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Pinning down Urban Acupuncture: From a Planning Practice to a Sustainable Urban Transformation Model? 确定城市针灸:从规划实践到可持续的城市转型模式?
IF 3.9 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2022-02-14 DOI: 10.1080/14649357.2022.2037383
Jessica M. Hemingway, Alejandro de Castro Mazarro
Urban acupuncture can be used as metaphor or heuristic. The phrase derives from traditional Chinese medicine, and refers to planning actions stimulating “the city’s nervous system with tiny interventions that can have a catalytic effect on the organism as a whole” (McGuirk, 2014, 26). The popularization of urban acupuncture is largely due to discussions in international news media, online blogs, and grey research literature concerning cost-effective bottom-up initiatives associated with physical and social urban revitalization interventions (Beardsley, 2008; Kaye, 2011; P erez L opez, 2017). While acknowledging certain benefits associated with urban acupuncture, more research is needed to identify the institutional conditions and allied frameworks which are useful to supporting urban acupuncture usage. Also, research is needed as to the roles played by various actors, such as government, business, and civil society in implementing urban acupuncture approaches. To do this, the application of urban acupuncture should be improved specifically through: intentional application, documentation in peer-reviewed journals, precise usage and characterisation, and finally implementation of research studies which can effect long-term change. The most common names associated with urban acupuncture are architect and urbanist Manuel de Sol a-Morales (1939–2012), Mayor of Curitiba, Brasil from 1971 to 1992, Jamie Lerner (1937–2021) and Finnish architect, Marco Casagrande. De Sol a-Morales is said to have been the first to use urban acupuncture as a form of urban planning (Casagrande, 2013). According to De Sol a-Morales urban acupuncture consists of, “small interventions, which create a ripple, not comprehensive development [and include] embellishments like the sinuous canal side bench ... .”. De Sol a-Morales has emphasized the importance of always intervening with “concrete” matters while effecting change that goes beyond the physical interventions being implemented (de Sol a-Morales, 2008). He is well known for his association with interventions made in Europe and specifically Barcelona, Spain. Similarly to De Sola Morales, Lerner emphasized change beyond interventions. According to Lerner “[urban acupuncture] revitalizes a ‘sick’ or ‘worn out’ area and its surroundings through a simple touch of a key point. Just as in the medical approach, this intervention will trigger positive chain-reactions, helping to cure and enhance the whole system” (Lerner, 2014). According to Lerner, “no matter how good [planning] may be, a plan by itself cannot bring about
