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Talking Back: Native Women and the Making of the Early South by Alejandra Dubcovsky (review) 顶嘴:Alejandra Dubcovsky 著的《土著妇女与早期南方的形成》(评论)
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-04-22 DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925444
Heather Miyano Kopelson
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Talking Back: Native Women and the Making of the Early South</em> by Alejandra Dubcovsky <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Heather Miyano Kopelson </li> </ul> <em>Talking Back: Native Women and the Making of the Early South</em>. By Alejandra Dubcovsky. (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2023. Pp. xiv, 263. $38.00, ISBN 978-0-300-26612-2.) <p>The core argument of this book is that Native women were (and are) at the center of their communities, that they held power in what is now the U.S. South during the key period of 1670–1710 even as the Spanish established a few small settlements, and that they continued to hold power in the region afterward. Alejandra Dubcovsky skillfully weaves relevant philosophies and art from Indigenous intellectuals and artists with her historical analysis to show continuities between the past and present. The first half of the book delves into women and gender in a Native world that remained strong in the face of intensifying slave raiding linked to colonization efforts by the English and the Spanish, while the second half analyzes women during and after Queen Anne’s War, particularly the 1702 English siege of San Agustín.</p> <p>The book begins with a painstaking reconstruction of the life of a murder victim, unnamed in the colonial Spanish record, who nonetheless held power in her community. Her tribe, the Chacatos, was forced to relocate several times to avoid slave raiders, whose seizures of young women threatened demographic collapse and starvation. Despite this upheaval, the case of this “Yndia Chacata” demonstrates how Native women had political, economic, and spiritual power in the Native world (p. 15). They were not usually chiefs, but a chief’s power depended on his matrilineal claims. All wives dictated where their husbands lived and worked, chiefs or not. This knowledge changes the interpretation of what the Spanish dubbed the Chacato Revolt into an assertion of political and cultural autonomy, in which the Chacatos expelled Franciscan missionaries who had violently tried to enforce patriarchy and new religious practices. Dubcovsky also details the political and social acumen that Native, African, and African-descended women required in order to forge an existence for themselves in colonial society. For example, Isavel de los Ríos, a free Black woman, used her business connections and knowledge of San Agustín to avoid shouldering the blame when two Apalachee men targeted her shop by paying with fake currency. <strong>[End Page 403]</strong></p> <p>The latter half of the book shows how Native women influenced Spanish military policy during the 1702 English siege of San Agustín’s Castillo de San Marcos. These women’s centrality within their communities compelled the Spanish governor to allow women and children to enter the previously male-dominated spa
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者: Talking Back:作者:Alejandra Dubcovsky Heather Miyano Kopelson 回话:土著妇女与早期南方的形成。作者:Alejandra Dubcovsky。(纽黑文和伦敦:耶鲁大学出版社,2023 年。第 xiv、263 页。38.00美元,ISBN 978-0-300-26612-2)。本书的核心论点是,土著妇女过去是(现在也是)其社区的中心,在 1670-1710 年这一关键时期,即使西班牙人建立了几个小型定居点,她们也在现在的美国南部地区掌握着权力,而且在此之后,她们继续在该地区掌握着权力。亚历杭德拉-杜布科夫斯基巧妙地将土著知识分子和艺术家的相关哲学和艺术与她的历史分析结合在一起,展现了过去和现在之间的连续性。该书的前半部分深入探讨了土著世界中的妇女和性别问题,面对与英国和西班牙殖民努力相关的日益加剧的奴隶掠夺,土著世界依然保持着强大的力量,而后半部分则分析了安妮女王战争期间和之后的妇女问题,尤其是 1702 年英国对圣奥古斯丁的围攻。该书以一位谋杀案受害者的生平为开端,西班牙殖民地时期的记录中没有这位受害者的名字,但她在自己的社区中掌权。她的部落查卡托人(Chacatos)被迫多次搬迁,以躲避奴隶掠夺者,而奴隶掠夺者对年轻女性的掠夺威胁着人口的崩溃和饥饿。尽管发生了这些动荡,但这位 "Yndia Chacata "的案例表明,土著妇女在土著世界中拥有政治、经济和精神力量(第 15 页)。她们通常不是酋长,但酋长的权力取决于其母系要求。无论是否是酋长,所有的妻子都能决定丈夫在哪里生活和工作。这些知识改变了对西班牙人所称的查卡托起义的解释,使之成为对政治和文化自治的宣示,查卡托人在起义中驱逐了以暴力手段试图强制推行父权制和新宗教习俗的方济各会传教士。杜布科夫斯基还详细介绍了土著妇女、非洲妇女和非洲裔妇女在殖民社会中为自己争取生存空间所需的政治和社会智慧。例如,自由黑人妇女伊萨韦尔-德洛斯-里奥斯(Isavel de los Ríos)利用自己的商业关系和对圣奥古斯丁的了解,在两名阿帕拉切人用假币付款袭击她的商店时避免了承担责任。[本书后半部分展示了 1702 年英国人围攻圣奥古斯丁的圣马科斯城堡期间,土著妇女如何影响西班牙的军事政策。这些妇女在其社区中的中心地位迫使西班牙总督允许妇女和儿童进入以前由男性主导的空间,这样她们的丈夫和父亲就可以专注于战斗,而不必担心家人的安全。此外,妇女们在围城期间的高声呐喊在号召男人们战斗的同时,也表达了对西班牙军队反应的不满,形成了一道根植于妇女战时责任的性别音墙。围攻结束后,西班牙和克里奥拉(出生在美洲的西班牙后裔)妇女向王室递交了请求支持的请愿书,请愿书叙述了她们在战争中不断遭受的损失,刻意忽略了土著和黑人妇女的经历。土著人的陈述则讲述了一个不同的故事。尽管《回话》描述了这段历史与土著妇女被谋杀和失踪这一持续流行的现象之间的联系,但《回话》的内容却与之大相径庭:回话:原住民妇女与早期南方的形成》以一种坚韧不拔的精神结束。杜布科夫斯基承认原住民妇女似乎只是作为暴力受害者或死亡者出现在档案中,随后她重新构建了叙事,阐明了原住民妇女对其社区的价值。她们易受攻击并不意味着边缘化。因此,阿帕拉切人的叙述在详细描述著名的克里奥拉请愿者之一胡安娜-卡特琳娜女士所表现出的残忍和暴力的同时,也描绘了一个生机勃勃的原住民世界,那里的居民仍在为自己的未来而奋斗。Dubcovsky 提醒读者,"土著妇女的生存、抵抗、力量和希望 "与她们所遭受的暴力一样具有历史意义(第 184 页)。学者们应通过借鉴土著理论框架和研究方法,避免在档案中重复对这些妇女的抹杀。
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引用次数: 0
No Right to an Honest Living: The Struggles of Boston's Black Workers in the Civil War Era by Jacqueline Jones (review) 无权过诚实的生活:内战时期波士顿黑人工人的斗争》,杰奎琳-琼斯著(评论)
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-04-22 DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925471
Zebulon V. Miletsky
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>No Right to an Honest Living: The Struggles of Boston’s Black Workers in the Civil War Era</em> by Jacqueline Jones <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Zebulon V. Miletsky </li> </ul> <em>No Right to an Honest Living: The Struggles of Boston’s Black Workers in the Civil War Era</em>. By Jacqueline Jones. (New York: Basic Books, 2023. Pp. viii, 532. $35.00, ISBN 978-1-5416-1979-1.) <p>In 2015, a study completed by the Federal Reserve Bank of Boston determined that the median net worth of white households in Boston stood at $247,000, while the median net worth for Black households was only $8.00 (“The Color of Wealth in Boston,” bostonfed.org). In <em>No Right to an Honest Living: The Struggles of Boston’s Black Workers in the Civil War Era</em>, Jacqueline Jones gives us some of the reasons for this extreme economic disparity between white and Black Bostonians. In this magnificently researched work, Jones reconstructs a world that has been largely hidden from historians and scholars, one that has been realized through research prowess and sheer genius in the archives. She provides a more complete window into the work that Black Bostonians did—despite discrimination and prejudice—to advance Boston’s economy.