上层教会领袖继续反对）成为基督教奴隶制的基础。新成立的南卡罗来纳州浸礼会通过有关奴隶制婚姻的辩论，对他们想象中的基督教奴隶制进行了反思，并得出结论--尊重奴隶制--这些婚姻可以解除。南卡罗来纳州浸礼会的信徒们精心设计了基督教奴隶制的愿景，在白人至上的保护伞下坚持家长制和服从的义务，而被奴役者则表达了关于基督教、社区和社会秩序的其他想法。被奴役者加入教会、参加惩戒会议、担任领导职务--这些行动体现了他们对精神和社会平等的追求，也破坏了白人至上主义基督教奴隶制意识形态的前提。这项地方研究对两个世纪以来支持奴隶制的意识形态的表述进行了有依据、有质感的审视，满足了人们对这些 [第 407 页完] 发展以及推动这些发展的独特的时间、社会和政治事件的需求。尤其是，本研究阐明了教派主义的推动如何与保护奴隶制和加强白人至上主义交织在一起。这一基础促使我们进一步研究基督教奴隶制的生活宗教，因为关于这一宗教的宣言，如向政府官员的正式请愿书、会议记录中的辩论以及南方牧师遗嘱中的指示，都被被奴役者表现出的反抗所掩盖。鉴于十八、十九世纪非裔美国人宗教史的复杂叙述，人们不禁要问，考虑到拉斯-迈克尔-布朗（Ras Michael Brown）、杰森-R-杨（Jason R. Young）、詹姆斯-梅尔文-华盛顿（James Melvin Washington）、亚历克西斯-韦尔斯-奥戈霍梅（Alexis Wells-Oghoghomeh）和伊冯娜-P-奇劳（Yvonne P. Chireau）提出的见解，南方浸信会对基督教奴隶制的阐述可能会显得更加充满矛盾。这些提示来自凯利森通过仔细阅读对奴隶制和宗教的见解。因此，《建立基督教秩序》（Forging a Christian Order：南卡罗来纳州浸礼会教徒、种族和奴隶制，1696-1860 年》推动了学术研究的发展。
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