प्रस्तुत अध्ययन आमनिर्वाचन २०७९ मा आधारित रहेर तयार पारिएको छ । वि.सं.२०७२ सालको संविधानले राज्यलाई संघ, प्रदेश र स्थानीय गरी तीन तहमा विभाजन गरेको छ । संघलाई राज्य सञ्चालनका केही विशिष्टखालको अधिकार दिइएको छ । राज्यको स्थायित्व, प्रदेश र स्थानीय निकायको सफलताको प्रमुख कडी र संस्थागत विकास, यसले बहन गर्ने जिम्मेवारीमा भरपर्छ । त्यस खालको जिम्मेवारी बहन गर्ने कुरामा यसका प्रतिनिधिहरूको चयन गर्ने आवधिक निर्वाचनमा निर्भर हुन्छ । संघीय संसदको निर्वाचन २०७९ मा राजनीतिक दलहरू गठबन्धन बनाएर निर्वाचनमा होमिएका थिए । निर्वाचनबाट प्रतिनिधि छान्ने कुरा दलको दबदवामा भन्दा पनि नागरिकसँग जोडिने कुरा प्रजातन्त्रको सवल पक्ष मानिन्छ । पुस्तकालय विधिबाट सङ्कलन गरिएका स्रोतहरूको प्रयोग गरी सिस्टम थ्योरी विधिबाट अध्ययन गरिएको यस लेखमा सिद्धान्त र योग्यभन्दा निर्वाचन जित्ने एक मात्र लक्ष्यका साथ उम्मेदवार उठाउने र तिनैलाई चुनाव जिताउन पार्टी सदस्यले लिएको नाममा मत दिन दवाब दिने कुरा हावी भएको देखिन्छ । जुन कुराले तत्काल फाइदा हुने भए पनि कालान्तरमा दल र व्यवस्थाकै लागि अनुत्पादक हुने निष्कर्ष रह्यो ।
प्रस्तुत अध्ययन आमनिर्वाचन २०७९ मा आधारित रहेर तयार पारिएको छ । वि.सं.२०७२ सालको संविधानले राज्यलाई संघ, प्रदेश र स्थानीय गरी तीन तहमा विभाजन गरेको छ । संघलाई राज्य सञ्चानलकाकेही विशिष्टखालको अधिकारददिइएको छ । राज्यको स्थायित्व、प्रदेश र स्थानीय निकायको सफलताको प्रमुख कडीर संस्थागत विकास、यसले बहन गर्ने जिम्मेवारीमा भरपर्छ । त्यस खालको जिम्मेवारी बहन गर्ने कुरामा यसका प्रतिनिधिहरूको चयन गर्ने आवधिक निर्वाचनमा निर्भर हुन्छ । संघीय संसदको निर्वाचन २०७९ मा राजनीतिकदलहरू गठबन्धन बनाएर निर्वाचनमा होमिएका थिए । निर्वाचनबाट प्रतिनिधि छान्ने कुरा दलको दबदवामा भन्दा पनि नागरिकसँग जोडिने कुरा प्रजातन्त्रको सवल पक्ष मानिन्छ । पुस्तकालय विधिबाटसङ्कलन गरिएका स्रोतहरूको प्रयोग गरी सिस्टम थ्योरी विधिबाट अध्ययन गरिएको यस लेखमा सिद्धान्त र योग्यभन्दा निर्वाचन जित्ने एक मात्र लक्ष्यका साथ उम्मेदवार उठाउने र तिनैलाई चुनावजिताउन पार्टी सदस्यले लिएको नाममा मत दिन दवाब दिने कुरा हावी भएको देखिन्छ । जुन कुराले तत्काल फाइदा हुने भए पनि कालान्तरमा दल र व्यवस्थाकै लागि अनुत्पादक हुने निष्कर्ष रह्यो ।
{"title":"आमनिर्वाचन २०७९ मा राजनीतिक दलहरूको अवस्था","authors":"Dhaka Ram Sapkota","doi":"10.3126/hj.v14i2.59073","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3126/hj.v14i2.59073","url":null,"abstract":"प्रस्तुत अध्ययन आमनिर्वाचन २०७९ मा आधारित रहेर तयार पारिएको छ । वि.सं.२०७२ सालको संविधानले राज्यलाई संघ, प्रदेश र स्थानीय गरी तीन तहमा विभाजन गरेको छ । संघलाई राज्य सञ्चालनका केही विशिष्टखालको अधिकार दिइएको छ । राज्यको स्थायित्व, प्रदेश र स्थानीय निकायको सफलताको प्रमुख कडी र संस्थागत विकास, यसले बहन गर्ने जिम्मेवारीमा भरपर्छ । त्यस खालको जिम्मेवारी बहन गर्ने कुरामा यसका प्रतिनिधिहरूको चयन गर्ने आवधिक निर्वाचनमा निर्भर हुन्छ । संघीय संसदको निर्वाचन २०७९ मा राजनीतिक दलहरू गठबन्धन बनाएर निर्वाचनमा होमिएका थिए । निर्वाचनबाट प्रतिनिधि छान्ने कुरा दलको दबदवामा भन्दा पनि नागरिकसँग जोडिने कुरा प्रजातन्त्रको सवल पक्ष मानिन्छ । पुस्तकालय विधिबाट सङ्कलन गरिएका स्रोतहरूको प्रयोग गरी सिस्टम थ्योरी विधिबाट अध्ययन गरिएको यस लेखमा सिद्धान्त र योग्यभन्दा निर्वाचन जित्ने एक मात्र लक्ष्यका साथ उम्मेदवार उठाउने र तिनैलाई चुनाव जिताउन पार्टी सदस्यले लिएको नाममा मत