Journal of Comparative Economics最新文献

We present evidence on the distortions that arise from imperfect regulations compared with market allocation mechanisms. Using a triple difference strategy, we evaluate the effectiveness of the Energy-Saving Generation Dispatch reform in China, which aims to allocate more generating hours to power plants with higher energy efficiency. We find that the new dispatch rule improved resource allocation within provinces compared with the previous equal-share dispatch rule. However, despite these improvements, the reform fell short of its intended goals because of the failure to strictly implement the merit order based on real-time coal consumption rates. We demonstrate how the lack of compensation for losers, technical requirements for grid stability, the existence of multiple goals, and information costs contribute to imperfect regulation.

We examine the impact of export shocks proxied by destination countries’ tariffs on the post middle school enrollment of the rural population in China. We complement the literature by examining the across-region spillover effects of export shocks through initial migration networks. We find that the reduction of export tariffs at both the local and migration-destination prefectures significantly decreases post middle school enrollment of the 16–18 years old cohort, but the latter is stronger. Further analysis suggests that employment in the secondary industry rises significantly with the reduction of export tariffs, which improves job opportunities and thus increases the post middle school dropout rate.

We examine the short- and medium-term impacts of online teaching during COVID-19 on the academic performance of high school freshmen, employing unique data from three high schools of different academic performance levels in Zhejiang Province, China. We find that relative to the cohort not affected by COVID-19 and experiencing no online teaching in their freshman year, online teaching had short-term negative effects on Chinese performance in the high-performing school and math performance in the mid-performing school but no significant effects on other tests and in the low-performing school. The negative effects disappeared eight months after students returned to traditional classroom teaching, and students in the high-performing school indeed experienced a significant positive effect in math performance. Moreover, following online teaching, girls in key classes in the high-performing school performed better in math in both the short and medium term, significantly narrowing the math performance gap with their male classmates, while boys in the low-performing school experienced significant declines in both Chinese and math in the medium term.

What are the origins of national identity? We investigate the success of propaganda as one the first nation-building policies conducted in the German lands around 1815. To elicit identity changes at the level of individuals we use data on first names across German cities and villages. To validate the approach of using first names, we show that soldiers with national names had a higher likelihood to be honored for bravery during the German-French War. Exploiting unanticipated border changes together with variation within the same families over time, i.e., family fixed effects, we find that parents in treated cities responded by choosing national (rather than ruler) first names for their children. We do not find a corresponding increase in villages suggesting that national identity was more prevalent among the urban population, in particular the elite, during this period.

The evidence for whether China become more competitive following its accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) is mixed. Using recent methods for estimating markups and profit shares, this paper documents that Chinese manufacturing firms on average collected more rents after the accession because the rate of net entry of firms lagged the rapid growth of the domestic market. While the selection on large productive firms drove the rise in the aggregate markups in the United States (De Loecker et al., 2020), these competitive forces played a secondary role in China.

Can transparency interventions reduce corrupt behavior when corrupt actors are politically influential and the victims of corrupt acts confront large obstacles to collective action? These conditions describe the pervasive phenomenon of grand corruption and potentially render corrupt actors less vulnerable to transparency interventions. We present the first evidence that, despite these theoretical obstacles, a transparency intervention in the Colombian School Meals Program significantly changed the behavior of powerful operators. The intervention consisted of informal audits and text messages to parents. It affected behavior through two channels. A survey of parents reveals greater bottom-up mobilization to oversee operators in treated schools; the pattern of operator responses to the informal audits over time and across departments indicates that operators were concerned that systematic evidence of corrupt behavior would trigger top-down enforcement actions by high-level enforcement agencies.

Symbiotic corruption occurs when senior officials employ the symbiotic relationship with junior officials in corrupt activities, to induce them to participate in the political contest for power and political rents. This paper develops a formal theoretical model to analyze the mechanics and consequences of symbiotic corruption prevailing in weakly institutionalized societies. We find that in the presence of symbiotic corruption, political contests tend to arise when the initial distribution of political rents between rival factions is disproportional to their de facto political power. Anti-corruption by increasing the effective penalty or enhancing monitoring of corruption works differently, but both are surprisingly ineffective in a society plagued by symbiotic corruption. In an unbalanced political system, where the initial distribution of political rents is relatively disproportional, an increase in the effective penalty induces rival factions to reach a tacit collusion to maintain peace and leads to universal symbiotic corruption; a rise in monitoring efficiency decreases total corruption but inevitably increases symbiotic corruption. In a balanced political system, universal corruption always emerges, and anti-corruption only affects the transformation between symbiotic and individual corruptions. This study not only sheds light on the (in)effectiveness of conventional anticorruption measures in the presence of symbiotic corruption, but also provides a new perspective on the link between bureaucratic hierarchies, national-level power dynamics, and corruption.

Survival cannibalism persisted across human societies until recently. What drove the decline in cannibalism and other forms of violence? Using data from the 1470–1910 period, this paper documents that in historical China, the Confucian clan—an institutionalized kinship network—acted as an informal internal market to facilitate intra-clan resource pooling and risk-sharing, thus reducing the need for cannibalism during times of drought-related famine. The risk mitigation role of the clan remains robust after controlling for economic development and other factors and ruling out alternative channels. Thus, kinship networks and their associated culture contributed to human civilizational development before the advent of formal markets.

The use of the Internet to access news has an impact on African citizens’ perceptions of democracy. Using repeated cross-sectional data from the Afrobarometer survey across 35 African countries over the period 2011–2018, along with an instrumental variable approach, allows addressing potential endogeneity bias between Internet use and citizens’ perceptions. The results indicate that using the Internet to obtain information has a significant negative effect on both the preference for and the perception of the extent of democracy. This negative effect is due to several factors. First, Internet use erodes trust in government institutions, mainly in the parliament and the ruling party. It increases the perception that parliament members are involved in corruption. In addition, the erosion of trust is correlated with more political mobilization, in the form of greater participation in demonstrations and voting. These results echo the existing literature and, in particular, hint at the risks of reversal of nascent democratization processes. Finally, the Internet seems to act as a misinformation channel. On the one hand, Internet users’ perception of the extent of democracy and perception of the corruption of legislators diverge from experts’ assessments. On the other hand, Internet use increases the likelihood of inconsistency in respondents’ stances on their preference for democracy. The Internet is not a neutral information channel: it tends to undermine citizens’ preference for democracy while also altering perceptions about political institutions.

In this paper we examine to what extent civic engagement might emerge from a deep and organic link, which exists between religion and culture. We rely on a novel approach which approximates the deep embodiment of religious institutions in culture by the presence of religious symbols in the public sphere. Drawing on data for rural Poland, we show that municipalities in which we observe a growing number of street names associated with the Catholic Church display a higher level of civic engagement (measured by the number of NGOs) than municipalities in which, over the last years, such streets were not created.