Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2172864
Angela E. Stent
The Story of Russia Orlando Figes. London: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2022. £25.00. 348 pp. Dark Shadows: Inside the Secret World of Kazakhstan Joanna Lillis. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2022. £12.00. 352 pp. The Fight of Our Lives: My Time with Zelenskyy, Ukraine’s Battle for Democracy, and What It Means for the World Luliia Mendel. New York: One Signal Publishers, 2022. $27.99. 240 pp. The Russia Conundrum: How the West Fell for Putin’s Power Gambit – And How to Fix It Mikhail Khodorkovsky with Martin Sixsmith. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2022. $29.99. 352 pp. Putin’s Trolls: On the Frontlines of Russia’s Information War Against the World Jessikka Aro. New York: Ig Publishing, 2022. $18.95. 375 pp.
《俄罗斯的故事》奥兰多·菲格斯。伦敦:布鲁姆斯伯里出版社，2022。£25.00。《暗影:哈萨克斯坦的秘密世界》，共348页。伦敦:布卢姆斯伯里学术出版社，2022。£12.00。352页，《我们的生命之战:我与泽伦斯基的时光》，《乌克兰的民主之战及其对世界的意义》。纽约:One Signal Publishers, 2022。27.99美元。《俄罗斯难题:西方如何落入普京的权力策略——以及如何解决它》，作者:米哈伊尔·霍多尔科夫斯基，作者:马丁·西斯史密斯。纽约:圣马丁出版社，2022。29.99美元。《普京的喷子:俄罗斯对世界信息战的前线》，共352页。纽约:Ig Publishing, 2022。18.95美元。375页。
{"title":"Russia and Eurasia","authors":"Angela E. Stent","doi":"10.1080/00396338.2023.2172864","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2023.2172864","url":null,"abstract":"The Story of Russia Orlando Figes. London: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2022. £25.00. 348 pp. Dark Shadows: Inside the Secret World of Kazakhstan Joanna Lillis. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2022. £12.00. 352 pp. The Fight of Our Lives: My Time with Zelenskyy, Ukraine’s Battle for Democracy, and What It Means for the World Luliia Mendel. New York: One Signal Publishers, 2022. $27.99. 240 pp. The Russia Conundrum: How the West Fell for Putin’s Power Gambit – And How to Fix It Mikhail Khodorkovsky with Martin Sixsmith. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2022. $29.99. 352 pp. Putin’s Trolls: On the Frontlines of Russia’s Information War Against the World Jessikka Aro. New York: Ig Publishing, 2022. $18.95. 375 pp.","PeriodicalId":51535,"journal":{"name":"Survival","volume":"37 1","pages":"155 - 161"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85383451","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2172851
Camille Lons, Benjamin Petrini
Abstract It is unsurprising that the Red Sea region has come into sharper strategic focus for great powers as well as regional powers, given that 12% of global seaborne trade, 40% of Europe’s trade with Asia and the Middle East, and 8% of seaborne hydrocarbons pass through the Red Sea. Yet the region is chronically underdeveloped and conflict-ridden. Overlapping rivalries involving Iran, Israel and the Gulf Cooperation Council countries pose risks of intensifying regional discord. The United States has prioritised empowering its regional partners and strengthening emerging Israel–Gulf security synergies to counteract Iran’s activities and check China, which has become a key economic actor in the region and opened its first overseas military base, in Djibouti, in 2017. Given the potential divergence between American and regional concerns, however, neither US nor regional involvement appears likely to stabilise the region.
{"title":"The Crowded Red Sea","authors":"Camille Lons, Benjamin Petrini","doi":"10.1080/00396338.2023.2172851","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2023.2172851","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract It is unsurprising that the Red Sea region has come into sharper strategic focus for great powers as well as regional powers, given that 12% of global seaborne trade, 40% of Europe’s trade with Asia and the Middle East, and 8% of seaborne hydrocarbons pass through the Red Sea. Yet the region is chronically underdeveloped and conflict-ridden. Overlapping rivalries involving Iran, Israel and the Gulf Cooperation Council countries pose risks of intensifying regional discord. The United States has prioritised empowering its regional partners and strengthening emerging Israel–Gulf security synergies to counteract Iran’s activities and check China, which has become a key economic actor in the region and opened its first overseas military base, in Djibouti, in 2017. Given the potential divergence between American and regional concerns, however, neither US nor regional involvement appears likely to stabilise the region.","PeriodicalId":51535,"journal":{"name":"Survival","volume":"255 1","pages":"57 - 67"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78845625","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2172868
Erik Jones
Abstract The weakness of indispensable leaders is on full display in countries led by strongmen sitting atop authoritarian regimes, many of whom now appear embattled. The strength of democracy is that political leaders are systematically replaceable, particularly when they make mistakes. Neither US Speaker of the House Kevin McCarthy nor Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni is indispensable. What matters for the United States and Italy is how good existing US and Italian constitutional arrangements are at self-correcting if they turn out to be poor leaders. Even in democracies, however, those who have power can be reluctant to surrender it. Leaders who presume themselves to be indispensable and seek to restructure political institutions to ensure they stay in power constitute a grave threat. What McCarthy and Meloni have done to gain power is less worrisome than what they might do to keep it.
