Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/1047840X.2022.2106753
Joseph Cesario
The authors of the target article (Gawronski, Ledgerwood, & Eastwick, this issue) are to be commended for their important and insightful analysis on the state of implicit bias research. They introduce and discuss the critical distinction between bias on implicit measures and implicit bias itself. However, the authors want to have their cake and eat it too, and this causes them to stop short in fully applying their analysis. In this commentary, I take the authors seriously and draw out their analysis to its logical conclusion. In doing so, three points are raised:
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Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/1047840X.2022.2106760
Jasmine B. Norman, Jacqueline M. Chen
The target article by Gawronski, Ledgerwood, and Eastwick (this issue) presents a thorough overview of the intergroup bias literature, honing in on issues that are both conceptual and methodological. In order to address these issues, Gawronski et al. present some new conceptual definitions and distinctions. One central definition provided is of implicit bias, defined as “unconscious effects of social category cues (e.g., cues related to race, gender, etc.) on behavioral responses” (Gawronski et al., this issue, p. 140). The target article subsequently discusses the implications of this definition for methodology in detail. Our commentary highlights important considerations for different aspects of the target article’s definition of implicit bias. First, we outline the complexity of a seemingly straightforward part of this definition: social category cues. We consider the implications of categorical ambiguity in relation to the current definition of bias. Further, we propose that disparate impact and the importance of social context must be definitional to implicit bias. We provide an argument for how social and structural context are inseparable from social category cues and behavior. Second, turning our attention to the criterion of unconsciousness, we discuss and illustrate the challenges of measuring constructs that are under awareness and, informed by other fields, attempt to provide some solutions.
{"title":"Grappling with Social Complexity When Defining and Assessing Implicit Bias","authors":"Jasmine B. Norman, Jacqueline M. Chen","doi":"10.1080/1047840X.2022.2106760","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1047840X.2022.2106760","url":null,"abstract":"The target article by Gawronski, Ledgerwood, and Eastwick (this issue) presents a thorough overview of the intergroup bias literature, honing in on issues that are both conceptual and methodological. In order to address these issues, Gawronski et al. present some new conceptual definitions and distinctions. One central definition provided is of implicit bias, defined as “unconscious effects of social category cues (e.g., cues related to race, gender, etc.) on behavioral responses” (Gawronski et al., this issue, p. 140). The target article subsequently discusses the implications of this definition for methodology in detail. Our commentary highlights important considerations for different aspects of the target article’s definition of implicit bias. First, we outline the complexity of a seemingly straightforward part of this definition: social category cues. We consider the implications of categorical ambiguity in relation to the current definition of bias. Further, we propose that disparate impact and the importance of social context must be definitional to implicit bias. We provide an argument for how social and structural context are inseparable from social category cues and behavior. Second, turning our attention to the criterion of unconsciousness, we discuss and illustrate the challenges of measuring constructs that are under awareness and, informed by other fields, attempt to provide some solutions.","PeriodicalId":48327,"journal":{"name":"Psychological Inquiry","volume":"33 1","pages":"193 - 198"},"PeriodicalIF":9.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41853818","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/1047840X.2022.2065129
A. Molnár, G. Loewenstein