</p> <p><em>No Right to an Honest Living</em> is a strong monograph unconstrained by convention. It is alive with a research-based narrative that paints unforgettable <strong>[End Page 439]</strong> imagery and is bolstered by unimpeachable brick-and-mortar evidence. Jones points out, for example, that the work of Black Bostonians took place within two distinct spheres, which were at the same time mutually reinforcing and antagonistic. These two domains, work in the legitimate economy and work in the so-called illegitimate economy, served as the primary venues for Black Bostonians’ toil during the Civil War. However, these two domains also served as the central tension and contradiction in the face of Boston’s presumed reputation as a place brimming with economic opportunity for African Americans. This inherent paradox is a thread that runs throughout the book, which Jones uses to show that Black Bostonians balanced their duality through creativity, ingenuity, and grit in the face of extreme difficulty.</p> <p>Boston’s story is also important because it contradicted the view of white southerners who believed that African Americans would not be able to function in a free-labor environment. As Jones writes in her now classic <em>Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow: Black Women, Work, and the Family from Slavery to the Present</em> (New York, 1985), “The Yankees’ vision of a free labor market, in which individual blacks used their wits to strike a favorable bargain with a prospective employer, struck the former Confederates as a ludicrous idea and an impossible objective” (p. 52). In <em>No Right to an Hones
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者 无权过诚实的生活:内战时期波士顿黑人工人的斗争》,杰奎琳-琼斯著,Zebulon V. Miletsky 译 没有诚实生活的权利:内战时期波士顿黑人工人的斗争》。杰奎琳-琼斯著。(35.00 美元,ISBN 978-1-5416-1979-1)。2015 年,波士顿联邦储备银行完成的一项研究表明,波士顿白人家庭的净资产中位数为 24.7 万美元,而黑人家庭的净资产中位数仅为 8.00 美元("波士顿财富的颜色",bostonfed.org)。在《无权过诚实的生活:杰奎琳-琼斯(Jacqueline Jones)在《无权过上诚实的生活:内战时期波士顿黑人工人的奋斗》一书中,为我们揭示了波士顿白人和黑人之间经济差距悬殊的一些原因。在这部研究成果丰硕的作品中,琼斯重构了一个在很大程度上被历史学家和学者所掩盖的世界,一个通过高超的研究能力和纯粹的档案天才而实现的世界。她提供了一个更完整的窗口,让人们了解波士顿黑人不顾歧视和偏见,为推动波士顿经济发展所做的工作。无权过诚实的生活》是一部不受传统束缚的强有力的专著。它以研究为基础,生动地叙述了令人难忘的 [第 439 页完] 想象,并以无可辩驳的实物证据为支撑。例如,琼斯指出,波士顿黑人的工作发生在两个截然不同的领域,这两个领域既相互促进,又相互对立。这两个领域,即合法经济中的工作和所谓非法经济中的工作,是内战期间波士顿黑人劳作的主要场所。然而,这两个领域也是波士顿被假定为非裔美国人充满经济机会的地方所面临的主要矛盾和冲突。这种内在的矛盾贯穿全书,琼斯用它来说明波士顿黑人在面对极端困难时通过创造力、智慧和勇气平衡了他们的双重性。波士顿的故事之所以重要,还因为它与南方白人的观点相悖,南方白人认为非裔美国人无法在自由劳动环境中发挥作用。正如琼斯在其经典著作《爱的劳动,悲伤的劳动》(Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow:黑人妇女、工作和家庭:从奴隶制到现在》(纽约,1985 年)一书中写道,"北方佬对自由劳动力市场的憧憬,即黑人凭借自己的智慧与未来的雇主达成有利的交易,让前南方人觉得这是一个可笑的想法,也是一个不可能实现的目标"(第 52 页)。在《无权过诚实的生活》一书中,琼斯指出,即使是北方白人也怀疑自由劳动的试验在他们自己的地区是否可行。正如琼斯明确指出的那样,读者往往将波士顿作为废奴主义总部的角色与假定社会和经济接受非裔美国人混为一谈。然而,既是废奴主义者,同时又反对黑人和白人在社会和经济上的平等,这两者之间并不相互排斥。马萨诸塞州在赋予非裔美国人政治权利方面可能更为慷慨,但人不能仅靠权利生存。正如琼斯所明确指出的,我们需要将 "种族工作 "作为一种劳动形式,它往往是波士顿某些非凡的黑人男子唯一的就业形式。琼斯为波士顿黑人历史这一新兴领域最近的一系列成果做出了重大贡献--解决了长期以来的疑虑,而如果没有这本著作,这些疑虑就很难得到证实,包括收入差距和平权法案等问题。这是一个绝对的肯定。没有诚实谋生的权利》是一个值得欢迎的讨论切入点,迄今为止,人们一直缺乏对失业和工作稀缺现象的解释。从本书中我们可以了解到,波士顿黑人的经济困境由来已久。Zebulon V. Miletsky 石溪大学 Copyright © 2024 The Southern Historical Association ...
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引用次数: 0
The Speeches of Bishop Henry McNeal Turner: The Press, the Platform, and the Pulpit ed. by Andre E. Johnson (review) 亨利-麦克尼尔-特纳主教的演讲:安德烈-约翰逊(Andre E. Johnson)编著的《新闻界、演讲台和讲坛》(评论
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-04-22 DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925476
Jim Casey
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>The Speeches of Bishop Henry McNeal Turner: The Press, the Platform, and the Pulpit</em> ed. by Andre E. Johnson <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Jim Casey </li> </ul> <em>The Speeches of Bishop Henry McNeal Turner: The Press, the Platform, and the Pulpit</em>. Edited by Andre E. Johnson. Margaret Walker Alexander Series in African American Studies. (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2023. Pp. x, 201. Paper, $30.00, ISBN 978-1-4968-4386-9; cloth, $99.00, ISBN 978-1-4968-4385-2.) <p><em>The Speeches of Bishop Henry McNeal Turner: The Press, the Platform, and the Pulpit</em>, edited by Andre E. Johnson, is a “long overdue” collection of speeches, sermons, and editorials by one of the late-nineteenth-century United States’ most prolific, influential, and largely forgotten figures (p. 5). Henry McNeal Turner spent much of his life in service of the African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church, but his ministry extended across many different arenas and eras. He was a chaplain in the Union army during the U.S. Civil War, and he was deeply immersed in building the postbellum AME Church across the South. He was a politician and political activist who spent a half century fighting for Black citizenship, civil rights, and emigration. Turner gave thousands of speeches, drafted even more letters, and wrote nonstop for the Black religious press. Such a career almost defies being reconciled into any one profession or historical period.</p> <p>Johnson has impressively selected for this volume a representative sampling of Turner’s extensive career. The book is organized chronologically. It is effectively an oratorical biography, making it possible to see Turner developing and refining his arguments. This book has two brief introductions and light endnotes. It would be suitable for courses on Black social movements, civil rights, religious history, and intellectual history.</p> <p>The first half of the book covers the Civil War and Reconstruction eras. Turner moved to Georgia, where his Emancipation Day speech on January 1, 1866, helped bring the young minister political notoriety. Though he was elected to the Georgia House of Representatives in 1868, he was expelled along with nearly all Black elected officials in Georgia later that year. The expulsion inspired Turner’s “I Claim the Rights of a Man” speech, which Johnson frames as “probably one of the finest orations in American history” (p. 48). The oration offers a cross section of Turner’s speaking powers and techniques, blending history, satire, and prophetic condemnations. God, Turner reminded his audience, “never fails to vindicate the cause of Justice” (p. 48).</p> <p>The second half of the book focuses on Turner’s many speeches in AME Church conferences and congregations from 1880 to 1913. Some discussed the responsibilities of ministers. Others delved