{"title":"The Weakness of Indispensable Leaders","authors":"Erik Jones","doi":"10.1080/00396338.2023.2172868","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2023.2172868","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The weakness of indispensable leaders is on full display in countries led by strongmen sitting atop authoritarian regimes, many of whom now appear embattled. The strength of democracy is that political leaders are systematically replaceable, particularly when they make mistakes. Neither US Speaker of the House Kevin McCarthy nor Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni is indispensable. What matters for the United States and Italy is how good existing US and Italian constitutional arrangements are at self-correcting if they turn out to be poor leaders. Even in democracies, however, those who have power can be reluctant to surrender it. Leaders who presume themselves to be indispensable and seek to restructure political institutions to ensure they stay in power constitute a grave threat. What McCarthy and Meloni have done to gain power is less worrisome than what they might do to keep it.","PeriodicalId":51535,"journal":{"name":"Survival","volume":"170 1","pages":"175 - 184"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76566705","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2172849
Irene Mia
Abstract The intense Latin American electoral cycle of 2020–22 coincided with deteriorating socio-economic conditions in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic and increasing frustration with the status quo. Anti-incumbent sentiment coupled with demands for more inclusive and fair economic models prompted a pronounced shift to the left in the region, although with many different shades of ‘pink’. But an increasingly polarised and fragmented political and social environment is testing the ability of new governments to deliver change, as shown by the popular rejection of a new constitution in Chile. A more limited fiscal space is also constraining these governments’ effectiveness. Nevertheless, political alignment among countries with important stakes in global climate-change mitigation and thwarting drug trafficking could produce more cohesive foreign-policy stances and increased regional leverage.
{"title":"Can the New Left Deliver Change in Latin America?","authors":"Irene Mia","doi":"10.1080/00396338.2023.2172849","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2023.2172849","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The intense Latin American electoral cycle of 2020–22 coincided with deteriorating socio-economic conditions in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic and increasing frustration with the status quo. Anti-incumbent sentiment coupled with demands for more inclusive and fair economic models prompted a pronounced shift to the left in the region, although with many different shades of ‘pink’. But an increasingly polarised and fragmented political and social environment is testing the ability of new governments to deliver change, as shown by the popular rejection of a new constitution in Chile. A more limited fiscal space is also constraining these governments’ effectiveness. Nevertheless, political alignment among countries with important stakes in global climate-change mitigation and thwarting drug trafficking could produce more cohesive foreign-policy stances and increased regional leverage.","PeriodicalId":51535,"journal":{"name":"Survival","volume":"122 1","pages":"49 - 56"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74627175","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2172854
Arlo Poletti
Abstract The EU is unlikely to develop the kinds of efficient collective responses to the Russia–Ukraine war that it produced in reaction to the COVID-19 pandemic. The conditions of strategic interdependence generated by the Ukraine crisis are more demanding than those triggered by the pandemic because its consequences are asymmetrically distributed across member states. Germany will find it difficult to play the role of regional stabiliser, anti-Europe parties could become stronger, new intra-European cleavages may arise over collective goals, and the expansion of the crisis’s time horizon could weaken prospects for effective collective action.