Gries, M€ uller, & Jost (this issue) address a topic of great theoretical and practical importance: the origin of the ideologies that shape—and increasingly define—the current political and social climate. Adopting an economist’s perspective on ideologies, they seek to understand what purpose belief systems serve and why specific ideologies are embraced by individuals. Their answer, in a nutshell, is that people assess how well different ideologies would satisfy their psychological needs (and consumption) and choose the belief system that addresses their needs the most (subject to constraints such as limited information about ideologies and limited supply of ideologies in the “market” of belief systems). At a time when beliefs about, and behavior toward, ostensibly scientific issues such as climate change and vaccination, have become polarized as a result of being viewed through the lens of political ideologies, these questions are of existential importance. As advocates of a new wave in economics commonly referred to as “belief-based utility,” we applaud Gries et al.’s effort to apply an economic framework to understanding how people adopt, update, and abandon their belief systems. Belief-based utility is the idea that the main sources of utility are not material consumption, as economists generally assume, but rather people’s beliefs—about the world, and especially about themselves (e.g., whether they are virtuous, smart, attractive, likeable; see Loewenstein & Molnar, 2018; Molnar and Loewenstein, in press). The idea that people care about what is in their mind, and not just about material consumption, goes way back to classical economists (see Loewenstein, 1992). For example, Jeremy Bentham, who first proposed the notion of utility that became the backbone of economics, listed only a handful of material determinants of utility in his seminal work on hedonics and utility (Bentham, 1789), but a wide range of immaterial, nonphysical concepts, such as reputation, memory, imagination, or expectations—the majority of which can be labeled as beliefs. Adam Smith, likewise, made a case for the role of beliefs driving human behavior: “To what purpose is all the toil and bustle of this world?” Smith asked, and answered: “To be observed, to be attended to, to be taken notice of with sympathy, complacency, and approbation, are all the advantages we can propose to derive from it” (Smith, 1759, pp. 108–110). Although these ideas were largely sidelined during the early to mid-20th century as a result of the ordinalist revolution in economics, behaviorism in psychology, and the ensuing exclusive focus on directly measurable goods and outcomes, economists began to re-incorporate these insights in the late 1970’s and early 1980’s. For example, Thomas Schelling (1984), in a brilliant paper titled “The Mind as a Consuming Organ,” discussed how little of what we “consume” is actually observable, physical, goods (what standard economics would conceptualize as “cons
Gries、M€uller和Jost（本期）探讨了一个具有重大理论和实践意义的话题：塑造并日益定义当前政治和社会气候的意识形态的起源。采用经济学家对意识形态的观点，他们试图理解信仰体系的目的是什么，以及为什么特定的意识形态会被个人所接受。简言之，他们的答案是，人们评估不同的意识形态在多大程度上能满足他们的心理需求（和消费），并选择最能满足他们需求的信仰体系（受制于诸如意识形态信息有限和信仰体系“市场”中意识形态供应有限等限制）。当人们从政治意识形态的角度看待气候变化和疫苗接种等表面上的科学问题时，人们对这些问题的信念和行为变得两极分化，这些问题具有生存的重要性。作为经济学新浪潮（通常被称为“基于信仰的效用”）的倡导者，我们赞扬Gries等人努力应用经济框架来理解人们如何采纳、更新和放弃他们的信仰体系。基于信念的效用是指效用的主要来源不是经济学家通常认为的物质消费，而是人们对世界的信念，尤其是对自己的信念（例如，他们是否善良、聪明、有吸引力、讨人喜欢；见Loewenstein&Molnar，2018；Molnar和Loewensstein，出版）。人们关心自己的想法，而不仅仅是物质消费，这种想法可以追溯到古典经济学家（见Loewenstein，1992）。例如，杰里米·边沁（Jeremy Bentham）首先提出了效用的概念，这一概念成为经济学的支柱，他在关于享乐主义和效用的开创性著作中只列出了效用的少数物质决定因素（边沁，1789），但列出了广泛的非物质、非物质概念，如声誉、记忆、想象力或期望，其中大多数可以被标记为信仰。同样，亚当·斯密也为信仰驱动人类行为的作用提出了一个理由：“这个世界上所有的辛劳和忙碌是为了什么目的？”史密斯问道，并回答道：“被观察、被关注、被同情、自满和认可所关注，都是我们可以从中获得的优势”（Smith，1759，pp.108-110）。尽管在20世纪初至中期，由于经济学中的普通主义革命、心理学中的行为主义，以及随之而来的对直接可测量的商品和结果的专注，这些观点在很大程度上被边缘化了，但经济学家在20世纪70年代末和80年代初开始重新纳入这些见解。例如，托马斯·谢林（Thomas Schelling，1984）在一篇题为《作为消费器官的心灵》（The Mind as a Consuming Organ）的精彩论文中，讨论了我们“消费”中有多少是可观察的实物（标准经济学将其概念化为“消费”），以及其中有多少完全发生在我们的脑海中。到目前为止，基于信念的效用的各种来源的理论和模型已经被开发并应用于许多背景，如金融、医疗保健、政治或组织行为（见Molnar和Loewenstein，出版）。
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Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/1047840X.2022.2065132
D. Osborne, Nicole Satherley, C. Sibley