城市针灸可以作为隐喻,也可以作为启发式。这个短语源于中医,指的是“通过微小的干预刺激城市神经系统,对整个有机体产生催化作用”的规划行动(McGuirk, 2014, 26)。城市针灸的普及很大程度上是由于国际新闻媒体、在线博客和灰色研究文献中的讨论,这些讨论涉及与城市物理和社会振兴干预措施相关的具有成本效益的自下而上的举措(Beardsley, 2008;凯,2011;P . erez L . lopez, 2017)。虽然承认城市针灸的某些好处,但需要更多的研究来确定对支持城市针灸使用有用的制度条件和相关框架。此外,还需要研究政府、企业和民间社会等各方在实施城市针灸方法中所扮演的角色。要做到这一点,城市针灸的应用应该通过以下方式得到改进:有意识的应用,在同行评议的期刊上发表文献,精确的使用和特征,最后实施可以影响长期变化的研究。与城市针灸相关的最常见的名字是建筑师和城市规划师Manuel de Sol a-Morales(1939-2012), 1971年至1992年担任巴西库里提巴市长,Jamie Lerner(1937-2021)和芬兰建筑师Marco Casagrande。据说De Sol a- morales是第一个将城市针灸作为一种城市规划形式的人(Casagrande, 2013)。根据De Sol a- morales的说法,城市针灸包括“产生涟漪的小干预,而不是全面的发展,包括像蜿蜒的运河边长凳... .这样的点缀”。De Sol a-Morales强调了始终干预“具体”事务的重要性,同时影响正在实施的物理干预之外的变化(De Sol a-Morales, 2008)。他以参与欧洲特别是西班牙巴塞罗那的干预活动而闻名。与德·索拉·莫拉莱斯类似,勒纳强调的是干预之外的变革。根据勒纳的说法,“[城市针灸]通过简单地触摸一个关键点,使一个‘生病’或‘破旧’的地区及其周围环境恢复活力。就像在医疗方法中一样,这种干预将引发积极的连锁反应,有助于治愈和增强整个系统”(Lerner, 2014)。根据勒纳的说法,“无论计划有多好,计划本身不能带来任何结果
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引用次数: 4
Planning and knowledge – How new forms of technocracy are shaping contemporary cities 规划和知识——新形式的技术官僚如何塑造当代城市
IF 3.9 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2022-01-14 DOI: 10.1080/14649357.2021.2020032
H. Mattila, Lukas Behrend
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引用次数: 1
Disability Justice and Urban Planning 残疾人司法与城市规划
IF 3.9 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/14649357.2022.2035545
Lisa Stafford, Leonor Vanik, Lisa K. Bates
How did we get here? Kneeling close to the floor, gently and (care)fully placing my daughter ’ s body onto a beach towel we brought with us … again, because we have learned, through repeat exposure to unimaginatively produced, broken, and ableist design and infrastructure, to expect to have to change her on the dirty floor of a public bathroom EVERY time we venture out into the city. Leaving the house with our disabled child has become a mind-bending logistical puzzle, and venturing out into the world, an act of resistance. We resist the temptation to simply disappear, to avoid the rows of staring eyes. We resist the temptation to simply give in to the exhaustion of resisting – and the unseen labour of trying to re-imagine, re-work, make work public infrastructure(s) designed and installed without having “ us ” in mind. Who is “ us ” ? We are just one family, one group of bodies of the many bodies out there disabled by “ them, ” the makers of this place. One assemblage of bodies, materials, and resources that does not fit the mold of the so-called neo-liberal “ able ” body – a body that can pee standing up or sitting down, a body that can leak with limited concern for where and when this happens, a body that can move freely in the spaces designed for it. And so, here we are again, alone in this place, the floor of a broken public restroom, pouring our love, our energy, and care into our child ’ s life, to make, for her and for us, a day that we will recall later as being one of our greatest adventures. association into the to be trouble receiving ADA have the the form I to fit an archaic not into neurotypical normalcy.
我们是怎么走到这一步的?我跪在靠近地板的地方,轻轻地(小心地)把女儿的身体放在我们带来的沙滩毛巾上……再次,因为我们已经学会了,通过反复接触缺乏想象力的、破碎的、残疾主义的设计和基础设施,每次我们冒险进入城市,都要在公共浴室的脏地板上给她换尿布。带着我们的残疾孩子离开家已经成为一个令人费解的逻辑难题,而冒险进入这个世界,则是一种反抗行为。我们抵制住了简单地消失的诱惑,以避开一排排凝视的眼睛。我们抵制住诱惑,不轻易屈服于抵制的疲惫——以及试图重新想象、重新设计、在没有“我们”的情况下设计和安装公共基础设施的看不见的劳动。谁是“我们”?我们只是一个家庭,一群被“他们”——这个地方的创造者——残废的躯体中的一群。一个身体、材料和资源的组合并不符合所谓的新自由主义“有能力”的身体的模式——一个可以站着或坐着小便的身体,一个可以在哪里和什么时候小便的身体,一个可以在为它设计的空间里自由移动的身体。于是,我们又一次独自在这里,在一个破旧的公共厕所的地板上,把我们的爱、我们的精力和关心倾注到我们孩子的生活中,为了她,也为了我们,我们将在以后的回忆中成为我们最伟大的冒险之一。联想成麻烦接收ADA有I的形式适合一个古老的不进入神经正常。
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引用次数: 9
News from Somewhere? 来自某处的消息?