दिन दवाब दिने कुरा हावी भएको देखिन्छ । जुन कुराले तत्काल फाइदा हुने भए पनि कालान्तरमा दल र व्यवस्थाकै लागि अनुत्पादक हुने निष्कर्ष रह्यो ।","PeriodicalId":47458,"journal":{"name":"Historical Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135647045","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Every religion and culture has its ideas about purity, cleanliness, and what constitutes good physical, personal, and mental cleanliness. The current Hindu society of today stands the same knowledge and customs, but they view hygiene from a different angle. Personal hygiene and sanitation are taken as significant aspects linked to Hindu society. Purity, faith, ritual, and cleanliness in Hindu society are based on the Hindu scriptures related to sanitation and hygiene patterns and the main objective of cleanliness and regular practice in the current society. The study is based on Hindu men and women above 35 years old. The study considers sanitation and hygiene in numerous aspects, including religion, social prestige, self-satisfaction, health, etc. The study includes toilet use, personal hygiene, safe drinking water, and household hygiene as variables. While sanitation and hygiene are prioritized in Hinduism, the modern Hindu community is evolving to recognize not only religious but also physical, social, and psychological well-being. The respondents had high knowledge, favorable attitudes, and good behavior about sanitation and hygiene. Hindu society has internalized and practiced sanitation and hygienic behavior from both religious and health perspectives. The Hindu community also agrees with the new approach to the relationship between Hindu rituals and hygiene and sanitation.
{"title":"Knowledge, Attitudes, and Practices of Hygiene in Hindu Society of Chunikhel, Lalitpur","authors":"Chandra Bhakta Bista","doi":"10.3126/hj.v14i2.59045","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3126/hj.v14i2.59045","url":null,"abstract":"Every religion and culture has its ideas about purity, cleanliness, and what constitutes good physical, personal, and mental cleanliness. The current Hindu society of today stands the same knowledge and customs, but they view hygiene from a different angle. Personal hygiene and sanitation are taken as significant aspects linked to Hindu society. Purity, faith, ritual, and cleanliness in Hindu society are based on the Hindu scriptures related to sanitation and hygiene patterns and the main objective of cleanliness and regular practice in the current society. The study is based on Hindu men and women above 35 years old. The study considers sanitation and hygiene in numerous aspects, including religion, social prestige, self-satisfaction, health, etc. The study includes toilet use, personal hygiene, safe drinking water, and household hygiene as variables. While sanitation and hygiene are prioritized in Hinduism, the modern Hindu community is evolving to recognize not only religious but also physical, social, and psychological well-being. The respondents had high