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者: 亨利-麦克尼尔-特纳主教的演讲》:安德烈-约翰逊(Andre E. Johnson)、吉姆-凯西(Jim Casey)编著的《亨利-麦克尼尔-特纳主教的演讲:新闻、讲坛和讲坛》(The Speeches of Bishop Henry McNeal Turner:新闻界、演讲台和讲坛。安德烈-E.-约翰逊编辑。玛格丽特-沃克-亚历山大非裔美国人研究丛书》。(杰克逊:杰克逊:密西西比大学出版社,2023 年。x, 201页。纸质版,30.00 美元,ISBN 978-1-4968-4386-9;布质版,99.00 美元,ISBN 978-1-4968-4385-2)。亨利-麦克尼尔-特纳主教的演讲:安德烈-约翰逊(Andre E. Johnson)编辑的《亨利-麦克尼尔-特纳主教的演讲:新闻界、讲台和讲坛》(The Press, the Platform, and the Pulpit)是一本 "早该出版 "的演讲、布道和社论集,收录的是 19 世纪晚期美国最多产、最有影响力、却在很大程度上被遗忘的人物之一的演讲(第 5 页)。亨利-麦克尼尔-特纳一生大部分时间都在为非洲卫理公会 (AME) 教会服务,但他的事工跨越了许多不同的领域和时代。在美国内战期间,他是联邦军队的一名牧师,并深深地沉浸于在整个南方建立战后非洲卫理公会教会的事业中。他还是一位政治家和政治活动家,在长达半个世纪的时间里,他一直在为黑人公民权、民权和移民问题而奋斗。特纳发表了数千次演讲,起草了更多信件,并不停地为黑人宗教媒体撰稿。这样的职业生涯几乎无法归入任何一个行业或历史时期。约翰逊为本书精选了特纳广泛职业生涯中具有代表性的部分,令人印象深刻。本书按时间顺序编排。这实际上是一部演说家传记,使我们有可能看到透纳发展和完善其论点的过程。本书有两篇简短的导言和简短的尾注。本书适用于有关黑人社会运动、民权、宗教史和思想史的课程。本书的前半部分涉及内战和重建时期。特纳搬到了佐治亚州,他在 1866 年 1 月 1 日解放日的演讲让这位年轻的牧师在政治上声名鹊起。虽然他在 1868 年当选为佐治亚州众议员,但同年晚些时候,他与佐治亚州几乎所有黑人民选官员一起被驱逐。这次驱逐激发了特纳 "我要求一个人的权利 "的演讲,约翰逊将其称为 "可能是美国历史上最出色的演讲之一"(第 48 页)。这篇演说充分展现了特纳的演讲能力和技巧,将历史、讽刺和预言性的谴责融为一体。特纳提醒他的听众,上帝 "从不辜负正义的事业"(第 48 页)。本书的后半部分主要介绍了特纳从 1880 年到 1913 年在美国穆斯林教会会议和会众中发表的许多演讲。其中一些演讲讨论了牧师的责任。还有一些则深入探讨了美国穆斯林教会的组织政策。本书的最后,年迈的特纳在 1913 年发表了一篇关于月球和种族问题的沉思,格外令人深思。[本卷的一个特别之处在于约翰逊对特纳在有色人种大会运动中的演讲的关注。本书汇集了特纳在 1869 年、1875 年、1879 年和 1893 年黑人州、地区和全国大会上的演讲。从内战后的乐观主义到十九世纪七十年代呼吁集体自卫,再到后来推动南部黑人社区移民非洲,这些大会演讲点缀了特纳数十年来的思想。这些演讲让特纳有机会辩论合法公民身份的必要性,以及在缺乏社会平等的情况下公民权利的局限性。他认为,如果 "我们虚伪的政府无法保护自己的公民",那么南方的黑人社区就应该向政府请愿,要求适当的赔偿--据他估计,"四百亿美金"--然后离开这个国家(第 109 和 111 页)。约翰逊的这本重要文集功不可没。亨利-麦克尼尔-特纳主教的演讲》将向学生和学者们介绍特纳深邃的演说和观点。在这本文集的最后,人们不禁要问,为什么特纳一生都在思考、演讲和煽动美国种族正义和民权运动的兴衰,却没有为更多人所熟知。这或许表明,我们在黑人问题上还有很多工作要做。
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引用次数: 0
Becoming Catawba: Catawba Indian Women and Nation-Building, 1540–1840 by Brooke M. Bauer (review) 成为卡托巴人:卡托巴印第安妇女与国家建设,1540-1840》,作者 Brooke M. Bauer(评论)
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-04-22 DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925443
Matthew Kruer
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Becoming Catawba: Catawba Indian Women and Nation-Building, 1540–1840</em> by Brooke M. Bauer <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Matthew Kruer </li> </ul> <em>Becoming Catawba: Catawba Indian Women and Nation-Building, 1540–1840</em>. By Brooke M. Bauer. Indians and Southern History. (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2023. Pp. xviii, 245. $54.95, ISBN 978-0-8173-2143-7.) <p>In <em>Becoming Catawba: Catawba Indian Women and Nation-Building, 1540–1840</em>, an important and methodologically innovative book, Brooke M. Bauer writes a history of Catawba women, and in doing so she rewrites Catawba history and the history of the Native South. Through archaeological analysis, fresh approaches to familiar sources, and insights drawn from language and storytelling, Bauer persuasively argues that women were central to the creation of Catawba Nation and its continuity through centuries of upheaval.</p> <p>Bauer’s methodology skillfully combines ethnohistory with techniques from Native American and Indigenous studies (NAIS). Her ethnohistorical work is first-rate, displaying equal facility with material culture and colonial texts. She intersperses these analyses with stories, both traditional and personal. For example, she uses the First Woman creation story as evidence that women were central to the Catawba worldview; similarly, she connects the Indian slave trade to the origin of the mischievous, child-stealing “Little Wild Indians”—stories Bauer’s mother told her as a girl to warn about the consequences of misbehavior (p. 71). Bauer amply proves that storytelling is a powerful tool of analysis.</p> <p>In another NAIS technique, Bauer grounds interpretations in the Catawba language. She introduces words ranging from simple objects (<em>ituskre</em>, pot) to complex concepts (<em>y</em><em>ę</em><em>pasiha yá ki</em>, a woman of poor character doomed to the Under World) (pp. 122, 68). In Bauer’s hands, even simple words illuminate. For example, she relates how contemporary women’s usage of <em>ituskre</em> shows that crafting pottery plays a central role in the maintenance of Catawba identity and its transmission to the next generation—in other words, to Catawba Nation’s continuity. Bauer powerfully argues that stories and language are necessary to “decolonize the archival material” because “personal and tribal knowledge unlocks voices silenced for hundreds of years” (p. 12). Her deft combination of ethnohistory and NAIS produces insights into Catawba history that could only be possible from her emic perspective as a Catawba woman.</p> <p><em>Becoming Catawba</em> offers a history of Catawba Nation that corrects a historiography dominated by men. The opening portrays the gendered world of the <em>Ye Isw</em><em>ą</em> (“People of the River,” the Catawba ethnonym) and Piedmont Indians (diverse peoples, in
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者: 成为卡托巴人:Brooke M. Bauer Matthew Kruer 著,《成为卡托巴人:卡托巴印第安妇女与国家建设,1540-1840 年》:卡托巴印第安妇女与国家建设,1540-1840 年》。作者:Brooke M. Bauer。印第安人与南方历史》。(塔斯卡卢萨:阿拉巴马大学出版社,2023 年。第 xviii 页,第 245 页。54.95美元,ISBN 978-0-8173-2143-7)。在《成为卡托巴人》(Becoming Catawba:在《成为卡托巴人:卡托巴印第安妇女与国家建设,1540-1840 年》这本重要的、方法论上创新的著作中,Brooke M. Bauer 撰写了一部卡托巴妇女史,并以此改写了卡托巴历史和南方原住民历史。通过考古分析、对熟悉资料的全新处理方法以及从语言和故事中汲取的洞察力,鲍尔令人信服地论证了妇女在卡托巴民族的创建及其在几个世纪的动荡中得以延续的过程中发挥了核心作用。鲍尔的研究方法巧妙地将民族史学与美国原住民和土著研究(NAIS)的技术相结合。她的民族史学著作堪称一流,对物质文化和殖民文本的研究同样得心应手。她在这些分析中穿插了传统和个人故事。例如,她用 "第一个女人 "的创世故事证明妇女是卡托巴人世界观的核心;同样,她将印第安奴隶贸易与调皮捣蛋、偷小孩的 "小野蛮印第安人 "的起源联系起来--鲍尔的母亲在她小时候给她讲过这些故事,警告她行为不端的后果(第 71 页)。鲍尔充分证明,讲故事是一种强有力的分析工具。作为 NAIS 的另一项技术,Bauer 将卡托巴语作为解释的基础。她引入了从简单物体(ituskre,锅)到复杂概念(yępasiha yá ki,一个注定要去地下世界的品行不良的女人)的各种词汇(第 122 页和第 68 页)。在鲍尔的手中,即使是简单的词语也能起到启迪作用。例如,她讲述了当代妇女如何使用 ituskre,这表明制作陶器在保持卡托巴特性并将其传给下一代--换句话说,在卡托巴民族的延续性方面发挥着核心作用。鲍尔有力地指出,故事和语言是 "档案材料去殖民化 "的必要条件,因为 "个人和部落知识开启了数百年来沉寂的声音"(第 12 页)。她巧妙地将民族史学和 NAIS 结合在一起,对卡托巴族的历史提出了见解,而这些见解只有通过她作为卡托巴族女性的情感视角才有可能实现。成为卡托巴人》提供了一部卡托巴民族史,纠正了由男性主导的史学。开篇描绘了叶伊斯瓦(Ye Iswą,卡托巴族的族称 "河边人")和皮德蒙特印第安人(包括叶伊斯瓦以及后来与他们融合的其他人在内的不同民族)的性别世界。通过考察卡托巴人与土地的关系以及他们在土地上的生活方式,鲍尔确定妇女体现了土地、亲属关系和生育之间的联系。欧洲人的入侵破坏了这些关系,战争、疾病和奴隶制将她们的家园变成了(借用罗比-伊斯里奇的框架)一个 "破碎区"(第 2 页)。妇女们通过通婚建立了新的亲缘关系网,教难民和收养者如何成为卡托巴人,并且由于卡托巴人是母系社会,她们将卡托巴人的身份传承给子女。因此,她们是将幸存者和难民转变为卡托巴族人的关键人物。鲍尔的女权主义框架的意义体现在她对十八世纪中期贸易、外交和战争的研究中,所有这些领域 [尾页 402]通常都是通过男性视角来看待的。她揭示了在卡托巴人和定居者之间的每一次交锋背后,都有一个由妇女组成的社区在决策、抵御危机和灾后重建方面发挥着核心作用。在美国早期,妇女仍然非常重要,当时妇女通过她们的陶器标志着独特的卡托巴身份,并通过集体拥有土地维护卡托巴的主权。成为卡托巴人》通过对土著政治和文化连续性的性别机制的探索,为南方历史学做出了贡献。尽管民族史学术研究已进行了数十年,但令人沮丧的是,衰落叙事仍然普遍存在,与此相反,鲍尔说明了卡托巴人如何塑造了从帝国冲突到定居模式的一切,直至 19 世纪。此外,她还证明了 NAIS 方法对于下一代有关南方土著的学术研究至关重要。马修-克鲁尔(Matthew Kruer),芝加哥大学,版权 © 2024 年,南方历史协会 ...
