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Trade union membership and bonus payments: German survey evidence 工会会员资格和奖金支付:德国调查证据
IF 2.3 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2026-01-06 DOI: 10.1016/j.jebo.2025.107404
Marco Clemens , Laszlo Goerke
This study provides the first comprehensive investigation of the relationship between trade union membership and non-performance-oriented bonuses. We expect a positive impact of union membership because members can benefit from special entitlements, increased bargaining power and informational advantages. Using data from the German Socio-economic Panel (GSOEP), we observe that union members are more likely to receive at least one bonus payment per year, a higher number and amount of bonuses than comparable non-members. We also observe the positive union membership effect for employees covered by collective bargaining or co-determination via works councils. Employing a novel instrumental variable, we find evidence of a positive effect of union membership on the number and level of bonus payments. Furthermore, higher bonuses do not go along with decreases in base wages or other pay components.
本研究首次全面探讨了工会会员资格与非绩效导向奖金之间的关系。我们期待工会会员资格的积极影响,因为会员可以从特殊权利、增加的议价能力和信息优势中受益。根据德国社会经济研究小组(GSOEP)的数据,我们观察到工会成员更有可能每年至少获得一次奖金,奖金的数量和金额高于可比的非会员。我们还观察到,通过劳资委员会进行集体谈判或共同决定的员工加入工会的积极影响。采用一个新的工具变量,我们发现工会成员对奖金支付的数量和水平有积极影响的证据。此外,更高的奖金不会伴随着基本工资或其他薪酬组成部分的降低。
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引用次数: 0
Commitment in sequential bargaining - An experiment 序贯议价中的承诺——一个实验
IF 2.3 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2026-01-05 DOI: 10.1016/j.jebo.2025.107360
Nadine Chlaß , Topi Miettinen
Schelling (1956) first clarified how power to reduce one’s freedom of choice might benefit a bargaining party. A commitment to reject proposals, when successful, may force concessions from opponents who otherwise might have an upper hand. This paper experimentally studies credible commitments prior to a sequential ultimatum bargaining game. We find that pre-emptive commitment strategies are exploited by responders, but less than predicted by theory. In a game where a responder can unilaterally precommit, she faces the same incentives as a proposer in an ultimatum game. Yet, observed responder commitments are less aggressive than proposals by proposers in the ultimatum game. In a simultaneous commitment game, proposers who cannot benefit from committing are nevertheless observed to commit. The observed within-treatment payoff-differences between the two parties do not comply with the theoretical predictions in the commitment variants of the game. Surprisingly in late rounds, allowing for pre-commitment yields almost 100 % efficiency while the standard ultimatum game continues to feature significant inefficiencies. We discuss four complementary behavioral explanations and find that reciprocity and concern for equality of opportunity are consistent with the observed patterns. Empirically, we observe that ethical criteria underlying preferences for equal opportunity are at work.
谢林(1956)首先阐明了减少个人选择自由的权力如何可能使谈判方受益。当提案成功时,拒绝提案的承诺可能会迫使反对者让步,否则他们可能会占上风。本文通过实验研究了序贯最后通牒博弈前的可信承诺。研究发现,应答者会利用先发制人承诺策略,但比理论预测的要少。在一个回应者可以单方面预先做出承诺的博弈中,她面临的激励与最后通牒博弈中的提议者相同。然而,在最后通牒博弈中,观察到的应答者承诺比提议者的提议更具攻击性。在同时承诺博弈中,不能从承诺中获益的提议者仍然被观察到承诺。观察到的双方的待遇内收益差异不符合博弈承诺变体的理论预测。令人惊讶的是,在最后几轮中,允许预先承诺产生几乎100%的效率,而标准的最后通牒游戏仍然具有显著的低效率。我们讨论了四种互补的行为解释,发现互惠和对机会平等的关注与观察到的模式是一致的。根据经验,我们观察到机会均等偏好的道德标准在起作用。
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引用次数: 0
The political economy of privatization of education: Role of local politicians in India 教育私有化的政治经济学:印度地方政治家的角色
IF 2.3 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2026-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.jebo.2025.107325
Muneer Kalliyil , Soham Sahoo
We investigate the role of political favouritism in the private education market. Using constituency-level panel data and a close-election regression discontinuity design, we estimate the causal effect of having a politician aligned with the state ruling party on the growth of private educational institutions in India. We find that constituencies represented by aligned politicians have a higher growth rate in the number of private schools, while the effect is insignificant for government schools. Similar patterns are also found for higher education institutions. As potential mechanisms, we explore political influence over bureaucratic processes and the direct involvement of politicians in opening the schools. A mediation analysis and examination of heterogeneous effects across the electoral term suggest that economic growth driven by ruling party-aligned leaders is unlikely to explain the increase in private school establishments. Additionally, we find that the effect of aligned politicians is concentrated in constituencies with lower-quality government schools, although the newly established private schools do not necessarily provide higher-quality education.