Scholars have long-debated how citizens come to adopt a political ideology. Whereas some suggest that material needs and/or self-interest motivate citizens to endorse the issue positions and ideological stances that maximize utility (see Chong, 2000; Chong & Mullinix, 2022; Sniderman, Glaser, & Griffin, 1991; Weeden & Kurzban, 2017), others argue that less rational—and even irrational—forces are at play and instead focus on the psychological needs met by (Jost, 2020, 2021; Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, & Sulloway, 2003b), as well as symbolic attachments to (Jardina, 2019; Reny & Sears, 2020; Sears, 1993; Sears & Henry, 2005), specific ideologies. It seems that the extant literature is at an impasse over the antecedents to belief systems. Are citizens rational? Or are they not? Gries, M€ uller, and Jost (this issue) reconcile these contrasting perspectives by asserting that both rational and irrational processes motivate people’s ideological preferences. To these ends, the authors develop a comprehensive model of ideological choice that incorporates both (a) psychological and (b) consumption needs which are weighted by the importance assigned to them by the individual. On the other end of the production chain, ideological entrepreneurs supply ideologies that differentially reconcile these demands and disseminate them within a larger marketplace of beliefs. Although a formal mathematical model is used to identify the ideologies available within the frontier of options that best reconcile these dual needs, Gries et al. assert that, given the informational costs associated with becoming perfectly informed, most citizens simply “try out” different ideologies until they find one that satisfices their psychological and consumption needs. In seeking to resolve the perennial quandary over the determinants of ideology, Gries et al. (this issue) make multiple important contributions to the literature. First, in our view, much of the debate over mass belief systems entails discussions where both parties talk past one another. Those in the ideological purists camp (generally comprised of political scientists) define ideology in rigid terms focused on the presence of a stable and coherent belief system as articulated by Converse (1964) and others, whereas those in the ideological minimalists camp (often comprised of psychologists) have resuscitated the competence of the average voter by treating ideology as a self-defined/identity-based concept present in the vast majority of people (Jost, 2006, 2021). Gries et al. bridge this divide by acknowledging that ideologies are comprised of a “network of attitudes and beliefs... [that are] linked together logically and/or psychologically” (p. 65). Such a compromise brings both sides of this seemingly intractable conflict together and provides the foundations for a promising resolution to one of the most enduring debates in political psychology. In a similar manner, Gries et al. (this issue) help to reconcile the debate ov
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Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/1047840X.2022.2065133
Richard P. Eibach
In the opening scene of Angels in America: Perestroika, Aleksii Antedilluvianovich Prelapsarianov, “the world’s oldest living Bolshevik,” delivers a speech to the Kremlin shortly before the collapse of the Soviet Empire (Kushner, 1996). His speech glorifies the Bolshevik cause and voices disappointment with the Perestroika reformers. At first glance, Prelapsarianov seems like the very caricature of the irrational ideologue; his middle name (“before the Flood”) and last name (“before the Fall”) highlight how he is stubbornly clinging to the founding ideology of a dying system. Yet when we listen to his monologue we can see past the surface appearance of irrationality to find a compelling account of the human need for ideology. Surprisingly for a Marxist-Leninist, the character does not emphasize the value of ideology for advancing class-based material interests; rather, he focuses on how ideology can satisfy deeper cravings for things like meaning, structure, and purpose: “You can’t imagine, when we first read the Classic Texts, when in the dark vexed night of our ignorance and terror the seedwords sprouted and shoved incomprehension aside, when the incredible bloody vegetable struggle up and through into Red Blooming gave us Praxis, True Praxis, True Theory married to Actual Life” (Kushner, 1996, p. 14). He even gives a vivid analogy to suggest how lost we would be without an ideology to shield