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Introduction to the Special Issue* 特刊简介*
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/0032329220966073
F. Block, M. Larson, G. Seidman
This essay introduces a special issue of Politics & Society in memory of Erik Olin Wright (1947–2019).
本文介绍了纪念埃里克·奥林·赖特(1947-2019)的《政治与社会》特刊。
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引用次数: 0
Auto-organização social no mundo do trabalho e produção: notas para uma crítica à economia solidária 工作和生产世界中的社会自组织:团结经济批判笔记
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-11-19 DOI: 10.5007/175-7984.2020v19n45p301
Cássio Brancaleone
The contemporary debate on alternative experiences of work organization and production isin Brazil dominated by the so-called “solidarity economy”. Also known as “cooperatives” or“recovered factories and enterprises”, many of these experiences are evidently not new, goingback to the first practices of resistance and social self-organization carried out by the workingclass. At the same time, their condition and potential as a societal “alternative” in a varietyof circumstances are minimized and even challenged by the way in which they fall withinthe framework of relations of subordination and dependence on agencies, mechanisms andactors of the state and the capitalist market. The article in question aims to present a briefcritical review of the theoretical repertoire mobilized by exponents of the solidarity economyin the perspectives from the anarchist and heterodox marxist, relating it to the proposal of the“participatory economy” (PARECON). Thus, it is hoped to contribute with a critique of thistheoretical framework through the recovery of the antisystemic sense of the concept of self-management, subsidizing the reflection and analysis related to such experiences.
在巴西,当代关于工作组织和生产的替代经验的辩论被所谓的“团结经济”所主导。这些经验也被称为“合作社”或“恢复的工厂和企业”,其中许多经验显然并不新鲜,可以追溯到工人阶级进行抵抗和社会自我组织的第一次实践。与此同时,在各种情况下,他们作为社会“替代品”的条件和潜力被最小化,甚至受到挑战,因为他们处于从属关系的框架内,依赖于国家和资本主义市场的机构、机制和行动者。本文旨在从无政府主义者和非正统马克思主义者的角度,对团结经济学的倡导者动员的理论储备进行简要的批判性回顾,并将其与“参与经济”(PARECON)的提议联系起来。因此,希望通过恢复自我管理概念的反系统意义,对这一理论框架进行批判,资助与此类经验相关的反思和分析。
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引用次数: 1
A análise política por Max Weber da Revolução de Fevereiro de 1917: Um balanço crítico. 马克斯·韦伯对1917年二月革命的政治分析:批判性评价。
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-11-19 DOI: 10.5007/175-7984.2020v19n45p152
L. Souza, Ricardo Musse
This paper critically discusses Max Weber’s analysis of the political situation in Russia in 1917,particularly his article on the February Revolution [Russia’s transition to pseudo-democracy].We establish the links between this article and his writings on the Russian revolution of 1905,focusing on the analysis of social classes and the viability of a democratic coalition capableof supplanting tsarism. In 1917, Weber questions the democratic character of the “provisionalgovernment” and concludes that the revolutionary process was nothing but the annulment ofan incompetent monarch, without changing the conservative position of the ruling classes inrelation to the agrarian question, nor their dependence on foreign banks. Thus, we analyze themistakes that led Weber to disregard the possibility of an alliance between workers and peasants,as well as the insufficiencies of his theoretical scheme to include the dynamics of the massmovement in the historical transformation.
本文批判性地讨论了马克斯·韦伯对1917年俄国政治形势的分析,特别是他关于二月革命的文章[俄国向伪民主的过渡]。我们将这篇文章与他关于1905年俄国革命的著作联系起来,重点分析社会阶级和能够取代沙皇制度的民主联盟的可行性。1917年,韦伯对“临时政府”的民主性质提出了质疑,并得出结论,革命过程只不过是废除了一个无能的君主,没有改变统治阶级在土地问题上的保守立场,也没有改变他们对外国银行的依赖。因此,我们分析了导致韦伯忽视工农联盟可能性的错误,以及他的理论方案在历史转型中包括群众运动动力的不足。
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引用次数: 0
Democracia e Legitimidade: três teses sobre o papel da comunicação na justificação política 民主与合法性:关于沟通在政治正当性中的作用的三个论题
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-11-19 DOI: 10.5007/175-7984.2020v19n45p268
Renato Francisquini
This paper intends to contribute to a broad understanding of the role attributed to communication,by contemporary democratic theory, in the justification of political authority. To achieve this goal,diversified theoretical perspectives will be settled in three groups – the theses of contribution,exclusivity and necessity – according to the place each assigns to deliberation in guaranteeinglegitimacy to collective decisions. Based on the review of the relevant literature, a distinctionbecomes evident in what refers to sufficient and/or necessary conditions for political decisionsto be considered by all of those affected as morally acceptable and politically convenient. Itrests clear, therefore, a background disagreement in the degree of importance attributed tocommunication between equals to assure the justification of political authority.