knowledge, favorable attitudes, and good behavior about sanitation and hygiene. Hindu society has internalized and practiced sanitation and hygienic behavior from both religious and health perspectives. The Hindu community also agrees with the new approach to the relationship between Hindu rituals and hygiene and sanitation.","PeriodicalId":47458,"journal":{"name":"Historical Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135647050","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
नेपालको कोशी प्रदेशको राजधानी विराटनगरको पुरानो नाम नेपालगञ्ज र त्यसपछि चन्द्रगञ्ज थियो । यहाँको पुरानो बस्तीको नाम गोग्राहाघाट हो । भाषाविज्ञ बालकृष्ण पोखरेलले एकप्रसङ्गमा ‘गोग्राहा, नेपालगञ्ज र चन्द्रगञ्जभन्दा विराटनगर कान्छो नाम हो’ भनी उल्लेख गरेका छन् । अहिलेको विराटनगरमा मोरङ्को सदरमुकाम आउनुभन्दा अघि गोग्राहा, खार्जी, पोखरीया, तीनपैनी, शंकरपुर, महुवा, गहेली, जहदा, बकरी, रानी जस्ता बस्तीहरू थिए । त्यतीखेरको मूख्यबस्ती दक्षिणमा रानीतिर नै केन्द्रित थियो । उत्तरतर्फ जंगल थियो । कालाज्वरको विगविगी भएकोले यहाँ बसोबास गर्न कोही मान्दैनथे । खेती र बस्ती विकासका लागि राणाहरूले विराटनगर क्षेत्रमा बस्न आउनेहरूको लागि ‘अफर’ दिएकाले थारु, राजवंशी, धिमाल लगायतका आदिवासी, जनजाति, माडवारी, नेवार, मधेसीमूलका व्यापारीहरू र कर्मचारी, व्यापारी र किसानका रुपमा गएका क्षेत्री ब्राम्हणहरूको संगमस्थल भई आज विराटनगर महानगरपालिका भएको छ । नेपालको पहिलो औद्योगिक सहरको रुपमा चिनिएको विराटनगरको बस्ती विकासमा कृष्णप्रसाद कोइराला नेवार र माडवारी समुदायको महत्वपूर्ण योगदान रहेको छ । पाँचजना प्रधानमन्त्री जन्माएको विराटनगरले राजनीतिक सहरको पनि परिचय बनाएको छ । भारत, चीन, बङ्गलादेश र भुटानको गेटवेको रुपमा रहेको विराटनगर कोशी प्रदेशको राजधानी तथा महानगरपालिका भएपछि बिराटनगरको बस्ती विकाससंगै शैक्षिक र स्वास्थ्य हव बन्न सफल भएको छ । राजनीतिक खिचातानीले गर्दा विराटनगरको बस्ती विकास जुन रफ्तारमा हुनुपर्ने हो, त्यो हुन सकेको देखिदैन ।
नेपालको कोशी प्रदेशको राजधानी विराटनगरको पुरानो नाम नेपालगञ्ज र त्यसपछि चन्द्रगञ्ज थियो । यहाँको पुरानो बस्तीको नाम गोग्राहाघाट हो । भाषाविज्ञ बालकृष्ण पोखरेलले एकप्रसङ्गमा ‘गोग्राहा,नेपागञ्ज र चन्द्रगञ्जभन्दा विराटनगर कान्छो नाम हो' भनी उल्लेख गरका छन् । अहिलेको विराटनगरमार मोङ्को सदरमुकाम आउनुभन्दा अघि गोग्रााह, खार्जी, पोखरीया、तीनपैनी, शंकरपुर, महुवा, गहेली, जहदा, बकरी、रानी जस्ता बस्तीर नू थिए । त्यतीखेरको मूख्यबस्तीदक्षिणमा रानीतिर नैकेन्द्रित थियो । उत्तरतर्फ जंगल थियो । कालाज्वरको विगविग भएकोलेयहाँ बसोबास गर्न कोही मान्दैनथे । खेतीर बस्ती वकासकाल ागि राणाहरूले विराटनगरक्षेत्रमा बस्न आउनेहरूकोलागि 'अफर' दिएकाले थारु、राजवंशी, धिमाल लगायतका आदिवासी、जनजाति, माडवारी, नेवार, मधेसीमूलका व्यापारीहरूरकर्मचारी、व्यापारी र किसानकारुपमा गएका क्ेत्र ब्राम्हणहरूको संगमस्थल भई आज विराटनगर महानगरपालािका भएको छ । नेपालको पहिलो औद्योगिक सहरको रुपमा चिनिनएको विराटनगरको बस्तीविकासमा कृष्णप्रसाद कोइराला नेवार र माडवारी समुदायको महत्वपूर्ण योगदान रहेको छ । पाँचजना प्रधानमन्त्री जन्माएको विराटनगरले राजनीतिक सहरको पनि परिचय बनाएको छ । भारत,चीन、बङ्गलादेश र भुटानको गेटवेको रुपमा रहेको विराटनग रकोशी प्रदेशको राजधानी तथा महानगपरालिका भएपछि बिराटनगरकोस्ती विकासंगैशैक्षिक र स्वास्थ्य हव बन्न सफल भएको छ । राजनीतिक खिचातानीले गर्दा विराटनगरको बस्ती विकास जुन रफ्तारमा हुनुपर्ने हो、त्यो हुन सकेको देखिदैन ।