{"title":"Becoming Catawba: Catawba Indian Women and Nation-Building, 1540–1840 by Brooke M. Bauer (review)","authors":"Matthew Kruer","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a925443","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a925443","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;span&gt;&lt;span&gt;In lieu of&lt;/span&gt; an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:&lt;/span&gt;\u0000&lt;p&gt; &lt;span&gt;Reviewed by:&lt;/span&gt; &lt;ul&gt; &lt;li&gt;&lt;!-- html_title --&gt; &lt;em&gt;Becoming Catawba: Catawba Indian Women and Nation-Building, 1540–1840&lt;/em&gt; by Brooke M. Bauer &lt;!-- /html_title --&gt;&lt;/li&gt; &lt;li&gt; Matthew Kruer &lt;/li&gt; &lt;/ul&gt; &lt;em&gt;Becoming Catawba: Catawba Indian Women and Nation-Building, 1540–1840&lt;/em&gt;. By Brooke M. Bauer. Indians and Southern History. (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2023. Pp. xviii, 245. $54.95, ISBN 978-0-8173-2143-7.) &lt;p&gt;In &lt;em&gt;Becoming Catawba: Catawba Indian Women and Nation-Building, 1540–1840&lt;/em&gt;, an important and methodologically innovative book, Brooke M. Bauer writes a history of Catawba women, and in doing so she rewrites Catawba history and the history of the Native South. Through archaeological analysis, fresh approaches to familiar sources, and insights drawn from language and storytelling, Bauer persuasively argues that women were central to the creation of Catawba Nation and its continuity through centuries of upheaval.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Bauer’s methodology skillfully combines ethnohistory with techniques from Native American and Indigenous studies (NAIS). Her ethnohistorical work is first-rate, displaying equal facility with material culture and colonial texts. She intersperses these analyses with stories, both traditional and personal. For example, she uses the First Woman creation story as evidence that women were central to the Catawba worldview; similarly, she connects the Indian slave trade to the origin of the mischievous, child-stealing “Little Wild Indians”—stories Bauer’s mother told her as a girl to warn about the consequences of misbehavior (p. 71). Bauer amply proves that storytelling is a powerful tool of analysis.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;In another NAIS technique, Bauer grounds interpretations in the Catawba language. She introduces words ranging from simple objects (&lt;em&gt;ituskre&lt;/em&gt;, pot) to complex concepts (&lt;em&gt;y&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;ę&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;pasiha yá ki&lt;/em&gt;, a woman of poor character doomed to the Under World) (pp. 122, 68). In Bauer’s hands, even simple words illuminate. For example, she relates how contemporary women’s usage of &lt;em&gt;ituskre&lt;/em&gt; shows that crafting pottery plays a central role in the maintenance of Catawba identity and its transmission to the next generation—in other words, to Catawba Nation’s continuity. Bauer powerfully argues that stories and language are necessary to “decolonize the archival material” because “personal and tribal knowledge unlocks voices silenced for hundreds of years” (p. 12). Her deft combination of ethnohistory and NAIS produces insights into Catawba history that could only be possible from her emic perspective as a Catawba woman.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;em&gt;Becoming Catawba&lt;/em&gt; offers a history of Catawba Nation that corrects a historiography dominated by men. The opening portrays the gendered world of the &lt;em&gt;Ye Isw&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;ą&lt;/em&gt; (“People of the River,” the Catawba ethnonym) and Piedmont Indians (diverse peoples, in","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"102 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140637043","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Pulpits of the Lost Cause: The Faith and Politics of Former Confederate Chaplains during Reconstruction by Steve Longenecker (review) 失落事业的讲坛:重建期间前邦联牧师的信仰与政治》,史蒂夫-朗格纳克著(评论)
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-04-22 DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925473
Brendan J. J. Payne
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Pulpits of the Lost Cause: The Faith and Politics of Former Confederate Chaplains during Reconstruction</em> by Steve Longenecker <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Brendan J. J. Payne </li> </ul> <em>Pulpits of the Lost Cause: The Faith and Politics of Former Confederate Chaplains during Reconstruction</em>. By Steve Longenecker. Religion and American Culture. (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2023. Pp. xiv, 257. $54.95, ISBN 978-0-8173-2149-9.) <p>Steve Longenecker, professor of history emeritus at Bridgewater College and author of various other books on religion in the Civil War era, has produced yet another excellent addition to the field. <em>Pulpits of the Lost Cause</em>: <em>The Faith and Politics of Former Confederate Chaplains during Reconstruction</em> takes a deep dive into ten white former Confederate chaplains, the deepest such study to date. Longenecker somewhat affirms yet complicates Charles Reagan Wilson’s assertion that former Confederate chaplains were “the ‘main celebrants’ of the Lost Cause” (p. 2). The text also recasts the Lost Cause as a remarkably malleable ideology open to varied interpretations.</p> <p>More generally, the book strikes a nuanced balance in the old debate between scholars stressing the South’s homogeneity or heterogeneity. Longenecker’s book affirms a well-known aspect of human nature, that people can hold strongly to contradictory beliefs and compartmentalize different parts of their lives. Refreshingly, Longenecker explicitly notes that his subjects’ lives were varied and fascinating, multilayered and multifaceted—an implicit reminder that history is best at its most human.</p> <p>Longenecker not only sheds light on an underexamined part of the scholarly conversation on Lost Cause religion but also tells the story in a manner both neatly organized and pleasantly flowing. The introduction displays the casual mastery of topic and writing of a senior scholar, covering in a few pages the origins and development of the Lost Cause as well as the book’s major points and structure. Chapter 1 covers the general experience of Confederate chaplains during the Civil War, while the subsequent chapters trace the careers of his case studies. Some, like Moses Drury Hoge, George Gilman Smith, and John L. Girardeau were conventionally conservative Lost Cause preachers who best fit Charles Reagan Wilson’s description. Others, such as Lachlan C. Vass and Randolph H. McKim, were compartmentalizers, sometimes promoting the Lost Cause and at other times focusing on their congregations. Atticus G. Haygood, who promoted the New South, was an outlier for his limited promotion of racial <strong>[End Page 442]</strong> equality. William Porcher DuBose read liberal theology, while bishop Charles T. Quintard was a theologically conservative institution-builder, yet both shared
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者: 失落事业的讲坛:失落事业的讲坛:重建期间前邦联牧师的信仰与政治》,史蒂夫-朗格纳克著,布伦丹-J-J-佩恩译:重建期间前邦联牧师的信仰与政治。作者:Steve Longenecker。宗教与美国文化》。(塔斯卡卢萨:阿拉巴马大学出版社,2023 年。第 xiv、257 页。54.95美元,ISBN 978-0-8173-2149-9)。Steve Longenecker 是布里奇沃特学院(Bridgewater College)的名誉历史教授,著有多部关于内战时期宗教的其他书籍。失落事业的讲坛》(Pulpits of the Lost Cause:重建期间前邦联牧师的信仰与政治》深入研究了十位白人前邦联牧师,是迄今为止最深入的此类研究。查尔斯-里根-威尔逊(Charles Reagan Wilson)曾断言,前邦联牧师是 "失落事业的'主要庆祝者'"(第 2 页),朗格纳克在某种程度上肯定了这一论断,但又将其复杂化。该书还将 "失去的事业 "重新塑造为一种极具延展性的意识形态,可接受各种不同的解释。更广泛地说,该书在学者们强调南方同质性或异质性的古老争论中取得了微妙的平衡。朗格纳克在书中肯定了人性中一个众所周知的方面,即人们会强烈坚持相互矛盾的信念,并将生活的不同部分分割开来。令人耳目一新的是,朗格纳克明确指出,他的研究对象的生活丰富多彩、引人入胜、多层次、多面性--这不言而喻地提醒我们,历史最能体现人性。朗格纳克不仅揭示了 "失落的事业 "宗教学术对话中未被充分研究的部分,还以条理清晰、行文流畅的方式讲述了这个故事。导言展现了一位资深学者对主题和写作的驾驭能力,用短短几页纸介绍了 "失落的事业 "的起源和发展,以及本书的要点和结构。第一章介绍了南北战争期间邦联牧师的一般经历,随后的章节则追溯了他的个案研究对象的职业生涯。其中一些人,如摩西-德鲁里-霍格(Moses Drury Hoge)、乔治-吉尔曼-史密斯(George Gilman Smith)和约翰-吉拉尔多(John L. Girardeau)是传统保守的 "失去的事业 "传教士,最符合查尔斯-里根-威尔逊的描述。其他传教士,如拉克伦-瓦斯(Lachlan C. Vass)和伦道夫-麦金(Randolph H. McKim),则是分门别类的传教士,他们有时宣传 "失落的事业",有时则专注于自己的教众。宣传新南方的阿提克斯-海古德(Atticus G. Haygood)是个异类,因为他对种族[第442页完]平等的宣传有限。威廉-波彻-杜博斯(William Porcher DuBose)读的是自由主义神学,而查尔斯-T-昆塔德(Charles T. Quintard)主教则是神学上保守的机构建设者,但两人对 "失落的事业 "都持温和立场,并与田纳西州西瓦尼的南方大学有联系。与此同时,在南方浸信会神学院,神学上保守的约翰-A-布罗德斯(John A. Broadus)与他的同僚、前邦联牧师克劳福德-H-托伊(Crawford H. Toy)是亲密的朋友,直到后者转向神学现代主义,促使布罗德斯加入到成功解雇托伊的尝试中。结论指出,综合来看,这些故事显示了前邦联牧师如何对新南方、神学和促进失落事业表达了不同的观点。同时,种族主义(海古德除外)和对 "失落的事业 "的普遍支持将前邦联牧师紧密地联系在一起。该研究因其清晰而引人注目。朗格纳克习惯于在正文的括号附注中对重要术语立即做出简明扼要的定义,这一点尤其有益。他在第二页给保守主义下了定义,在第四页给公民宗教下了定义,在第五页给神学现代主义下了定义,然后在第六页到第十一页对 "失落的事业 "的主要论点进行了简洁的解释和驳斥。有些历史书籍对专业术语解释不足,让非专业人士感到恼火,而朗格纳克的文字读起来却如水晶般清晰。他的散文始终读来悦耳动听,偶尔还闪烁着火花。这本书的正文只有两百多页,篇幅也恰到好处,偶尔还配有图片,令人赏心悦目。虽然该书可以更多地收录女性和非白人的声音,但作者对前邦联牧师的关注似乎证明了这一限制是合理的。我衷心地向各个层次的读者推荐《失落的事业的讲坛》,包括内战课程的本科生...