本文旨在通过当代民主理论对传播在为政治权威辩护中所起的作用作出广泛的理解。为了实现这一目标,多样化的理论观点将被分为三组——贡献论、排他性论和必要性论——根据每组在保证集体决策合法性方面赋予审议的地位。基于对相关文献的回顾,一个明显的区别是,什么是政治决策的充分和/或必要条件,所有受影响的人都认为这是道德上可接受的,政治上方便的。因此,很明显,平等者之间的沟通对确保政治权威的正当性的重要性程度存在背景分歧。
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引用次数: 1
Biography and Scholarship. In Memory of Guenther Roth 传记和奖学金。纪念冈瑟罗斯
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-11-19 DOI: 10.5007/175-7984.2020v19n45p227
Luciana Villas Bôas
Este ensaio faz um retrato da personalidade e da trajetoria intelectual de Guenther Roth a partir da historia da sua uma amizade com a autora, reflexoes do sociologo sobre a sua autobiografia, memorias e correspondencias ineditas.
本文从根特·罗斯与作者的友谊史、这位社会学家对其自传的反思、回忆和前所未有的通信等方面,描绘了他的个性和智慧轨迹。
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引用次数: 0
Max Weber and the Empirical Historical Inquiry 马克思·韦伯与实证历史调查
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-11-19 DOI: 10.5007/175-7984.2020v19n45p118
E. Hanke
Max Weber is a worldwide respected sociologist, but there are other ways to approach andappreciate his oeuvre, especially in historical science. He has been seen as the last German-speaking polyhistor, as the founding father of historical cultural studies, and even as theforerunner of a problem-focused historiography. At the same time, history provides himwith an almost inexhaustible reservoir of single data. Weber demonstrates what about datais scientifically interesting and how to make use of it for dealing with scientific questions.My approach in this essay will be as follows: Firstly, I will identify Weber’s methodologicalreflections about how to deal with empirical-historical reality. Secondly, I will show how Weberembraces history with special focus on his sociology of domination – a centerpiece of Economyand Society. Finally, I will shortly explore the possibilities of adapting Weber’s main theses topresent-day historical sciences.
马克斯·韦伯是一位享誉世界的社会学家,但也有其他方法可以接近和评价他的作品,尤其是在历史科学领域。他被视为最后一位讲德语的多面手,历史文化研究的创始人,甚至是以问题为中心的史学的先驱。与此同时,历史为他提供了一个几乎取之不尽用之不竭的单一数据库。韦伯展示了什么是数据在科学上是有趣的,以及如何利用它来处理科学问题。我在这篇文章中的方法如下:首先,我将识别韦伯关于如何处理经验历史现实的方法论反思。其次,我将展示韦伯雷是如何通过特别关注他的统治社会学来影响历史的——这是《经济学与社会》的核心。最后,我将很快探讨将韦伯的主要论文改编为当代历史科学的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
“Antigos” e “Novos” no jornalismo brasileiro dos anos de 1980 e 1990: Uma identidade profissional em disputa 20世纪80年代和90年代巴西新闻业的“旧”和“新”:有争议的职业身份
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-11-19 DOI: 10.5007/175-7984.2020v19n45p337
Alexandre Bergamo
This paper discusses how, in the 1980s and the 1990s, important forms of domination andsymbolic strategies were underlined in Brazilian journalism. For this, it discusses the changes inthe journalists’ labor market, the impact of the demand of Bachelor’s degree for the exercise of theprofession, the increase in number of schools and the importance of the adoption of specific rulesfor journalistic writing seeking the consolidation of a professional work and writing model. Itshows how in the conflict between the “old” and the “young” journalists, which marked thetwo decades studied, the following topics were at play: modifications in the way of work andthe profession’s perception, in the hierarchy organization and social recruitment, as well as in theprofessional identity.