我们调查了政治偏袒在私立教育市场中的作用。使用选区级面板数据和接近选举回归不连续设计,我们估计了政治家与国家执政党结盟对印度私立教育机构增长的因果效应。我们发现,由结盟政治家所代表的选区在私立学校数量上有更高的增长率,而对公立学校的影响不显著。高等教育机构也发现了类似的模式。作为潜在的机制,我们探讨了政治对官僚程序的影响以及政治家在开设学校方面的直接参与。一项对选举期间异质效应的中介分析和检验表明,由与执政党结盟的领导人推动的经济增长不太可能解释私立学校机构的增加。此外,我们发现结盟政治家的影响集中在公立学校质量较低的选区,尽管新成立的私立学校不一定提供更高质量的教育。
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引用次数: 0
The invisible hand meets the raised fist: Social movements and market legitimacy 看不见的手碰到举起的拳头:社会运动和市场合法性
IF 2.3 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2026-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.jebo.2025.107390
Shishir Shakya , Joshua D. Ammons
We examine the long-run institutional and economic effects of successful one-time nonviolent campaigns. Using an event study on panel data (1950–2022) from the NAVCO and V-Dem datasets, we compare countries with successful one-time nonviolent campaigns to politically stable counterparts without any campaigns. This design plausibly mitigates concerns about selection bias, simultaneity, and timing endogeneity. Pre-treatment trends support the assumption of parallel trends. We find that nonviolent campaigns are associated with lasting improvements in liberal democracy, rule of law, civil liberties, and government accountability, alongside reduced state ownership of the economy. These results suggest that collective action can strengthen market-supporting institutions and reinforce the perceived legitimacy of liberal market systems.
我们考察了成功的一次性非暴力运动的长期制度和经济影响。利用NAVCO和V-Dem数据集的面板数据(1950-2022)的事件研究,我们将一次性非暴力运动成功的国家与没有任何运动的政治稳定的国家进行了比较。这种设计似乎减轻了对选择偏差、同时性和时间内生性的担忧。预处理趋势支持平行趋势的假设。我们发现,非暴力运动与自由民主、法治、公民自由和政府问责制的持续改善有关,同时也与减少国家对经济的所有权有关。这些结果表明,集体行动可以加强支持市场的机构,并加强自由市场体系的合法性。
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引用次数: 0
The core and the equal division core in a three-person unstructured bargaining experiment 三人非结构化议价实验中的核心与均分核心
IF 2.3 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2026-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.jebo.2025.107401
Taro Shinoda , Yukihiko Funaki
Cooperative game theory addresses two main problems: coalition formation and payoff distribution. We hypothesize that the existence and size of the core, a central concept in cooperative game theory, influence the formation of the grand coalition, and we test this in a laboratory experiment. In each group, three subjects simultaneously engage in unstructured bargaining over both coalition formation and payoff distribution, mimicking real-world negotiation. Our results highlight four key findings. First, a nonempty core strongly facilitates the formation of the grand coalition. Second, the availability of a chat window increases the likelihood of forming the grand coalition and reduces inequality in the resulting allocations. Third, resulting allocations are often in the core when it exists, and otherwise fall within the equal division core, an extension of the core. Fourth, the resulting allocations reflect the subjects’ theoretical bargaining power: players with higher bargaining power tend to receive larger shares. Finally, allocations outside the equal division core arise mainly because subjects overlook domination via coalition BC, the two-person coalition with the lowest value.