{"title":"विराटनगरको बस्ती विकासको इतिहास","authors":"Vijay Prasad Mishra","doi":"10.3126/hj.v14i2.59076","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3126/hj.v14i2.59076","url":null,"abstract":"नेपालको कोशी प्रदेशको राजधानी विराटनगरको पुरानो नाम नेपालगञ्ज र त्यसपछि चन्द्रगञ्ज थियो । यहाँको पुरानो बस्तीको नाम गोग्राहाघाट हो । भाषाविज्ञ बालकृष्ण पोखरेलले एकप्रसङ्गमा ‘गोग्राहा, नेपालगञ्ज र चन्द्रगञ्जभन्दा विराटनगर कान्छो नाम हो’ भनी उल्लेख गरेका छन् । अहिलेको विराटनगरमा मोरङ्को सदरमुकाम आउनुभन्दा अघि गोग्राहा, खार्जी, पोखरीया, तीनपैनी, शंकरपुर, महुवा, गहेली, जहदा, बकरी, रानी जस्ता बस्तीहरू थिए । त्यतीखेरको मूख्यबस्ती दक्षिणमा रानीतिर नै केन्द्रित थियो । उत्तरतर्फ जंगल थियो । कालाज्वरको विगविगी भएकोले यहाँ बसोबास गर्न कोही मान्दैनथे । खेती र बस्ती विकासका लागि राणाहरूले विराटनगर क्षेत्रमा बस्न आउनेहरूको लागि ‘अफर’ दिएकाले थारु, राजवंशी, धिमाल लगायतका आदिवासी, जनजाति, माडवारी, नेवार, मधेसीमूलका व्यापारीहरू र कर्मचारी, व्यापारी र किसानका रुपमा गएका क्षेत्री ब्राम्हणहरूको संगमस्थल भई आज विराटनगर महानगरपालिका भएको छ । नेपालको पहिलो औद्योगिक सहरको रुपमा चिनिएको विराटनगरको बस्ती विकासमा कृष्णप्रसाद कोइराला नेवार र माडवारी समुदायको महत्वपूर्ण योगदान रहेको छ । पाँचजना प्रधानमन्त्री जन्माएको विराटनगरले राजनीतिक सहरको पनि परिचय बनाएको छ । भारत, चीन, बङ्गलादेश र भुटानको गेटवेको रुपमा रहेको विराटनगर कोशी प्रदेशको राजधानी तथा महानगरपालिका भएपछि बिराटनगरको बस्ती विकाससंगै शैक्षिक र स्वास्थ्य हव बन्न सफल भएको छ । राजनीतिक खिचातानीले गर्दा विराटनगरको बस्ती विकास जुन रफ्तारमा हुनुपर्ने हो, त्यो हुन सकेको देखिदैन ।","PeriodicalId":47458,"journal":{"name":"Historical Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135647499","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Foreign policy is a vital part of national policy. Foreign policy is the cornerstone of any sovereign country's foreign relations. The foreign policy of Nepal has been implemented in the same manner despite the changing circumstances in the country. The current constitution with an updated structure has come into force. In addition to the design of the constitution, Nepal's governance system has also been altered. Even in the changing context, Nepal has continued its old foreign policy. A country's foreign policy also plays an important role in its development. Nepal's foreign policy has always been guided by its primary interests. Research should be conducted to determine why the situation could not be changed. Nepal's foreign policy is based on its initial interests. During this study, the effect of foreign policy with primary and secondary interests on the development of the country as well as the current foreign policy of Nepal have been examined. In this study, only secondary data is used, and it is qualitative in nature. Data and facts derived from secondary sources were gathered from the library and related literature reviews. To conclude, the data is interpreted and analyzed in the context of Nepal's foreign policy considering the changing political situation.