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引用次数: 0
Rock and Roll, Desegregation Movements, and Racism in the Post–Civil Rights Era: An "Integrated Effort." by Beth Fowler (review) 后民权时代的摇滚乐、取消种族隔离运动和种族主义:贝丝-福勒(Beth Fowler)的 "综合努力"(评论
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-04-22 DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925486
Brian Suttell
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Rock and Roll, Desegregation Movements, and Racism in the Post–Civil Rights Era: An “Integrated Effort.”</em> by Beth Fowler <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Brian Suttell </li> </ul> <em>Rock and Roll, Desegregation Movements, and Racism in the Post–Civil Rights Era: An “Integrated Effort.”</em> By Beth Fowler. (Lanham, Md., and other cities: Lexington Books, 2022. Pp. x, 362. Paper, $42.99, ISBN 978-1-7936-1387-5; cloth, $130.00, ISBN 978-1-7936-1385-1.) <p>Beth Fowler provides historical and social insights in <em>Rock and Roll, Desegregation Movements, and Racism in the Post–Civil Rights Era: An “Integrated Effort.”</em> The heart of her research is interviews from forty-five individuals, whose reflections on their experiences related to race and rock and roll illuminate both the subjects’ history and Fowler’s analysis. In assessing seemingly distinct yet interrelated topics, Fowler effectively delivers the historical context, and her skillful framing of the interviewees’ responses carries her subjects’ complexity.</p> <p>Fowler offers nuanced yet clear arguments, such as “the focus on individual achievement that was so crucial to integration strategies also urged many white supporters to embrace a ‘color-blind’ approach to race relations rather than recognizing the need for group-based solutions to structural problems” (p. 9). She demonstrates broad patterns in music and in desegregation, as well <strong>[End Page 459]</strong> as their interrelatedness, without overstating connections. She points out that crossover records (appealing to different styles) were hitting <em>Billboard</em> charts concurrently with civil rights developments such as the <em>Brown v. Board of Education</em> (1954) decision and the Montgomery, Alabama, bus boycott. Much of her analysis emphasizes the limits of the seeming racial progress of things such as white youth embracing music by Black musicians or the apparently decreasing discrimination in the music industry. “But this ‘integration’ of popular culture through crossover records,” she states, “would not ultimately lead to the fundamental investigation of structural white supremacy that deeper change would require” (p. 75).</p> <p>One strength of the book is its balance between explaining the impact of key musicians and using interviewee responses to reflect societal shifts. Fowler utilizes quotations from John Lennon and Mick Jagger to highlight the impact that R&B had on them, but she then provides reflections from interviewees. She addresses the influence of Black musicians such as Little Richard, Fats Domino, and Chuck Berry whose sounds were often emulated or covered by white artists. Some of her most insightful analysis suggests how lyrics were affected by the context of the times, as in the Coasters’ “Charlie Brown” pondering, “Why’s everybody always
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者 后民权时代的摇滚乐、取消种族隔离运动和种族主义:贝丝-福勒(Beth Fowler)、布莱恩-苏泰尔(Brian Suttell)合著的《后民权时代的摇滚乐、取消种族隔离运动和种族主义》:综合努力"。作者:Beth Fowler。(马里兰州兰哈姆及其他城市:莱克星顿图书公司,2022 年。x, 362页。纸质版,42.99 美元,ISBN 978-1-7936-1387-5;布质版,130.00 美元,ISBN 978-1-7936-1385-1)。Beth Fowler 在《后民权时代的摇滚乐、取消种族隔离运动和种族主义》一书中提供了历史和社会见解:一项 "综合努力"。她的研究核心是对 45 个人的访谈,这些人对自己与种族和摇滚乐有关的经历的反思,既照亮了研究对象的历史,也照亮了 Fowler 的分析。在评估看似不同但又相互关联的主题时,福勒有效地介绍了历史背景,她对受访者回答的巧妙构思也体现了研究对象的复杂性。Fowler 提出的论点细致入微而又清晰明了,例如 "对个人成就的关注对融合战略至关重要,这也促使许多白人支持者采用'肤色盲'的方法来处理种族关系,而不是认识到需要以群体为基础来解决结构性问题"(第 9 页)。她展示了音乐和取消种族隔离的广泛模式,以及它们之间的相互联系,但没有夸大联系。她指出,在《布朗诉教育委员会案》(Brown v. Board of Education,1954 年)判决和阿拉巴马州蒙哥马利巴士抵制运动等民权运动发展的同时,跨界唱片(吸引不同风格的唱片)也登上了公告牌排行榜。她的大部分分析都强调了白人青年接受黑人音乐家的音乐或音乐行业歧视明显减少等看似种族进步的局限性。她说,"但这种通过跨界唱片实现的流行文化'融合',""最终不会导致对结构性白人至上主义的根本性调查,而这需要更深层次的变革"(第 75 页)。该书的一个优点是在解释主要音乐家的影响和利用受访者的回应来反映社会变革之间取得了平衡。Fowler 引用了约翰-列侬和米克-贾格尔的话来强调 R&B 对他们的影响,但她随后又提供了受访者的反思。她谈到了小理查德(Little Richard)、多米诺(Fats Domino)和查克-贝瑞(Chuck Berry)等黑人音乐家的影响,这些音乐家的声音经常被白人艺术家模仿或翻唱。她的一些最有见地的分析表明歌词如何受到时代背景的影响,如 Coasters 乐队的 "Charlie Brown "在思考:"为什么每个人总是欺负我?(p. 182).Fowler 认为,这首歌展示了一种对公众羞辱的孤独回应,它可以 "诉说......[给]那些选择在公众面前羞辱自己的黑人青少年"。[黑人青少年选择融入白人高中"(第 182 页)。无论是讨论令人沮丧还是令人鼓舞的时刻,福勒都捕捉到了与音乐和取消种族隔离有关的时代精神。总的来说,各章首先传达了与这两个主要议题相关的介绍性观点,然后在小标题下对其进行了不同的论述,之后又回到了音乐与取消种族隔离之间的联系。这种组织方式非常有效,使作者在论述相互关联的历史和意义的同时,还能提供细微差别。其他学者对历史的解读也有效地穿插其中。但是,如果在一个段落中引用多处史料,最好只引用一处,这样仍然可以为她自己的论点建立一个扎根于令人印象深刻的原始研究的基础。总之,福勒对访谈的关注和她富有洞察力的分析揭示了一段复杂的历史,至今仍能引起共鸣。Fowler 明确指出,将大多数种族问题视为 20 世纪 60 年代中期官方取消种族隔离就能解决的做法是危险的。她引用了一位受访者的话,他表示希望在 "黑人生命至上 "运动之后,会出现一波有洞察力的音乐浪潮。在反思此人的言论时,Fowler 断言:"他(受访者)暗示,音乐或许能够影响或反映人们的政治观点,但这种关系并不像许多听众愿意相信的那样简单"(第 313 页)。后民权时代的摇滚乐、取消种族隔离运动和种族主义》的主要贡献在于不仅加深了人们对摇滚乐和取消种族隔离之间关系的理解,而且加深了人们对摇滚乐和取消种族隔离之间关系的理解。