合作博弈论主要解决两个问题:联盟的形成和收益分配。我们假设核心的存在和大小,一个合作博弈论的中心概念,会影响大联盟的形成,我们在实验室实验中对此进行了验证。在每一组中,三名受试者同时参与关于联盟组建和收益分配的非结构化讨价还价,模仿现实世界的谈判。我们的研究结果突出了四个关键发现。首先,非空核心对大联合政府的形成有很大的促进作用。其次,聊天窗口的可用性增加了形成大联盟的可能性,并减少了由此产生的分配中的不平等。第三,产生的分配往往在核心存在时就在核心中,否则就落在等分核心中,即核心的延伸。第四,分配结果反映了被试的理论议价能力:议价能力越强的参与者往往获得的份额越大。最后,在等分核心之外分配的出现,主要是因为受试者忽略了通过联盟BC(价值最低的两人联盟)进行的统治。
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引用次数: 0
Make a difference? – An experiment on the effectiveness of performance rating policies 做出改变?-绩效评级政策有效性的实验
IF 2.3 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2026-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.jebo.2025.107394
Christine Harbring, Stella Simons
Performance appraisals by supervisors are often used in organizations as a basis for bonus and promotion decisions. These subjective appraisals are often prone to supervisors’ biases (e.g., centrality and leniency bias) resulting in ratings that seem not sufficiently differentiated. Previous research shows that forcing supervisors to differentiate in subjective performance appraisals by implementing a forced distribution system may increase worker productivity. However, forced distribution systems pose a variety of other problems. In a laboratory experiment, we investigate two alternative rating policies which aim to foster differentiation and thus productivity. Firstly, supervisors are simply advised to differentiate across different appraisal levels. We find that this simple recommendation results in less lenient and less compressed performance ratings and tends to increase workers’ performance. Secondly, we analyze how supervisors evaluate workers’ performance when the rewards, which are tied to ratings, may not exceed a certain budget. We detect that specifying a financial budget mitigates the leniency bias and increases workers’ performance. Under both rating policies, the performance differences wear off over the course of the experiment.
在组织中,主管的绩效评估经常被用作奖金和晋升决策的基础。这些主观评价往往容易受到主管的偏见(例如,中心性偏见和宽大偏见)的影响,导致评分似乎没有充分区分。先前的研究表明,通过实施强制分配制度,迫使主管在主观绩效评估中区分,可能会提高工人的生产率。然而,强制分配系统带来了各种其他问题。在实验室实验中,我们研究了两种不同的评级政策,旨在促进差异化,从而提高生产率。首先,建议主管区分不同的考核水平。我们发现,这种简单的推荐导致不那么宽松和不那么压缩的绩效评级,并倾向于提高员工的绩效。其次,我们分析了当与评级挂钩的奖励可能不超过一定预算时,主管如何评估员工的绩效。我们发现,指定财务预算减轻了宽容偏见,提高了员工的绩效。在这两种评分策略下,性能差异在实验过程中逐渐消失。
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引用次数: 0
Impact of prison experience on anti-gay sentiments: Longitudinal analysis of inmates and their families 监狱经历对反同性恋情绪的影响:囚犯及其家庭的纵向分析
IF 2.3 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2026-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.jebo.2025.107324
Maxim Ananyev , Michael Poyker
Inmates’ informal code often ascribes low status to persons perceived as passive homosexuals. We use longitudinal data to investigate whether prison experience might contribute to anti-gay beliefs. We find that prison experience is related to a higher level of anti-gay sentiments among males and their families, while no discernible difference exists before incarceration. We find no effect for female ex-prisoners. We confirm that pre-incarceration trends, changes in trust and social capital, income, mental health, masculinity norms, and other potential alternative explanations do not drive the results. Our study sheds light on the overlooked role of prisons as a potential significant contributor to the propagation of anti-gay attitudes.
囚犯们的非正式准则常常把那些被认为是被动的同性恋者归为地位低下的人。我们使用纵向数据来调查监狱经历是否会影响反同性恋的信念。我们发现,监狱经历与男性及其家庭中更高水平的反同性恋情绪有关,而入狱前没有明显的差异。我们发现对女性前囚犯没有效果。我们确认,监禁前的趋势、信任和社会资本的变化、收入、心理健康、男子气概规范和其他潜在的替代解释并没有推动结果。我们的研究揭示了监狱作为反同性恋态度传播的潜在重要贡献者而被忽视的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Polycentric status contests 多中心地位竞争
IF 2.3 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2026-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.jebo.2025.107405
Vlad Tarko
As societies become richer, and basic needs are satisfied, zero-sum positional contests gain more prominence, while the regular positive-sum benefits of markets subside in the background. As long argued by Hirsch, Frank and others, the institutions for managing resource scarcity and spurring economic growth, i.e. the institutions of capitalism, may not be particularly well-suited for managing the type of scarcity associated with positional goods. The long-term equilibrium of rich societies may not be as peaceful as many assume if they become overrun by status competitions. This paper provides a typology of positional goods, explaining why some positional competitions are worse than others, and a rent-seeking model of the supply response to positional goods’ price changes. The model leads to surprisingly optimistic predictions: markets tend to fragment the worst kinds of positional goods into competing hierarchies of status, tend to dissipate and eliminate some positional goods, and tend to turn the most damaging status competitions into more beneficial prestige competitions. Government interventions, by contrast, often attempt to prop‑up monopolistic status hierarchies.