{"title":"The Evolution of Nepal's Foreign Policy in a Dynamic Political Landscape","authors":"Tara Nath Ghimire","doi":"10.3126/hj.v14i2.59067","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3126/hj.v14i2.59067","url":null,"abstract":"Foreign policy is a vital part of national policy. Foreign policy is the cornerstone of any sovereign country's foreign relations. The foreign policy of Nepal has been implemented in the same manner despite the changing circumstances in the country. The current constitution with an updated structure has come into force. In addition to the design of the constitution, Nepal's governance system has also been altered. Even in the changing context, Nepal has continued its old foreign policy. A country's foreign policy also plays an important role in its development. Nepal's foreign policy has always been guided by its primary interests. Research should be conducted to determine why the situation could not be changed. Nepal's foreign policy is based on its initial interests. During this study, the effect of foreign policy with primary and secondary interests on the development of the country as well as the current foreign policy of Nepal have been examined. In this study, only secondary data is used, and it is qualitative in nature. Data and facts derived from secondary sources were gathered from the library and related literature reviews. To conclude, the data is interpreted and analyzed in the context of Nepal's foreign policy considering the changing political situation.","PeriodicalId":47458,"journal":{"name":"Historical Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135647501","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-29DOI: 10.1017/s0018246x2300047x
Jonah Miller
Abstract This article argues that pre-nineteenth-century elections at a sub-national level have an important place in the history of ‘modern’ voting practices. It does this through a discussion of unusually well-documented election disputes in eighteenth-century London parishes. Previously neglected records of litigation in the ecclesiastical courts reveal that parish elections in this period generated arguments which did not take place at a parliamentary level until the following century: arguments over votes for women, votes for religious minorities, and the secret ballot. Customary electoral rules came under increasing pressure in the early eighteenth century as London’s population grew and changed in character. In some parishes, this produced a narrowing of the traditional ratepayer franchise, allowing only male Anglican ratepayers a vote in parish elections. Elsewhere, groups or individual residents successfully pushed for a more inclusive franchise which allowed ratepaying women, Dissenters, and Jews a voice in parochial politics. Similarly mixed practices emerged with regard to electoral procedure: residents who feared the overbearing influence of their neighbours pressed for a secret ballot, while others insisted on the merits of an open poll. These cases illustrate the importance of small-scale local institutions as key sites of innovation in the history of electoral reform.
{"title":"Suffrage and the Secret Ballot in Eighteenth-Century London Parishes","authors":"Jonah Miller","doi":"10.1017/s0018246x2300047x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x2300047x","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article argues that pre-nineteenth-century elections at a sub-national level have an important place in the history of ‘modern’ voting practices. It does this through a discussion of unusually well-documented election disputes in eighteenth-century London parishes. Previously neglected records of litigation in the ecclesiastical courts reveal that parish elections in this period generated arguments which did not take place at a parliamentary level until the following century: arguments over votes for women, votes for religious minorities, and the secret ballot. Customary electoral rules came under increasing pressure in the early eighteenth century as London’s population grew and changed in character. In some parishes, this produced a narrowing of the traditional ratepayer franchise, allowing only male Anglican ratepayers a vote in parish elections. Elsewhere, groups or individual residents successfully pushed for a more inclusive franchise which allowed ratepaying women, Dissenters, and Jews a voice in parochial politics. Similarly mixed practices emerged with regard to electoral procedure: residents who feared the overbearing influence of their neighbours pressed for a secret ballot, while others insisted on the merits of an open poll. These cases illustrate the importance of small-scale local institutions as key sites of innovation in the history of electoral reform.","PeriodicalId":47458,"journal":{"name":"Historical Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135199015","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-28DOI: 10.1017/s0018246x23000468
Elias Buchetmann
Abstract This article traces the immediate reception of Paine’s Rights of man (Part One) in Germany. It especially focuses on the publication history of the complete translation published in Berlin in 1792, featuring the translator Meta Forkel, her collaborator Georg Forster, and the publisher Christian Friedrich Voß. This reconstruction affords insight into the process of translation as a collaborative enterprise and clearly demonstrates the translator’s agency. When the publisher proved reluctant, publication was dependent on Forkel’s initiative, which highlights the factor of contingency and the willingness to take risks. By detailing the modifications a book might undergo even in the case of a very faithful translation, this article also exemplifies strategies employed in the dissemination of radical works and the adaptation to new cultural and political contexts. Finally, the evidence presented here shows that Paine’s work was considered central by German contemporaries and should be placed alongside the reception of Burke’s in future scholarship on the Revolution debate in Germany.