us from a threatening world: “If the snake sheds his skin before a new skin is ready, naked he will be in the world, prey to the forces of chaos” (p. 14). Prelapsarianov indicates that he is open to changing his mind if only the Perestroika reformers were able to offer a better ideological product to satisfy his needs: “[O]nly show me the Theory, and I will be at the barricades, show me the book of the next Beautiful Theory, and I promise you these blind eyes will see again, just to read it, to devour that text. Show me the words that will reorder the world, or else keep silent” (Kushner, 1996, p. 14). It is just that he is not very impressed by the ideological options that the reformers are offering: “What have you to offer in its place? Market Incentives? American Cheeseburgers? Watered-down Bukharinite stopgap makeshift Capitalism! NEPmen!” (p. 14). So, what on the surface may look like a stubborn, irrational rigidity may actually reflect commitment to the only ideological option that the individual finds reasonably satisfying. Although it is certainly ironic to depict a Bolshevik talking as if he is a customer shopping for the best available ideological product, this scenario has an intriguing resemblance to the rational choice model of ideological selection that Gries, M€ uller, and Jost (this issue) present in the target article. Their model takes seriously the familiar metaphor of a “marketplace of ideas” and combines the tools of rational choice modeling from economics with insights from theory and research on motivated social cognition to provide
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Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/1047840X.2022.2065137
R. McDermott
In the wake of increasing political polarization in the American body politic, and the rise of populist and authoritarian leaders more generally around the world, there has been a great deal of renewed attention to the nature and function of political ideology. Particularly in light of the recent insurrection in the U.S. Capitol on January 6th, 2021, and the precipitating and ensuing public debate surrounding the big lie espoused by many Republicans arguing that Trump won the 2020 election, political pundits and academics are increasingly asking how we can make politics less polarized and conflictual. The subtext in much of this discussion revolves around how best to persuade people to change their ideology to allow the possibility for greater political and social compromise. Into this fraught public and academic debate, Greis et al. offer a formalized model of ideological choice drawing on methods from economics in an effort to increase our understanding of how people decide which ideologies are best suited to their psychological and consumption needs, couched in terms of both supply and demand. This approach strives to combine psychological factors as well as economic principles to create a cohesive model of choice. In this way, Greis et al. explicitly approach the problem of how people select an ideology as a problem of decision making under conditions of uncertainty. This draws upon, and expands, earlier theoretical and empirical work by Jost and colleagues (Jost, Federico, & Napier, 2009; Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, & Sulloway, 2003; Jost, van der Linden, Panagopoulos, & Hardin, 2018) that explored the effects of uncertainty on the development of conservative political beliefs in particular. There is much to applaud about this paper. As with any formal model, the challenge, of course, lies in the empirical accuracy of the assumptions posited. These challenges, to employ the authors’ categories, fall into both demand and supply side categories. What is noteworthy in the current model is not so much what is included as what is left out. Notably, much of this model seems readily applicable to the recent Trump phenomena, but it remains unclear how well it generalizes beyond seeking to explain the nature of his support. Finally, it is worth considering at least one obvious addition, if not alternative, to the nature of ideological choice that derives from the critical nature of community for both physical and emotional survival. This consideration can be incorporated in light of a different weighting for multi attribute choice. This brief commentary proceeds along these lines.