IF 3.9 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/14649357.2022.2035541
K. McClymont
Mid December. It is mild and wet in Bristol, UK and has been for a while. I say this as I have noticed that collectively noting differences in the weather has been part of many virtual meetings in the last couple of years. Small talk maybe, but acknowledging the differences in contexts, even those just a few miles apart, is important. It shapes our understanding of issues and environments, and moreover, what is possible or desirable. Do you already live in a “20-minute neighbourhood” (Town and Country Planning Association, 2021), or does the suggestion seem improbable or even unpleasant? The boundaries of the possible look different depending on where you are standing (or sitting) right now. The value of contextual understanding in planning is not new (Healey, 2017) but something of increased importance in times dubbed “post-truth”, wherein “echo chambers” can exclude an acceptance of perspectives beyond those of likeminded individuals (Nguyen, 2019). More than just in an overtly political or social sense, however, our surroundings and experiences matter. The use of specific, individual stories of experience in teaching practitioners is something that Forester (2021) has noted in a recent editorial, and the global range of images from 4–9 June 2020 displayed in the Interface “The Places We Live” (Porter, 2020) visually presents this more powerfully than can be put into words. Such work does a lot to promote deeper understandings and the importance of place distinctiveness in countervailence to universalising forces or dominant (mis)understandings The importance of this has resonated with two different experiences I have had in recent weeks. The first was while teaching with first year undergraduate planning students. In a co-taught introductory module, our aim is to get them to think more about the groups, communities and places that planners work with. One activity for this is to follow a guided walk around an inner-city Bristol neighbourhood which comprises high ethnic diversity, social housing, main roads, small Victorian terraces, and areas of recent and rapid gentrification. The aim is not so much for them to get acquainted with this area as to see how and if their perspectives diverge from those of their classmates, and what this can reveal about their understandings of place. They are sent out in small groups, then we discuss their reflections in the session in the following week. Two particular responses stand out from this year’s cohort. One student, not originally from Bristol, said that he found the area out of his usual reckoning because, despite there being many open retail units, there was nothing he’d have described as “a normal shop”. He said that he realised he meant a newsagent (he was wanting to buy a bar of chocolate), and that, through reflection, his definition of this as ‘normal’ said more about his own experience and expectations than the “abnormality” of the area. However, his honesty in retelling this anecdote is reveali