摘要本文追溯了潘恩的《人权论》(上)在德国的最初接受。它特别关注1792年在柏林出版的完整译本的出版历史，以译者Meta Forkel，她的合作者Georg Forster和出版商Christian Friedrich Voß为特色。通过这种重构，我们可以洞察到翻译作为一个合作企业的过程，并清晰地展示了译者的能动性。当出版商被证明不情愿时，出版就取决于福克尔的倡议，这突出了偶然性因素和冒险的意愿。通过详细说明即使在非常忠实的翻译情况下，一本书也可能经历的修改，本文还举例说明了在传播激进作品和适应新的文化和政治背景时所采用的策略。最后，这里提出的证据表明，潘恩的作品被同时代的德国人认为是核心的，应该与伯克的作品在德国未来关于革命辩论的学术研究中被放在一起。
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Pub Date : 2023-09-15DOI: 10.1017/s0018246x23000432
Alice Whitehead
Abstract This article examines the life of Lady Elizabeth Anson (1725–60), daughter of Philip Yorke, 1st earl of Hardwicke, and the wife of Admiral George Lord Anson, first lord of the admiralty. Using a sample of her letters, this article argues that Lady Anson engaged with letter-writing as an inherently political activity. Previous studies of Lady Anson’s correspondence have emphasized her role in the Yorkes’ political network, but this article foregrounds her marriage to Lord Anson and her life at the admiralty. In a marriage shaped by the strains of naval service, Lady Anson used her talents as a letter-writer to establish a role for herself as her husband’s political partner. Building on the work of Elaine Chalus, Judith Lewis, and Sarah Richardson, this article explores the ways in which Lady Anson used letters to disseminate intelligence and negotiate patronage. It examines her friendship with the powerful admiralty secretary, John Cleveland, and considers the ways in which her physical proximity to the admiralty office gave her privileged access to the inner workings of the Royal Navy. Consequently, her writing provides important insights into the ways in which elite women could use letters to establish their own political authority.
{"title":"Proximity, Patronage and Politics in the Correspondence of Lady Elizabeth Anson, c. 1748–1760","authors":"Alice Whitehead","doi":"10.1017/s0018246x23000432","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x23000432","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article examines the life of Lady Elizabeth Anson (1725–60), daughter of Philip Yorke, 1st earl of Hardwicke, and the wife of Admiral George Lord Anson, first lord of the admiralty. Using a sample of her letters, this article argues that Lady Anson engaged with letter-writing as an inherently political activity. Previous studies of Lady Anson’s correspondence have emphasized her role in the Yorkes’ political network, but this article foregrounds her marriage to Lord Anson and her life at the admiralty. In a marriage shaped by the strains of naval service, Lady Anson used her talents as a letter-writer to establish a role for herself as her husband’s political partner. Building on the work of Elaine Chalus, Judith Lewis, and Sarah Richardson, this article explores the ways in which Lady Anson used letters to disseminate intelligence and negotiate patronage. It examines her friendship with the powerful admiralty secretary, John Cleveland, and considers the ways in which her physical proximity to the admiralty office gave her privileged access to the inner workings of the Royal Navy. Consequently, her writing provides important insights into the ways in which elite women could use letters to establish their own political authority.","PeriodicalId":47458,"journal":{"name":"Historical Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135436866","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-30DOI: 10.1017/s0018246x23000146
Nicola Miller
This remarkable book is an outcome of many years of reflection on conceptual history by one of its leading exponents, who through the magnificent Iberconceptos project has explored the scope for thinking about the life of ideas ‘beyond Bielefeld (Koselleck) and Cambridge (Skinner)’. Fernández Sebastián here offers a master class in what conceptual history can be in the hands of a seasoned practitioner who is both rigorous and imaginative, not to mention formidably well read in the historiographies of Iberian America, Europe, and the United States. Many historians would have been content with that, but Fernández Sebastián's ambitions go a great deal further. His work on the conceptual history of the Iberian independence revolutions leads him to urge historians to take seriously the theorizing of history, not of History in a Hegelian sense, but as an intellectual discipline. This would require scrutiny of historical practice beyond discussions of method (which, he suggests, all too easily reduces to technique) to a far deeper level of reflexivity about historical consciousness. The author engagingly reveals, tucked away in a footnote, his hope that the book might persuade readers who think they are not interested in theory of history to think again.