本文讨论了在20世纪80年代和90年代,巴西新闻业中重要的统治形式和象征性策略是如何被强调的。为此,本文讨论了新闻工作者劳动力市场的变化、学士学位需求对职业行使的影响、学校数量的增加以及采用特定规则寻求专业工作和写作模式的重要性。它展示了在“老”记者和“年轻”记者之间的冲突中,这标志着二十年的研究,以下主题是如何发挥作用的:工作方式和职业观念的改变,等级组织和社会招聘,以及职业认同。
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引用次数: 0
Percurso para o Senado: carreiras e social background dos senadores das 51ª e 52ª Legislaturas 参议院之路:第51届和第52届立法机构参议员的职业和社会背景
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-11-19 DOI: 10.5007/175-7984.2020v19n45p246
Alison Ribeiro Centeno
Analyzing the Brazilian Federal Senate between 1999 and 2006 the main objective is to presentthe characteristics of recruitment of the Senators who had a seat in the Upper House accordingto parties’ position in the political spectrum. Exploring a database consisting of information suchas academic degree, profession before the political career and positions previously held by the135 politicians with mandates during the interim, the Federal Senate was composed mainly ofpoliticians with bachelor’s degrees, who were reasonably distinct in their previous professionsand with a strong contrast in the formation of their political careers – high level of experience forcenter and right parties’ politicians and less experience of Senators from the left.
分析1999年至2006年间巴西联邦参议院的主要目标是根据政党在政治光谱中的地位,提出在上院拥有席位的参议员的招聘特点。通过对由135名在过渡时期获得授权的政治家的学历、政治生涯之前的职业和职位等信息组成的数据库进行研究,联邦参议院主要由拥有学士学位的政治家组成。他们在之前的职业生涯中相当独特,在政治生涯的形成过程中形成了强烈的对比——中间和右翼政党的政治家经验丰富,而左翼参议员的经验较少。
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引用次数: 0
A dimensão causal-explicativa dos tipos ideais: a contribuição metodológica de Max Weber para a sociologia contemporânea 理想类型的因果解释维度:马克斯·韦伯对当代社会学的方法论贡献
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-11-19 DOI: 10.5007/175-7984.2020v19n45p56
Gert Albert
The article proposes a reading and updating of the ideal type of Max Weber from RolandGiere’s non-statement view. According to the latter, theories consist of theoretical models andhypotheses. From this, the ideal types of Weber do not consist of substantive propositions, butof theoretical idealizations that cannot be falsified, from which, however, hypotheses are derivedto be falsified or confirmed. The epistemological status of ideal Weber types does not consistof descriptive-causal propositions, but of definitions. In this way we achieve not only a newinterpretation of the weberian epistemological legacy, but also open the way for its interlocutionwith the current philosophy of science.
本文从罗兰吉尔的非陈述观点出发,对马克斯·韦伯的理想类型进行解读和更新。根据后者,理论由理论模型和假设组成。由此,韦伯的理想类型不是由实质性命题构成的,而是由无法证伪的理论理想化构成的,然而,假设是从这些理想化中衍生出来的,可以证伪或证实。理想韦伯类型的认识论地位不是由描述性因果命题构成,而是由定义构成。通过这种方式,我们不仅获得了对韦伯认识论遗产的新解释,而且为其与当前科学哲学的对话开辟了道路。
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引用次数: 0
A sociologia da educação de Max Weber: o Clinamen na prática pedagógica 马克斯·韦伯的教育社会学:教育实践中的Clinamen
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-11-19 DOI: 10.5007/175-7984.2020v19n45p205
Alonso Bezerra de Carvalho
This article consists, essentially, of an analysis of Max Weber’s thinking, in order to seek apossible contribution in the field of education on present. When expose his comprehension aboutthe rationalization process, having on bureaucracy as one of its most striking manifestations,Weber understands human actions as constituted by a permanent tension. There would not be ameaning in the world, with universal validity, that could guide existence. In this aspect, educationneeds to acquire another meaning, that is, an education that does the clinamen emerge andrevive, introducing on determinist mechanism the space of liberation, which consists in breakingthe inherent determinism in any objective situation and, in a deviant way, to promove aperturefor the exercise of autonomy. If to the teacher belongs the obligation to provide some hope forthe life of his students, it must be established from the recognition of the agonistic character ofexistence. To do in this way, is guarantee integrity and intellectual freedom.
本文从本质上分析了马克斯·韦伯的思想,以期在当今教育领域寻求可能的贡献。当揭示他对合理化过程的理解时,韦伯将官僚主义作为其最引人注目的表现之一,他将人类行为理解为由永久的紧张构成的。世界上不会有任何具有普遍有效性的东西可以指导存在。在这方面,教育需要获得另一种意义,即一种使临床出现并存活的教育,在决定论机制上引入解放的空间,它包括在任何客观情况下打破固有的决定论,并以一种越轨的方式促进自主行使的机会。如果教师有义务为学生的生活提供一些希望,那么就必须从认识到存在的痛苦特征开始确立。这样做,就是保证诚信和知识自由。
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Politics & Society
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