随着社会变得更加富裕,基本需求得到满足,零和地位竞争变得更加突出,而市场的常规正和利益则在背景中消退。正如赫希、弗兰克等人长期以来所主张的那样,管理资源稀缺和刺激经济增长的制度,即资本主义制度,可能并不特别适合管理与位置商品相关的稀缺类型。富裕社会的长期平衡可能不会像许多人想象的那样和平,如果它们被地位竞争所超越。本文给出了位置商品的分类,解释了为什么某些位置竞争比其他位置竞争更糟糕,并给出了位置商品价格变化时供给响应的寻租模型。该模型带来了令人惊讶的乐观预测:市场倾向于将最糟糕的地位商品划分为相互竞争的地位等级,倾向于消散和消除一些地位商品,并倾向于将最具破坏性的地位竞争转变为更有益的声望竞争。相比之下,政府干预往往试图支撑垄断地位等级。
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引用次数: 0
Do rural roads promote inclusive entrepreneurship? 农村道路能促进包容性创业吗?
IF 2.3 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2026-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.jebo.2025.107381
Ananyo Brahma , Vidhya Soundararajan
This paper investigates whether rural road infrastructure can foster inclusive entrepreneurship. Using enterprise data from India, we examine how a national rural road construction program, which connected previously isolated villages, affects entrepreneurship across different social groups. Our findings reveal that new feeder roads increase the number of service enterprises for all caste categories, including marginalized groups. However, manufacturing entrepreneurship increases only among the non-marginalized caste groups. For marginalized groups, the increase in entrepreneurship appears to be a response to a relative decline in wage employment opportunities following road construction. Formal finance and education infrastructure serve as key channels through which road connectivity fosters entrepreneurship.
本文考察了农村道路基础设施是否能够促进包容性创业。利用来自印度的企业数据,我们研究了连接以前孤立村庄的国家农村道路建设计划如何影响不同社会群体的创业精神。我们的研究结果表明,新的支线公路增加了所有种姓类别的服务企业的数量,包括边缘化群体。然而,制造业创业只在非边缘化种姓群体中增加。对边缘群体来说,创业的增加似乎是对道路建设后工资就业机会相对减少的一种反应。正规金融和教育基础设施是道路联通促进创业的重要渠道。
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引用次数: 0
Of opinionated bosses and yes men 固执己见的老板和唯唯诺诺的人
IF 2.3 3区 经济学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2026-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.jebo.2025.107395
Yuqi (Angela) Jiang , Suraj Prasad
This paper develops a theory of opinionated bosses – this is where a boss reveals her opinions to a worker who is tasked with gathering information. When the worker gathers information across multiple tasks, which he views as substitutes, the boss may selectively reveal her opinions to the worker on a well known task to redirect his effort to the task that is less well known. The benefit is a broader expertise across activities in the organization when rewards across these activities are implicitly determined. The cost is that the worker becomes a yes man. Being opinionated can, i) go hand in hand with weaker opinions, ii) lead to excessive levels of conformity and initiative, and finally, iii) improve the tradeoff between insurance and explicit incentives when a worker is risk averse.
这篇论文提出了一个关于固执己见的老板的理论——老板向负责收集信息的员工透露自己的观点。当员工从多个任务中收集信息时,他认为这些任务是替代的,老板可能会有选择地向员工透露她对已知任务的看法,以将他的精力转移到不太为人所知的任务上。当跨这些活动的奖励被隐式确定时,好处是跨组织中活动的更广泛的专业知识。代价是工人变成唯唯诺诺的人。固执己见可以,1)与较弱的意见相伴,2)导致过度的顺从和主动性,最后,3)当工人厌恶风险时,改善保险和明确激励之间的权衡。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization
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