随着美国政治体制中政治两极分化的加剧，以及民粹主义和威权主义领导人在世界各地的崛起，人们重新关注政治意识形态的性质和功能。特别是考虑到最近2021年1月6日美国国会大厦发生的暴动，以及围绕许多共和党人所支持的特朗普赢得2020年大选的弥天大谎而引发的公众辩论，政治专家和学者越来越多地问我们如何才能使政治不那么两极分化和矛盾。这场讨论的潜台词大多围绕着如何最好地说服人们改变他们的意识形态，从而有可能实现更大的政治和社会妥协。在这场令人担忧的公众和学术辩论中，Greis等人借鉴经济学的方法，提供了一个意识形态选择的形式化模型，以增进我们对人们如何决定哪些意识形态最适合他们的心理和消费需求的理解，从供应和需求的角度来表达。这种方法努力将心理因素和经济原则相结合，以创建一个有凝聚力的选择模型。通过这种方式，Greis等人明确地将人们如何选择意识形态的问题视为不确定性条件下的决策问题。这借鉴并扩展了Jost及其同事早期的理论和实证工作（Jost，Federico，&Napier，2009；Jost，Glaser，Kruglanski，&Sulloway，2003；Jost、van der Linden、Panagopoulos和Hardin，2018），这些工作特别探讨了不确定性对保守政治信仰发展的影响。这篇论文值得称赞。当然，与任何形式的模型一样，挑战在于假设的实证准确性。根据作者的分类，这些挑战分为需求和供应两类。当前模型中值得注意的与其说是包含了什么，不如说是遗漏了什么。值得注意的是，这个模型的大部分似乎很容易适用于最近的特朗普现象，但除了试图解释他的支持性质之外，它的推广效果如何尚不清楚。最后，值得考虑的是，意识形态选择的本质至少有一个明显的补充，如果不是替代的话，那就是社区对身体和情感生存的批判性。这种考虑可以结合用于多属性选择的不同权重。本简短评论是沿着这些思路进行的。
{"title":"Commentary on Gries, Muller and Jost’s “The Market for Belief Systems: A Formal Model of Ideological Choice”","authors":"R. McDermott","doi":"10.1080/1047840X.2022.2065137","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1047840X.2022.2065137","url":null,"abstract":"In the wake of increasing political polarization in the American body politic, and the rise of populist and authoritarian leaders more generally around the world, there has been a great deal of renewed attention to the nature and function of political ideology. Particularly in light of the recent insurrection in the U.S. Capitol on January 6th, 2021, and the precipitating and ensuing public debate surrounding the big lie espoused by many Republicans arguing that Trump won the 2020 election, political pundits and academics are increasingly asking how we can make politics less polarized and conflictual. The subtext in much of this discussion revolves around how best to persuade people to change their ideology to allow the possibility for greater political and social compromise. Into this fraught public and academic debate, Greis et al. offer a formalized model of ideological choice drawing on methods from economics in an effort to increase our understanding of how people decide which ideologies are best suited to their psychological and consumption needs, couched in terms of both supply and demand. This approach strives to combine psychological factors as well as economic principles to create a cohesive model of choice. In this way, Greis et al. explicitly approach the problem of how people select an ideology as a problem of decision making under conditions of uncertainty. This draws upon, and expands, earlier theoretical and empirical work by Jost and colleagues (Jost, Federico, & Napier, 2009; Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, & Sulloway, 2003; Jost, van der Linden, Panagopoulos, & Hardin, 2018) that explored the effects of uncertainty on the development of conservative political beliefs in particular. There is much to applaud about this paper. As with any formal model, the challenge, of course, lies in the empirical accuracy of the assumptions posited. These challenges, to employ the authors’ categories, fall into both demand and supply side categories. What is noteworthy in the current model is not so much what is included as what is left out. Notably, much of this model seems readily applicable to the recent Trump phenomena, but it remains unclear how well it generalizes beyond seeking to explain the nature of his support. Finally, it is worth considering at least one obvious addition, if not alternative, to the nature of ideological choice that derives from the critical nature of community for both physical and emotional survival. This consideration can be incorporated in light of a different weighting for multi attribute choice. This brief commentary proceeds along these lines.","PeriodicalId":48327,"journal":{"name":"Psychological Inquiry","volume":"33 1","pages":"117 - 122"},"PeriodicalIF":9.3,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45288771","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/1047840X.2022.2065135
J. Jost, Tom Gries, Veronika Müller
Abstract In a target article, we introduced a formal decision-making model of ideological choice to understand how individuals choose among alternatives in electoral contexts in which multiple parties and candidates compete to address voters’ material and psychological needs. In this rejoinder we respond to very thoughtful comments by Eibach; McDermott; Zmigrod; Molnar & Loewenstein, and Osborne, Satherley & Sibley. We also seek to correct a number of misrepresentations of the current state of knowledge in political psychology based on a few of the commentaries, especially that of Costello, Clark, and Tetlock. Finally, we revisit thorny questions of rationality and irrationality in the market for belief systems.