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引用次数: 0
The Failure of Our Fathers: Family, Gender, and Power in Confederate Alabama by Victoria E. Ott (review) 我们父辈的失败:维多利亚-E.-奥特(Victoria E. Ott)所著的《南方邦联阿拉巴马州的家庭、性别与权力》(评论
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-04-22 DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925466
David T. Gleeson
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>The Failure of Our Fathers: Family, Gender, and Power in Confederate Alabama</em> by Victoria E. Ott <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> David T. Gleeson </li> </ul> <em>The Failure of Our Fathers: Family, Gender, and Power in Confederate Alabama</em>. By Victoria E. Ott. (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2023. Pp. xiv, 209. $49.95, ISBN 978-0-8173-2147-5.) <p>Victoria E. Ott seeks to understand the role of family in the lives of Alabama’s “common whites” (those who, for the most part, did not own slaves) and in their relationship with the Confederacy (p. 2). <em>The Failure of Our Fathers: Family, Gender, and Power in Confederate Alabama</em> takes readers through prewar, wartime, and postwar experiences to highlight that “family remained the central focus” of these common whites (p. 175). Loyalty to their state and its participation in the Civil War ebbed and flowed depending on the conflict’s effect on their families. Despite most not having a direct interest in slavery, the majority supported the Confederacy. As Stephanie McCurry has discovered in South Carolina, Ott finds in Alabama that the “shared belief [between elite and non-elite white southerners] that outsiders threatened to undermine their liberties, invade their communities, and, in the process, harm their families brought poor whites and yeomen to join the [secessionist] cause” (p. 5).</p> <p>These new Confederates, however, expected substantial support from the state and central governments in return, especially proper treatment (equipment, food, pay, and so on) in the army and support for their families left at home. For these soldiers, as mostly nonslaveholders, departing for war meant a <strong>[End Page 433]</strong> serious removal of labor from farms. Ott clearly shows that as Confederate authorities failed to meet expectations of aid, patriotism waned. First, soldiers and their families at home complained to each other, and eventually to government officials, about their hardships. The Confederate government’s introduction of conscription in April 1862 brought a further loss of agricultural labor and of important skilled workers such as millers and blacksmiths. Revisions to conscription through the rest of the war, especially expanding the age range for compulsory military service (more so than the exemptions for overseers who supervised more than twenty slaves), raised discontent among non-elite white Alabamians. The Confederate “tax-in-kind” law, which obliged producers to give up 10 percent of their “agricultural products,” only exacerbated resentment (p. 125). With families already facing serious food shortages, the extra levy made their lives even more difficult. There were some private and public phil-anthropic efforts to help soldiers’ wives, but they were never sufficient to ease all distress. Many common white A
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者 我们父辈的失败:维多利亚-E.-奥特(Victoria E. Ott)著,大卫-T.-格里森(David T. Gleeson)译,《我们父辈的失败:邦联时期阿拉巴马州的家庭、性别和权力》(The Failure of Our Fathers:邦联时期阿拉巴马州的家庭、性别与权力》。作者:维多利亚-E-奥特。(塔斯卡卢萨:阿拉巴马大学出版社,2023 年。第 xiv、209 页。49.95美元,书号978-0-8173-2147-5)。维多利亚-E.-奥特试图了解家庭在阿拉巴马州 "普通白人"(大多数不拥有奴隶的人)生活中的作用,以及他们与南方联盟的关系(第 2 页)。我们父辈的失败:我们父辈的失败:邦联阿拉巴马州的家庭、性别和权力》带领读者回顾了战前、战时和战后的经历,强调 "家庭仍然是 "这些普通白人 "关注的中心"(第 175 页)。他们对本州的忠诚以及本州对南北战争的参与,取决于冲突对其家庭的影响而起伏不定。尽管大多数人对奴隶制并无直接兴趣,但大多数人还是支持南方邦联。正如斯蒂芬妮-麦科里(Stephanie McCurry)在南卡罗来纳州发现的那样,奥特在阿拉巴马州发现,"[南方白人精英和非精英]共同认为,外来者有可能破坏他们的自由、入侵他们的社区,并在此过程中伤害他们的家庭,这促使贫穷白人和贵族加入[分离主义]事业"(第 5 页)。然而,这些新加入的南方邦联士兵期望得到州政府和中央政府的大力支持,特别是军队中的适当待遇(装备、食物、军饷等)以及对留在家中的家人的支持。对这些士兵来说,他们大多不是奴隶主,出征意味着农场劳动力的严重流失。奥特清楚地表明,由于邦联当局未能满足人们对援助的期望,爱国主义也随之消退。首先,在家的士兵及其家人互相抱怨,最终向政府官员抱怨他们的苦难。邦联政府于 1862 年 4 月开始征兵,这进一步造成了农业劳动力以及磨坊主和铁匠等重要技术工人的流失。在战争余下的时间里,对征兵制度的修改,尤其是扩大义务兵役的年龄范围(比对监管 20 名以上奴隶的监工的豁免更严格),引起了阿拉巴马州非精英白人的不满。邦联的 "实物税 "法要求生产者放弃 10% 的 "农产品",这只会加剧不满情绪(第 125 页)。由于家庭已经面临严重的粮食短缺,额外的征税使他们的生活更加艰难。虽然有一些私人和公共慈善机构为士兵的妻子提供了帮助,但始终不足以缓解所有的困境。当时,许多阿拉巴马州的普通白人认为,恢复繁荣的关键在于他们的主要经济支柱从军队中归来。奥特很好地记录了邦联支持率下降的情况。虽然阿拉巴马州没有发生类似密西西比州琼斯县的大规模叛乱,但这些非精英南方白人渴望和平,无论是否取得胜利。当失败最终降临时,大多数人都接受了这一事实,并将更多精力放在重建家庭上,而不是政治上。阿拉巴马州在战争期间推出了一些形式的救济措施,并在战后努力为前邦联士兵及其家人提供支持。虽然这些努力资金不足且零敲碎打,但它们确实表明该州必须对较贫穷的白人居民的经济需求和要求做出回应,他们的理由是,与其从联邦自由人局获得援助,不如从他们的前白人领袖那里获得援助。反重建精英的这些姿态(以及自由人局本身的终结)帮助大多数阿拉巴马白人团结起来,抵制任何激进共和党的呼吁。然而,由于他们在南北战争中的经历,普通的南方白人仍然期望得到政府的帮助,并可能在政治上进行反抗,例如在 19 世纪晚期和 20 世纪早期支持民粹主义和进步主义。奥特的结论是,邦联的经历意味着普通白人 "要求与塑造精英文化的男人或女人一样的尊严和荣誉,同时创造出他们社会经济阶层独有的自我意识"(第 178 页)。奥特在她的著作中以阿拉巴马州普通白人的声音为中心,不仅出色地分析了为什么如此多的非奴隶主支持奴隶主,而且还分析了为什么奴隶主会 "在自己的土地上"......