12月中旬。英国布里斯托尔天气温和潮湿,已经有一段时间了。我这么说是因为我注意到,在过去几年里,集体注意天气差异是许多虚拟会议的一部分。也许是闲聊,但承认上下文的差异,即使是相距几英里的差异,也很重要。它塑造了我们对问题和环境的理解,以及什么是可能的或可取的。你是否已经住在“20分钟街区”(城乡规划协会,2021),或者这个建议看起来不太可能,甚至令人不快?根据你现在站(或坐)的位置,可能的边界看起来不同。背景理解在规划中的价值并不是什么新鲜事(Healey,2017),而是在被称为“后真相”的时代变得越来越重要,其中“回音室”可以排除对志同道合者之外的观点的接受(Nguyen,2019)。然而,不仅仅是在公开的政治或社会意义上,我们的环境和经历很重要。Forester(2021)在最近的一篇社论中注意到,在教学从业者中使用特定的、个人的经验故事,2020年6月4日至9日在界面“我们生活的地方”(Porter,2020)中显示的全球图像更有力地展示了这一点。这样的工作在很大程度上促进了对普遍化力量或主导(错误)理解的更深入理解和对抗中的位置独特性的重要性。这一点的重要性与我最近几周的两次不同经历产生了共鸣。第一次是在与一年级本科生一起教学时。在一个共同教授的入门模块中,我们的目的是让他们更多地思考规划者合作的群体、社区和地方。其中一项活动是在导游的带领下,在布里斯托尔市中心的一个街区周围散步,该街区包括高度种族多样性、社会住房、主要道路、维多利亚时代的小露台,以及最近快速绅士化的地区。目的与其说是让他们熟悉这个领域,不如说是看看他们的观点如何以及是否与同学的观点不同,以及这能揭示他们对地方的理解。他们以小组形式发出,然后我们在下周的会议上讨论他们的想法。在今年的研究中,有两个特别的反应脱颖而出。一位并非来自布里斯托尔的学生说,他发现这个地区超出了他通常的考虑范围,因为尽管有很多开放的零售单元,但没有他所说的“普通商店”。他说,他意识到自己指的是一家报刊代理商(他想买一块巧克力),经过反思,他对这一点的“正常”定义更多地反映了他自己的经历和期望,而不是该地区的“异常”。然而,他在复述这则轶事时的诚实,从假设以及经历和成长如何塑造期望的角度揭示了这一点。从一个非常不同的角度来看,第二个回应揭示了同样的事情。几名学生评论了附近可见的大量非法倾倒垃圾,尤其是废弃的冰箱。一位在这个地区生活了一辈子的学生说,他并没有真正注意到冰箱,因为这个地区住起来太友好了。与第一个学生的迷失方向不同,第二个学生之前的经历使这个地区“不正常”,而第二个生的评论暗示他接受了负面环境,因为从他的角度来看,它“正常”。生活经验直接影响我们对场所质量的判断,而场所质量又决定了结果和可能性。
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引用次数: 0
Governmental Logics in Commercialised Planning Practices. The Case of Local Authority Pre-Application Negotiations in the English Planning System 商业化规划实践中的政府逻辑。英国规划系统中地方当局申请前谈判案例
IF 3.9 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2021-12-16 DOI: 10.1080/14649357.2021.2011388
G. Parker, M. Dobson, T. Lynn
ABSTRACT The paper provides an empirical review of a widely used tool in the English planning system – pre-application discussions (‘pre-apps’) and a theoretical exposition of governmental ‘logics’ that underpin neoliberal-informed planning reforms. We present five logic frames of growth, efficiency, commercialisation, participation and quality, and apply these to pre-application negotiation practice, to highlight how Local Planning Authorities (LPAs) are faced with the challenge of reconciling a complex of multiple and often competing aims that appear irreconcilable in practice. We highlight that whilst ‘ordinary’ planning tools such as pre-apps may appear mundane, they can provide valuable instantiations where logics collide.
摘要本文对英国规划系统中广泛使用的工具——申请前讨论(“申请前讨论”)进行了实证回顾,并对支撑新自由主义知情规划改革的政府“逻辑”进行了理论阐述。我们提出了增长、效率、商业化、参与和质量的五个逻辑框架,并将其应用于申请前谈判实践,以强调地方规划当局(LPA)如何面临调和多重且往往相互竞争的目标的挑战,这些目标在实践中似乎不可调和。我们强调,虽然预应用程序等“普通”规划工具可能看起来很普通,但它们可以在逻辑冲突的地方提供有价值的实例化。
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引用次数: 3
Time, Temporality, and Planning – Comments on the State of Art in Strategic Spatial Planning Research 时间、时间性与规划——空间战略规划研究现状述评
IF 3.9 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2021-11-30 DOI: 10.1080/14649357.2021.2008172
G. Hutter, Thorsten Wiechmann
Since past and present inevitably form the basis for the future distribution of activities in space, the time dimension is as essential for spatial planning as it is for any other type of planning. This also applies to strategic spatial planning, which is commonly understood as “transformative governance work” (Healey, 2009, p. 440, with reference to Albrechts 2004). Both time and temporality are important to understand and theorize with regards to the practice of strategic spatial planning (Sandberg & Tsoukas, 2011, p. 341). The former may be obvious; just think of time as a dimension to schedule a planning meeting. The latter is less obvious, because temporality concerns deliberation about issues of sequencing, tempo, and timing of planning activities (to name only a few). For instance, sequencing of informal planning communication and formal (statutory) planning procedures matters. Before formal procedures, practitioners may search for creative solutions to the pressing problems of strategic planning in cities and regions. After formal