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Pub Date : 2023-05-30DOI: 10.1017/s0018246x23000122
Javier Fernández Sebastián
First of all, I would like to thank my interlocutors for their interest in my work, and for their kindness in agreeing to participate in this Roundtable. It is a great honour for me to have three such distinguished scholars commenting on my book and offering their criticisms and remarks, which help me to refine and nuance some of its arguments. I also hope that this discussion will enable readers of The Historical Journal to get an idea of the content and limits of my book, but above all to raise their interest in recent developments in intellectual history in the wider Spanish- and Portuguese-speaking world, developments that go far beyond this modest contribution of mine. I will try to reply as briefly as I can.
{"title":"Author's Response","authors":"Javier Fernández Sebastián","doi":"10.1017/s0018246x23000122","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x23000122","url":null,"abstract":"First of all, I would like to thank my interlocutors for their interest in my work, and for their kindness in agreeing to participate in this Roundtable. It is a great honour for me to have three such distinguished scholars commenting on my book and offering their criticisms and remarks, which help me to refine and nuance some of its arguments. I also hope that this discussion will enable readers of The Historical Journal to get an idea of the content and limits of my book, but above all to raise their interest in recent developments in intellectual history in the wider Spanish- and Portuguese-speaking world, developments that go far beyond this modest contribution of mine. I will try to reply as briefly as I can.","PeriodicalId":47458,"journal":{"name":"Historical Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135642766","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The present paper aims to show a correlation between social forces and social citizenship. The paper highlights the aspect of citizenship rights of Nepali women. Nepali society is composed of people holding different aspirations. If the aspirations of people remain unfulfilled then people adopt the medium of social forces to transform their state. Not only a single force determines to ensure social citizenship but the action of social force plays the determining role. In the Nepali context, common Nepali people were deprived of educational rights and treated as subjects rather than citizens. It is the political movement of 1951 that transformed the social status and role of Nepali people including women. Similarly, social force ensured the democracy of Nepal in 1996. Onward movements of social force the constitution of 1990 declared Nepal as a multi-cultural, multi-lingual, and multi-religious country. The people’s war of Nepal from 1996 to 2006 played an imperative role to ensure the social citizenship of the Nepali people. The interim constitution of Nepal 2006 ensured the inclusion of Women, Dalits, indigenous ethnic groups, Madhesi communities, oppressed groups, poor farmers, and laborers, who are economically, socially, or educationally backward with the right to participate in state structures based on principles of proportional inclusion.
{"title":"Social Citizenship through Social Forces: A Case Study of Nepali Women","authors":"Prapanna Maskey","doi":"10.3126/hj.v14i1.52963","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3126/hj.v14i1.52963","url":null,"abstract":"The present paper aims to show a correlation between social forces and social citizenship. The paper highlights the aspect of citizenship rights of Nepali women. Nepali society is composed of people holding different aspirations. If the aspirations of people remain unfulfilled then people adopt the medium of social forces to transform their state. Not only a single force determines to ensure social citizenship but the action of social force plays the determining role. In the Nepali context, common Nepali people were deprived of educational rights and treated as subjects rather than citizens. It is the political movement of 1951 that transformed the social status and role of Nepali people including women. Similarly, social force ensured the democracy of Nepal in 1996. Onward movements of social force the constitution of 1990 declared Nepal as a multi-cultural, multi-lingual, and multi-religious country. The people’s war of Nepal from 1996 to 2006 played an imperative role to ensure the social citizenship of the Nepali people. The interim constitution of Nepal 2006 ensured the inclusion of Women, Dalits, indigenous ethnic groups, Madhesi communities, oppressed groups, poor farmers, and laborers, who are economically, socially, or educationally backward with the right to participate in state structures based on principles of proportional inclusion.","PeriodicalId":47458,"journal":{"name":"Historical Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-03-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80167268","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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