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引用次数: 0
Historical News and Notices 历史新闻和公告
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-04-22 DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925492
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Historical News and Notices <!-- /html_title --></li> </ul> <h2>THE ASSOCIATION</h2> <p>The Blassingame Award Committee, composed of Deirdre Cooper Owens, University of Connecticut, chair; Bertis D. English, Alabama State University; and Françoise N. Hamlin, Brown University, is calling for nominations for the John W. Blassingame Award, established in 2004 to honor distinguished scholarship and mentorship in African American history. In order to nominate a candidate for the award, a letter describing the person’s accomplishments should be sent by email to berrys@thesha.org by June 1, 2024, when it will be forwarded to committee members. Two supporting letters should accompany each nomination.</p> <p>For nominations involving a primary role of mentoring, the committee particularly welcomes letters from students, either graduate or undergraduate. Nominees from all areas of the academic community, including those from community/junior colleges, Historically Black Colleges and Universities, and research universities, are welcome. Nominees will be considered based on distinguished careers as mentors of African American studies, personal scholarly accomplishments, or some combination of both qualities. The award consists of a $1,000 stipend, and is awarded every third year. The next award will be given at the 2024 annual meeting in Kansas City, Missouri.</p> <p>The Junior Scholars Workshop is a program to support and encourage advanced graduate students and recent graduates working in all fields of southern history, as well as to provide a space for SHA members to connect outside the annual meeting. Workshops take place on Zoom. The papers will be circulated in advance, and the hour’s program will consist of a brief introduction by the author and comments by two senior scholars, with the rest of the time devoted to audience questions and discussion. For updates on the schedule of papers, please visit https://www.thesha.org/workshop. To register to receive the precirculated papers and the Zoom link, please fill out the form at https://forms.gle/zbm1yM1f6aAFfHKKA. The Junior Scholars Workshop is sponsored by the SHA Professional Development Committee.</p> <h2>OBITUARY</h2> <p>Charles Pierce Roland, Alumni Professor of History, emeritus, at the University of Kentucky, died at the age of 104 on April 12, 2022. A noted historian of the American South and the Civil War era, he served as president of the Southern Historical Association in 1981.</p> <p>Born in Maury City, Tennessee, on April 8, 1918, Roland was the son and grandson of educators. He spent two years at Freed-Hardeman College in Henderson, Tennessee, before enrolling at Vanderbilt University in 1936. There he studied under Frank L. Owsley and graduated in 1938. He taught high school before joining the National Park Service in 1940. Inducted into the army in January 1942, he r
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要: 历史新闻和公告 协会 布拉辛格姆奖委员会由康涅狄格大学的 Deirdre Cooper Owens(主席)、阿拉巴马州立大学的 Bertis D. English 和布朗大学的 Françoise N. Hamlin 组成,现征集 John W. Blassingame 奖提名。若要提名该奖项候选人,请在 2024 年 6 月 1 日前将一封介绍候选人成就的信件通过电子邮件发送到 berrys@thesha.org,届时将转发给委员会成员。每项提名应附两封证明信。对于以指导为主要职责的提名,委员会尤其欢迎研究生或本科生的来信。欢迎来自学术界各个领域的被提名者,包括来自社区/初级学院、历史悠久的黑人学院和大学以及研究型大学的被提名者。被提名者将根据其作为非裔美国人研究导师的杰出职业生涯、个人学术成就或这两种品质的某种组合进行考虑。该奖项每三年颁发一次,奖金为 1000 美元。下一个奖项将于 2024 年在密苏里州堪萨斯城举行的年会上颁发。青年学者工作坊是一项旨在支持和鼓励在南方历史各个领域工作的高年级研究生和应届毕业生的计划,同时也为学会会员提供了一个在年会之外进行交流的空间。研讨会在 Zoom 上举行。论文将提前分发,一小时的活动包括作者的简短介绍和两位资深学者的评论,其余时间用于听众提问和讨论。有关论文日程的最新信息,请访问 https://www.thesha.org/workshop。如需注册接收预发论文和 Zoom 链接,请填写 https://forms.gle/zbm1yM1f6aAFfHKKA 上的表格。青年学者研讨会由民政科学局专业发展委员会主办。肯塔基大学历史系名誉校友教授查尔斯-皮尔斯-罗兰(Charles Pierce Roland)于2022年4月12日去世,享年104岁。他是美国南方和南北战争时期的著名历史学家,曾于 1981 年担任南方历史协会主席。罗兰于 1918 年 4 月 8 日出生于田纳西州莫里市,是教育家的儿子和孙子。他在田纳西州亨德森的弗里德-哈德曼学院学习了两年,1936 年进入范德堡大学学习。在那里,他师从弗兰克-欧斯利(Frank L. Owsley),并于 1938 年毕业。在 1940 年加入国家公园管理局之前,他曾在高中任教。他于 1942 年 1 月入伍,晋升为第 99 步兵师上尉,曾在比利时和德国参加战斗,并获得铜星勋章和紫心勋章。二战结束后,他回到了国家公园管理局。[1947年,罗兰首先在乔治华盛顿大学攻读研究生课程,但很快又进入路易斯安那州立大学学习。威利共事,后来又与弗朗西斯-巴特勒-辛金斯共事;1951 年,罗兰获得博士学位。朝鲜战争期间,他被征召入伍,在华盛顿特区协助陆军首席历史学家编写《二战中的美国陆军》系列丛书。1952 年秋,罗兰加入杜兰大学历史系,在那里工作了 18 年,1970 年转到肯塔基大学任教,直到 1988 年退休。罗兰指导过 18 名博士生,杜兰大学和肯塔基大学各有 9 名。其中一位名叫 V. Jacque Voegeli 的学生回忆说,罗兰 "对历史的意外后果非常敏感",他 "回避了把过去当作道德剧的职业诱惑",而更愿意强调 "人类动机和行动的复杂性,以传达人道价值观、激发希望、警惕犬儒主义或无节制的乐观主义"("前言",载于 Charles P. Roland, My Odyssey through History:战争与学术回忆录》[巴吞鲁日,2004 年],第 xiv 页)。在罗兰的八部著作中,前三部涉及内战时期。美国内战期间的路易斯安那糖业种植园》是他的修订论文,于 1957 年出版(Brill 出版社);《南方联盟》是《美国内战期间的路易斯安那糖业种植园》的一部分。
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引用次数: 0
Reading Territory: Indigenous and Black Freedom, Removal, and the Nineteenth-Century State by Kathryn Walkiewicz (review) 阅读领土:土著和黑人的自由、迁移和十九世纪的国家》,作者 Kathryn Walkiewicz(评论)
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-04-22 DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925464
Deborah A. Rosen
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Reading Territory: Indigenous and Black Freedom, Removal, and the Nineteenth-Century State</em> by Kathryn Walkiewicz <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Deborah A. Rosen </li> </ul> <em>Reading Territory: Indigenous and Black Freedom, Removal, and the Nineteenth-Century State</em>. By Kathryn Walkiewicz. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2023. Pp. xx, 293. Paper, $32.95, ISBN 978-1-4696-7295-3; cloth, $99.00, ISBN 978-1-4696-7294-6.) <p><em>Reading Territory: Indigenous and Black Freedom, Removal, and the Nineteenth-Century State</em> examines the relationship between colonization, enslavement, and state-making in the nineteenth-century United States. In this carefully researched and clearly presented study, Kathryn Walkiewicz argues that Indigenous dispossession, anti-Blackness, and white supremacy were central to the formation and identity of U.S. states; that states’-rights discourse was used to reinforce white men’s rights and their control over land; and that statehood itself was (and is) incompatible with Indigenous and Black <strong>[End Page 430]</strong> freedom. The author analyzes how white Americans used printed texts and visual images to imagine exclusionary states into being, and also how Indigenous, Black, and Afro-Native people used their own print culture to contest the entire settler-colonial project and advocate for their own freedom and self-determination.</p> <p>After an introduction that lays out the themes of the book, four substantive chapters analyze debates about Black and Native freedom in Georgia (1830s), Florida (1820s–1840s), Kansas and Cuba (1850s), and Indian Territory (1890s–1900s). In keeping with the title <em>Reading Territory</em>, the book concentrates more on colonization than on enslavement, and it analyzes more extensively Native-produced texts than Black-authored ones. Chapters 1 and 2 draw from various short primary sources to illustrate the ideological role of print culture in both justifying and opposing state control, subjugation, and the removal of Indigenous people. By the 1850s, longer published texts provided fuller contemporary counternarratives to the dominant stories justifying state-hood, and <em>Reading Territory</em> is most intriguing when it delves deeply into those singular printed works. This is especially evident in chapter 3, which focuses mostly on how Kansas statehood was framed in the 1850s as a way of promoting Black people’s liberation and freedom, while Natives’ forced removal was erased. The chapter provides insightful, thought-provoking analysis of Martin R. Delany’s serialized novel <em>Blake</em> (1859–1862), John Brougham’s play <em>Columbus el Filibustero!</em> (1857), and published maps of Kansas Territory. Likewise, chapter 4 on Indian Territory—which describes Indigenous and Black residents’ unsuccessful effo
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者: 阅读领地:Kathryn Walkiewicz Deborah A. Rosen 著,Reading Territory: Indigenous and Black Freedom, Removal, and the Nineteenth-Century State:土著和黑人的自由、迁移与十九世纪的国家。作者:Kathryn Walkiewicz。(教堂山:北卡罗来纳大学出版社,2023 年。Pp.纸质版,32.95 美元,ISBN 978-1-4696-7295-3;布质版,99.00 美元,ISBN 978-1-4696-7294-6)。Reading Territory:阅读领土:土著和黑人的自由、迁移与 19 世纪的国家》研究了 19 世纪美国的殖民化、奴役和国家建设之间的关系。凯瑟琳-沃克维茨(Kathryn Walkiewicz)在这本经过仔细研究、表述清晰的研究报告中指出,土著剥夺、反黑人和白人至上对美国各州的形成和身份认同至关重要;州权话语被用来强化白人的权利及其对土地的控制;州地位本身过去(现在)与土著和黑人 [第430页完] 的自由不相容。作者分析了美国白人如何利用印刷文本和视觉图像来想象排斥性国家的存在,以及土著人、黑人和非洲裔原住民如何利用他们自己的印刷文化来质疑整个殖民定居项目,并倡导他们自己的自由和自决。导言阐述了本书的主题,随后四个实质性章节分析了乔治亚州(19 世纪 30 年代)、佛罗里达州(19 世纪 20 年代至 18 世纪 40 年代)、堪萨斯州和古巴(19 世纪 50 年代)以及印第安人领地(19 世纪 90 年代至 20 世纪)有关黑人和原住民自由的辩论。与《阅读领地》这一书名相一致,本书更多地关注殖民化而非奴役,对土著人创作的文本的分析也比对黑人创作的文本的分析更为广泛。第 1 章和第 2 章利用各种简短的原始资料来说明印刷文化在为国家控制、征服和驱逐土著居民的行为进行辩护和反对的过程中所扮演的意识形态角色。到了 19 世纪 50 年代,出版的长篇文本提供了更全面的当代反叙事,以驳斥为国家地位辩护的主流故事,而《阅读领地》在深入研究这些独特的印刷作品时最引人入胜。这一点在第 3 章中尤为明显,该章主要关注 19 世纪 50 年代堪萨斯州的建州是如何被塑造成一种促进黑人解放和自由的方式,而原住民的强制迁移则被抹杀。该章对马丁-R-德兰尼(Martin R. Delany)的连载小说《布莱克》(1859-1862 年)、约翰-布鲁厄姆(John Brougham)的剧本《哥伦布-费里布斯特罗》(Columbus el Filibustero!(1857)以及已出版的堪萨斯地区地图。同样,关于印第安人领地的第 4 章描述了土著居民和黑人居民在 1907 年俄克拉荷马州最终被接纳为州之前为建立自己的州所做的不成功努力,该章深入研究了与 1905 年 Sequoyah 州运动有关的作品,如穆斯科吉人经营的《印第安人杂志》的 1902 年单期以及 Too-Qua-Stee 的诗歌和散文。结论部分探讨了二十一世纪最高法院判决和流行电视节目中对印第安领地和塔尔萨市的设想。由于 Walkiewicz 主要关注南方案例研究和以州为导向的印刷材料,因此必须牢记两点。首先,北方各州有时会使用州权论据来捍卫黑人的公民身份和权利--例如,针对 1850 年《逃奴法案》和 Dred Scott 诉 Sandford 案(1857 年)。大多数学者同样淡化了前贝卢姆时期北方人的州权论,这使得有关科层制和联邦制的标准论述变得复杂。其次,联邦政府与各州在奴隶制、土著剥夺和白人至上等问题上存在共同利益,正如宪法和法律史学术研究中显而易见的那样,种族化的成员资格和权利定义在美国作为一个民族国家的构建过程中发挥了重要作用,正如它在创建各个联邦州的过程中所发挥的作用一样。然而,Walkiewicz 展示了超越宪法和法律研究方法的价值,他利用文学文本和视觉图像来研究州的形成,并将重点放在有独特土著和黑人历史的南部各州。阅读领土》将黑人、土著人、非洲裔土著人和白人的观点交织在一起,就以州为中心的话语的重要作用提出了令人信服的论据,并令人信服地表明印刷文化是........................