{"title":"Costs and Benefits of a Market-Based Model of Ideological Choice: Responding to Consumers and Critics","authors":"J. Jost, Tom Gries, Veronika Müller","doi":"10.1080/1047840X.2022.2065135","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1047840X.2022.2065135","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In a target article, we introduced a formal decision-making model of ideological choice to understand how individuals choose among alternatives in electoral contexts in which multiple parties and candidates compete to address voters’ material and psychological needs. In this rejoinder we respond to very thoughtful comments by Eibach; McDermott; Zmigrod; Molnar & Loewenstein, and Osborne, Satherley & Sibley. We also seek to correct a number of misrepresentations of the current state of knowledge in political psychology based on a few of the commentaries, especially that of Costello, Clark, and Tetlock. Finally, we revisit thorny questions of rationality and irrationality in the market for belief systems.","PeriodicalId":48327,"journal":{"name":"Psychological Inquiry","volume":"33 1","pages":"123 - 137"},"PeriodicalIF":9.3,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43228231","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-01DOI: 10.7861/clinmed.Let.22.2.3
Oscar Jolobe
{"title":"COVID-19 pneumonia as a risk factor for recurrent pneumothorax.","authors":"Oscar Jolobe","doi":"10.7861/clinmed.Let.22.2.3","DOIUrl":"10.7861/clinmed.Let.22.2.3","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48327,"journal":{"name":"Psychological Inquiry","volume":"9 1","pages":"188-189"},"PeriodicalIF":4.4,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88368189","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-10DOI: 10.1080/1047840X.2022.2065134
Leor Zmigrod
A quick scan of the political landscape reveals that people differ in the ideologies they embrace and advocate. Why do individuals prefer certain ideologies over others? A formal analysis of psychological needs and consumption desires suggests that it is possible to compute the subjective utility of selecting one ideology over another, as though it were a purchasing decision. Given resources, constraints, and available options, individuals can rationally choose the ideology that best matches or resonates with their interests. It is a compelling framework that can take into account how diverse ideologies satisfy people’s diverse and multidimensional psychological and material needs. This psycho-economic model is ambitious and informative, and I will argue that it can be even more encompassing and enlightening if it is expanded to incorporate two critical components of ideological cognition: (1) the nature of ideological conviction and extremism and (2) the dynamic, probabilistic mental computations that underlie belief formation, preservation, and change. Firstly, I will argue that a formal model of ideological choice cannot escape the question of the strength of ideological commitment. In other words, we need to ask not only about which ideologies individuals choose but also about how strongly they adhere to these ideologies once those are chosen. An analysis of ideological choice needs to be accompanied by an analysis of ideological conviction. Secondly, in order to build a robust sense of the rationality behind ideological thinking, it is useful to incorporate principles of uncertainty and probability-based belief updating into the formal model of ideological worldviews. Bayesian models highlight how human brains seek to build predictive models of the world by updating their beliefs and preferences in ways that are proportional to their prior expectations and sensory experiences. Consequently, incorporating Bayesian principles into the formal model of ideological choice will provide a more wholistic understanding of what happens when a mind enters the market for belief systems – and why a mind can, at times, purchase toxic doses of the ideologies that sellers and entrepreneurs offer on display.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/1047840X.2022.2037999
Ayelet Fishbach
In their target article, Milyavsky et al. (this issue) make a strong case for the substitutability between personal agency and social support. Across various domains, they find that perceived personal agency decreases the reliance on social support and perceived social support decreases the perceptions of personal agency. In my own research, I observed a similar substitutability between personal and social control; for example, the presence of external controls such as parental supervision undermined self-control in pursuing academic goals (Fishbach & Trope, 2005). Furthermore, research on balancing (Dhar & Simonson, 1999; Fishbach, Zhang, & Koo, 2009) and licensing (Monin & Miller, 2001) often observed substitutability among the means to a goal. It is clear that personal agency and social support can be, and often are, substitutional means for goal achievement. This