plans have been approved, they may be more concerned in ensuring the diffusion of and compliance with planning statements amongst target audiences (Mastop & Faludi, 1997). It would seem self-evident that planning theorists would devote as much attention to time and temporality as to the spatial dimensions of planning. However, this is not the case (Das, 1991). So far, there are only a few contributions to planning theory that take up ongoing debates in other scientific disciplines and that make suggestions about how to rethink planning’s relationship to time and temporality (Hutter et al., 2014; Laurian & Inch, 2019). Surprisingly little has changed since Ewing declared nearly half a century ago: “The utterly essential dimension of planning is time. . . . Yet time is the one dimension of planning that never gets discussed. It is treated as if it were a constant that everyone understands” (Ewing, 1972, p. 439). Fine-grained process analyses with complex descriptions of temporality using categories such as duration, tempo, sequence, and timing, as well as in-depth analyses of change processes based on these categories, are not common in planning research. This is to some extent understandable for, at least, two reasons. On the one hand, researchers and practitioners alike framed planning for a long time as an engineering task‚ ‘trapped’ into a modernist instrumental rationalism (Wiechmann, 2008, p. 10), which left little room for complex time considerations beyond the straightforward clock-time view of temporal variation (linear time, objective
由于过去和现在不可避免地构成未来空间活动分布的基础,时间维度对于空间规划和其他任何类型的规划一样重要。这也适用于战略空间规划,它通常被理解为“变革性治理工作”(Healey, 2009, p. 440,参考Albrechts 2004)。时间和时间性对于理解和理论化战略空间规划的实践都很重要(Sandberg & Tsoukas, 2011, p. 341)。前者可能是显而易见的;只需将时间视为安排计划会议的一个维度。后者不那么明显,因为时间性涉及计划活动的顺序、速度和时间安排(仅举几例)。例如,非正式规划沟通和正式(法定)规划程序的顺序很重要。在正式程序之前,从业者可以为城市和地区战略规划的紧迫问题寻找创造性的解决方案。在正式计划获得批准后,他们可能更关心的是确保目标受众对规划声明的传播和遵守(Mastop & Faludi, 1997)。似乎不言自明的是,规划理论家会像关注规划的空间维度一样关注时间和时间性。然而,事实并非如此(Das, 1991)。到目前为止,只有少数对规划理论的贡献在其他科学学科中引起了持续的争论,并就如何重新思考规划与时间和时间性的关系提出了建议(Hutter et al., 2014;Laurian & Inch, 2019)。令人惊讶的是,自从尤因在近半个世纪前宣布:“计划最基本的维度是时间. . . .”以来,几乎没有什么变化然而,时间是从未被讨论过的计划的一个方面。它被视为一个人人都能理解的常量”(Ewing, 1972,第439页)。细粒度过程分析使用诸如持续时间、速度、顺序和时间等类别对时间性进行复杂描述,以及基于这些类别对变化过程进行深入分析,这些在计划研究中并不常见。这在某种程度上是可以理解的,至少有两个原因。一方面,长期以来,研究人员和实践者都将规划视为一项工程任务,“陷入”现代主义工具理性主义(Wiechmann, 2008,第10页),这使得除了时间变化(线性时间,客观)的直接时钟时间观之外,几乎没有给复杂的时间考虑留下空间
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引用次数: 5
Disruptive Localism – How Far Does Clientelism Shape the Prospects of Neighbourhood Planning in Deprived Urban Communities? 颠覆性的地方主义——客户主义在多大程度上影响了贫困城市社区的邻里规划前景?
IF 3.9 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2021-11-16 DOI: 10.1080/14649357.2021.2003425
John Sturzaker, O. Sykes, Bertie Dockerill
ABSTRACT This paper reports on a study of Neighbourhood Planning in more deprived urban areas of the North West region of England, revealing that the stance of elected representatives is important in shaping the processes and outcomes of this new more citizen-led form of planning. The paper considers how far barriers to Neighbourhood Planning, and the variable support offered by local planning authorities to deprived urban communities, might be accounted for by practices of clientelism. It concludes that clientelism provides a useful lens through which to interpret attitudes towards Neighbourhood Planning as a disruptor of established patterns of influence and powerholding.