{"title":"Europe’s Fragile Unity","authors":"Arlo Poletti","doi":"10.1080/00396338.2023.2172854","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2023.2172854","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The EU is unlikely to develop the kinds of efficient collective responses to the Russia–Ukraine war that it produced in reaction to the COVID-19 pandemic. The conditions of strategic interdependence generated by the Ukraine crisis are more demanding than those triggered by the pandemic because its consequences are asymmetrically distributed across member states. Germany will find it difficult to play the role of regional stabiliser, anti-Europe parties could become stronger, new intra-European cleavages may arise over collective goals, and the expansion of the crisis’s time horizon could weaken prospects for effective collective action.","PeriodicalId":51535,"journal":{"name":"Survival","volume":"99 1","pages":"71 - 80"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73732596","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2172866
Lanxin Xiang
Subimperial Power: Australia in the International ArenaClinton Fernandes. Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 2022. A$24.99. 176 pp.Winning by Process: The State and Neutralization of Ethnic Minorities in MyanmarJacques Bertrand, Alexandre Pelletier and Ardeth Maung Thawnghmung. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2022. $29.95. 270 pp.The Making of the Modern Philippines: Pieces of a Jigsaw StatePhilip Bowring. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2022. £20.00. 272 pp.Taiwan, the United States, and the Hidden History of the Cold War in Asia: Divided AlliesHsiao-Ting Lin. Abingdon: Routledge, 2022. £120.00. 260 pp.
{"title":"Asia-Pacific","authors":"Lanxin Xiang","doi":"10.1080/00396338.2023.2172866","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2023.2172866","url":null,"abstract":"Subimperial Power: Australia in the International ArenaClinton Fernandes. Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 2022. A$24.99. 176 pp.Winning by Process: The State and Neutralization of Ethnic Minorities in MyanmarJacques Bertrand, Alexandre Pelletier and Ardeth Maung Thawnghmung. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2022. $29.95. 270 pp.The Making of the Modern Philippines: Pieces of a Jigsaw StatePhilip Bowring. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2022. £20.00. 272 pp.Taiwan, the United States, and the Hidden History of the Cold War in Asia: Divided AlliesHsiao-Ting Lin. Abingdon: Routledge, 2022. £120.00. 260 pp.","PeriodicalId":51535,"journal":{"name":"Survival","volume":"154 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135755226","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2172863
R. Crandall
Abstract From North Korea to Ukraine to Iran, the spectre of nuclear war continues to loom over global affairs. In his timely history Nuclear Folly, Harvard historian Serhii Plokhy takes a fresh and intentionally international look at one of the most fraught moments of the Cold War: the Cuban Missile Crisis. Contrary to the conventional view that US president John F. Kennedy brilliantly out-foxed his inept Soviet counterpart, Nikita Khrushchev, Plokhy posits that both sides repeatedly erred and misread each other – greatly increasing the likelihood of mutual annihilation. Plokhy draws lessons from the crisis for contemporary decision-makers, noting that the power to wield nuclear weapons still resides in a small number of hands.
从朝鲜到乌克兰再到伊朗，核战争的幽灵继续笼罩着全球事务。哈佛大学历史学家Serhii Plokhy在他的《核愚蠢》一书中适时地对冷战中最令人担忧的时刻之一——古巴导弹危机——进行了全新的、有意国际化的审视。传统观点认为，美国总统约翰•f•肯尼迪(John F. Kennedy)聪明地战胜了无能的苏联总统尼基塔•赫鲁晓夫(Nikita Khrushchev)。与这种观点相反，普罗基认为，双方都在不断地犯错和误读对方——这大大增加了相互毁灭的可能性。Plokhy从危机中为当代决策者吸取了教训，指出使用核武器的权力仍然掌握在少数人手中。
{"title":"Gambling the World: The Cuban Missile Crisis Revisited","authors":"R. Crandall","doi":"10.1080/00396338.2023.2172863","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2023.2172863","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract From North Korea to Ukraine to Iran, the spectre of nuclear war continues to loom over global affairs. In his timely history Nuclear Folly, Harvard historian Serhii Plokhy takes a fresh and intentionally international look at one of the most fraught moments of the Cold War: the Cuban Missile Crisis. Contrary to the conventional view that US president John F. Kennedy brilliantly out-foxed his inept Soviet counterpart, Nikita Khrushchev, Plokhy posits that both sides repeatedly erred and misread each other – greatly increasing the likelihood of mutual annihilation. Plokhy draws lessons from the crisis for contemporary decision-makers, noting that the power to wield nuclear weapons still resides in a small number of hands.","PeriodicalId":51535,"journal":{"name":"Survival","volume":"16 1","pages":"141 - 154"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86950319","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2172846
H. Binnendijk, D. Gompert
Abstract With the rising risk of complex crises and military escalation in the Pacific region, the United States should invite China into a process of nuclear restraint and confidence-building, which we call ‘nuclear stewardship’. This process could start with a joint bilateral declaration that neither superpower would use nuclear weapons first against the other or its formal allies. This would acknowledge that neither side could gain by striking first with a nuclear device. This declaration could be the leading edge of a broader set of discussions on strategic stability and eventual implementation of confidence-building measures designed to enhance mutual understanding and trust in the US–Chinese nuclear relationship.