commentary starts where the target article ends— when (if ever) should we expect complementarity instead of substitutability between two means to achieving a goal? Milyavsky et al. (this issue) offer a boundary condition: agency and assistance should not undermine each other if one of them also serves as a means to another goal. Yet, I ask, when does perceiving one (agency or support) make it more likely that the person will also turn to the other? For example, when learning a new skill (such as playing tennis or speaking Yiddish), is it possible that the perception of social support makes people more confident in their personal ability, or that perceived ability increases the chances that the person will also seek assistance? Possibly, to master these skills, it is insufficient to rely on one means only. The learner would benefit from multiple routes or, alternatively, from a backup plan (i.e., if one means fails, they can rely on the other). The notion that personal agency and social support could at times complement each other is consistent with a key tenet of Goal System Theory: Equifinal means, while often imposing redundancy (“all roads lead to Rome”), also increase confidence (the traveler is pretty confident she will make it to Rome, one way or another). Thus, while the advantage of multifinal means to a goal is that they maximize attainment (“feeding two birds with one scone”), their disadvantage is that these means could undermine (“dilute”) the perceived instrumentality of each means to the goal. And while the advantage of equifinal means is that they increase confidence, the person feels that a goal is within reach; the disadvantage is that they can be substitutable. Many (but not all the) times, pursuing one of these means will trigger disengagement with the other.
{"title":"Personal Agency and Social Support: Substitutes of Complements?","authors":"Ayelet Fishbach","doi":"10.1080/1047840X.2022.2037999","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1047840X.2022.2037999","url":null,"abstract":"In their target article, Milyavsky et al. (this issue) make a strong case for the substitutability between personal agency and social support. Across various domains, they find that perceived personal agency decreases the reliance on social support and perceived social support decreases the perceptions of personal agency. In my own research, I observed a similar substitutability between personal and social control; for example, the presence of external controls such as parental supervision undermined self-control in pursuing academic goals (Fishbach & Trope, 2005). Furthermore, research on balancing (Dhar & Simonson, 1999; Fishbach, Zhang, & Koo, 2009) and licensing (Monin & Miller, 2001) often observed substitutability among the means to a goal. It is clear that personal agency and social support can be, and often are, substitutional means for goal achievement. This commentary starts where the target article ends— when (if ever) should we expect complementarity instead of substitutability between two means to achieving a goal? Milyavsky et al. (this issue) offer a boundary condition: agency and assistance should not undermine each other if one of them also serves as a means to another goal. Yet, I ask, when does perceiving one (agency or support) make it more likely that the person will also turn to the other? For example, when learning a new skill (such as playing tennis or speaking Yiddish), is it possible that the perception of social support makes people more confident in their personal ability, or that perceived ability increases the chances that the person will also seek assistance? Possibly, to master these skills, it is insufficient to rely on one means only. The learner would benefit from multiple routes or, alternatively, from a backup plan (i.e., if one means fails, they can rely on the other). The notion that personal agency and social support could at times complement each other is consistent with a key tenet of Goal System Theory: Equifinal means, while often imposing redundancy (“all roads lead to Rome”), also increase confidence (the traveler is pretty confident she will make it to Rome, one way or another). Thus, while the advantage of multifinal means to a goal is that they maximize attainment (“feeding two birds with one scone”), their disadvantage is that these means could undermine (“dilute”) the perceived instrumentality of each means to the goal. And while the advantage of equifinal means is that they increase confidence, the person feels that a goal is within reach; the disadvantage is that they can be substitutable. Many (but not all the) times, pursuing one of these means will trigger disengagement with the other.","PeriodicalId":48327,"journal":{"name":"Psychological Inquiry","volume":"33 1","pages":"42 - 45"},"PeriodicalIF":9.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59940269","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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