摘要本文报道了一项关于英格兰西北部贫困城市地区邻里规划的研究,揭示了民选代表的立场在塑造这种由公民主导的新规划形式的过程和结果方面至关重要。该论文考虑了邻里规划的障碍,以及地方规划当局向贫困城市社区提供的可变支持,可以在多大程度上被客户主义的做法所解释。它的结论是,客户主义提供了一个有用的视角,通过它可以将人们对邻里规划的态度解释为对既定影响力和权力控制模式的颠覆。
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引用次数: 3
The Future of Urban Cemeteries as Public Spaces: Insights from Oslo and Copenhagen 城市墓地作为公共空间的未来:来自奥斯陆和哥本哈根的见解
IF 3.9 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2021-11-15 DOI: 10.1080/14649357.2021.1993973
Pavel Grabalov, H. Nordh
ABSTRACT Public spaces are believed to make cities more liveable, healthy and socially equal. To date, discussions about public spaces have primarily revolved around emblematic types, such as squares and parks, while little attention has been paid to cemeteries. Drawing on a review of public space scholarship and cemetery research, an analysis of strategies for cemetery development in two Scandinavian capitals, Oslo and Copenhagen, and interviews with stakeholders, this paper elaborates on the cemetery as a special type of public space. Our findings demonstrate the potential of cemeteries’ contribution to the urban environment as multifunctional public spaces – the trajectory envisioned by the two municipalities.
摘要公共空间被认为可以使城市变得更宜居、更健康、更平等。到目前为止,关于公共空间的讨论主要围绕着象征性的类型,如广场和公园,而很少关注墓地。本文通过对公共空间学术和墓地研究的回顾,对斯堪的纳维亚两个首都奥斯陆和哥本哈根的墓地发展战略的分析,以及对利益相关者的采访,阐述了墓地作为一种特殊类型的公共空间。我们的研究结果证明了墓地作为多功能公共空间对城市环境的贡献潜力——这是两个城市所设想的轨迹。
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引用次数: 15
Ethnographic Knowledge in Urban Planning – Bridging the Gap between the Theories of Knowledge-Based and Communicative Planning 城市规划中的民族志知识——弥合基于知识的规划与交际规划理论之间的差距
IF 3.9 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2021-11-04 DOI: 10.1080/14649357.2021.1993316
H. Mattila, P. Olsson, Tiina-Riitta Lappi, K. Ojanen
ABSTRACT ‘Knowledge-based’ approaches have recently made a breakthrough in urban planning. How to develop balance in knowledge-based planning between abstract and scientific knowledge, on the one hand, and ‘local knowledge’ on the other hand has been long debated. To this debate, we add a form of knowledge with potential for sustainable urban planning, i.e. ethnographic knowledge that could transmit an understanding of urban dwellers’ daily practices and values to planning organisations. Theoretical literature is the foundation of our argument, which we illustrate with a case study involving urban planners and decision-makers in the Helsinki region of Finland.
摘要“基于知识的”方法最近在城市规划中取得了突破。在基于知识的规划中,如何在抽象知识和科学知识以及“地方知识”之间取得平衡一直是争论不休的问题。在这场辩论中,我们增加了一种具有可持续城市规划潜力的知识形式,即民族志知识,它可以将对城市居民日常实践和价值观的理解传达给规划组织。理论文献是我们论点的基础,我们通过芬兰赫尔辛基地区城市规划者和决策者的案例研究来说明这一点。
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引用次数: 4
Communities, Heritage and Planning: Towards a Co-Evolutionary Heritage Approach 社区、遗产和规划:走向共同进化的遗产方法
IF 3.9 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2021-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/14649357.2021.1998584
Karim van Knippenberg, B. Boonstra, L. Boelens
ABSTRACT Community engagement is becoming a key part of heritage management processes. Community-heritage engagement, however, also means that heritage management processes become more dynamic and versatile, as participation and community engagement is often complex, multifaceted, open-ended and unpredictable. This paper introduces a third, more radical perspective on community-heritage engagement, which we coin ‘a co-evolutionary heritage approach’. We argue that a co-evolutionary heritage approach is alive to the adaptability, flexibility and complexity that comes with the diversity of heritage valuation by communities.
社区参与正在成为遗产管理过程的关键部分。然而,社区遗产参与也意味着遗产管理过程变得更加动态和多样化,因为参与和社区参与往往是复杂的、多方面的、开放的和不可预测的。本文介绍了关于社区遗产参与的第三种更激进的观点,我们称之为“共同进化遗产方法”。我们认为,共同进化的遗产方法对社区遗产评估的多样性所带来的适应性、灵活性和复杂性是有生命的。
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引用次数: 8
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