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引用次数: 0
Before Equiano: A Prehistory of the North American Slave Narrative by Zachary McLeod Hutchins (review) 艾奎亚诺之前:Zachary McLeod Hutchins 所著的《北美奴隶叙事史前史》(评论)
IF 0.3 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-04-22 DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925445
Lacey Hunter
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Before Equiano: A Prehistory of the North American Slave Narrative</em> by Zachary McLeod Hutchins <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Lacey Hunter </li> </ul> <em>Before Equiano: A Prehistory of the North American Slave Narrative</em>. By Zachary McLeod Hutchins. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2022. Pp. xiv, 291. Paper, $32.95, ISBN 978-1-4696-7154-3; cloth, $99.00, ISBN 978-1-4696-7153-6.) <p><em>Before Equiano: A Prehistory of the North American Slave Narrative</em> is a thoughtful and compelling reassessment of this early American literary genre. Commonly positioned within African American canonical traditions, this writing type has long been defined by scholars as one that emerged within the context of a racialized system of chattel slavery. Acknowledging the genre’s notable links to the narratives of Olaudah Equiano, Frederick Douglass, Harriet Jacobs, and others, Zachary McLeod Hutchins argues that this narrow purview of the category limits our understanding of slavery during the American colonial period. Consequently, he notes, <em>Before Equiano</em> is “a prehistory of the North American slave narrative, tracing the genre back to its origins in eighteenth-century newspapers and following its evolution into a literary form with well-established tropes” (p. 2). Hutchins provides a well-organized, thoroughly <strong>[End Page 404]</strong> researched book that examines thousands of print news advertisements and challenges its audience to think beyond the traditionally accepted definitions of the slave narrative.</p> <p>Focusing primarily on print newspapers from Boston, Massachusetts, Hutchins demonstrates that the city’s documentation of slave trading is critical to understanding its unfolding in the Americas. Linking the details of slave advertisements to the larger development of colonial North America, the book paints a vivid portrayal of slavery’s evolution from the eighteenth century through the nineteenth. Indeed, <em>Before Equiano</em> is a striking complement to Peter H. Wood’s <em>Strange New Land: Africans in Colonial America</em> (New York, 1996), in which Wood documents the political and cultural shifts across the Americas that marked the decline of an early fluid system of enslavement and the rise of a rigid one.</p> <p>The main thrust of <em>Before Equiano</em> is its argument for an expanded consideration of slave narratives to include print news advertisements. Specifically, Hutchins asserts that eighteenth-century newspaper ads should be understood as the foundation of the slave narrative genre. Paying careful attention to the language and frequency of slave ads through the colonial period of the United States, Hutchins makes a convincing argument that the earliest narratives about slavery are not the full-length accounts written by African Americans. Inste
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者 在艾奎亚诺之前扎卡里-麦克莱奥德-哈钦斯-莱西-亨特《在艾奎亚诺之前:北美奴隶史前史》:北美奴隶史前史》。作者:Zachary McLeod Hutchins。(教堂山:北卡罗来纳大学出版社,2022 年。第 xiv、291 页。纸质版,32.95 美元,ISBN 978-1-4696-7154-3;布质版,99.00 美元,ISBN 978-1-4696-7153-6)。艾奎亚诺之前:A Prehistory of the North American Slave Narrative》是对这一早期美国文学体裁的深思熟虑和令人信服的重新评估。长期以来,这种写作类型被学者们定义为在种族化的动产奴隶制背景下出现的一种写作类型,通常被定位为非裔美国人的经典传统。扎卡里-麦克劳德-哈钦斯(Zachary McLeod Hutchins)承认这一体裁与奥劳达-艾奎亚诺(Olaudah Equiano)、弗雷德里克-道格拉斯(Frederick Douglass)、哈丽叶-雅各布斯(Harriet Jacobs)等人的叙事有显著联系,但他认为,这一体裁的狭隘视野限制了我们对美国殖民时期奴隶制的理解。因此,他指出,《在艾吉亚诺之前》是 "一部北美奴隶叙事史前史,追溯了这一体裁在十八世纪报纸上的起源,并追随其演变为一种具有既定套路的文学形式"(第 2 页)。哈钦斯的这本书条理清晰、研究透彻 [尾页 404],对数千份印刷新闻广告进行了研究,并挑战读者超越传统上对奴隶叙事的公认定义进行思考。哈钦斯主要以马萨诸塞州波士顿的印刷报纸为研究对象,证明该市对奴隶贸易的记录对于理解奴隶贸易在美洲的发展至关重要。该书将奴隶广告的细节与北美殖民地的更大发展联系起来,生动地描绘了奴隶制从十八世纪到十九世纪的演变过程。事实上,《在艾吉亚诺之前》是对彼得-H-伍德的《陌生的新大陆》(Strange New Land)的有力补充:在该书中,伍德记录了整个美洲的政治和文化变迁,这些变迁标志着早期流动奴役制度的衰落和僵化奴役制度的兴起。埃奇亚诺之前》一书的主旨是主张扩大对奴隶叙事的研究,将印刷新闻广告也包括在内。具体而言,哈钦斯主张,十八世纪的报纸广告应被理解为奴隶叙事体裁的基础。哈钦斯仔细研究了美国殖民时期奴隶广告的语言和频率,提出了一个令人信服的论点,即最早的奴隶制叙事并非非裔美国人撰写的长篇叙事。相反,他促使读者将奥劳达-艾奎亚诺(Olaudah Equiano)和文图尔-史密斯(Venture Smith)等历史人物的叙述视为更广泛的十八世纪传统的延伸。哈钦斯认为,十八世纪早期的奴隶广告为该世纪后半期乃至下个世纪流行的长篇合订本奠定了读者基础。连载出版的奴隶买卖、逃奴广告和书信塑造了一批积极主动、富有想象力地参与每日或每周内容消费的读者。哈钦斯通过自己对新闻描述的想象力解读,在概述《波士顿新闻通讯》、《波士顿公报》和《波士顿晚邮报》等报纸上的一些连载报道时,邀请读者进行创造性的探究。哈钦斯在书中始终强调,印刷报纸是美国殖民者逐步构建身份的脚手架。通过这种方式,《在艾吉亚诺之前》唤起了一部追溯早期民族自我意识成熟历程的思想史。哈钦斯通过考虑他所探讨的报纸中奴隶制一词的细微差别,强调了这一方法。哈钦斯对其资料中所使用的语言进行了批判性的审视,这也增强了他的论断,即必须将欧洲人和土著居民纳入有关奴隶叙事写作这一更广泛传统的学术讨论中。他在书中对资料的深思熟虑和对语言的严密审视,加强了他对重新评估奴隶叙事这一体裁的呼吁。哈钦斯从各个方面证明了重新审视美国早期历史的重要性,从而使国家历史研究获得更深的广度和深度。虽然哈钦斯要求现代学者和读者进行的想象力工作有其局限性,但《在艾吉亚诺之前》出色地反映了......
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