{"title":"Towards Nuclear Stewardship with China","authors":"H. Binnendijk, D. Gompert","doi":"10.1080/00396338.2023.2172846","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2023.2172846","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract With the rising risk of complex crises and military escalation in the Pacific region, the United States should invite China into a process of nuclear restraint and confidence-building, which we call ‘nuclear stewardship’. This process could start with a joint bilateral declaration that neither superpower would use nuclear weapons first against the other or its formal allies. This would acknowledge that neither side could gain by striking first with a nuclear device. This declaration could be the leading edge of a broader set of discussions on strategic stability and eventual implementation of confidence-building measures designed to enhance mutual understanding and trust in the US–Chinese nuclear relationship.","PeriodicalId":51535,"journal":{"name":"Survival","volume":"1 1","pages":"7 - 20"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74809215","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2172856
Jean-Yves Haine
Abstract There are numerous material differences between the Cuban Missile Crisis and the Ukraine conflict, and any comparison must be cautious. The international system is now multipolar, which makes the current conflict more complex and more global, but also potentially more tractable. The theory of nuclear deterrence has also become far more refined, and deterrence itself presumptively more stable. The Cuban Missile Crisis occurred in a very short time span, while the current conflict in Ukraine has been ongoing for one year and counting. One prominent similarity between the two crises is mutual miscalculation. In addition, both crises involve a risk-courting personalist dictator. Furthermore, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s willingness to flirt with nuclear brinkmanship, much like Nikita Khrushchev’s in 1962, raises the question of his rationality. The paramount lesson for the Ukraine crisis from the Cuban one may be the necessity of dialogue.
{"title":"Kindred Crises? Cuba 1962, Ukraine 2022","authors":"Jean-Yves Haine","doi":"10.1080/00396338.2023.2172856","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2023.2172856","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract There are numerous material differences between the Cuban Missile Crisis and the Ukraine conflict, and any comparison must be cautious. The international system is now multipolar, which makes the current conflict more complex and more global, but also potentially more tractable. The theory of nuclear deterrence has also become far more refined, and deterrence itself presumptively more stable. The Cuban Missile Crisis occurred in a very short time span, while the current conflict in Ukraine has been ongoing for one year and counting. One prominent similarity between the two crises is mutual miscalculation. In addition, both crises involve a risk-courting personalist dictator. Furthermore, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s willingness to flirt with nuclear brinkmanship, much like Nikita Khrushchev’s in 1962, raises the question of his rationality. The paramount lesson for the Ukraine crisis from the Cuban one may be the necessity of dialogue.","PeriodicalId":51535,"journal":{"name":"Survival","volume":"80 1","pages":"97 - 114"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74507198","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2023.2172860
C. Merlini
Abstract The juxtaposition of the political and cultural legacies of Henry Kissinger and Jean Monnet may help in interpreting the current phase of history. The evolution of the European Union has been consistent with Monnet’s vision of interdependence. The ‘return of the states’ connotes a new prominence for geopolitics and realpolitik in an increasingly multipolar world, squaring with the world order contemplated by Kissinger. This development has not yet obliterated global trade and value chains, but economic measures dictated by perceived national interests and geopolitical imperatives – including protectionism and sanctions – have impaired them. Such trends suggest a potential reprise of the situation preceding what Kissinger has called the ‘Second Thirty Years’ War’ – that is, the series of destructive conflicts between August 1914 and September 1945. Avoiding it calls for new statesmen of interdependence like Monnet.
{"title":"Kissinger and Monnet: Realpolitik and Interdependence in World Affairs","authors":"C. Merlini","doi":"10.1080/00396338.2023.2172860","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2023.2172860","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The juxtaposition of the political and cultural legacies of Henry Kissinger and Jean Monnet may help in interpreting the current phase of history. The evolution of the European Union has been consistent with Monnet’s vision of interdependence. The ‘return of the states’ connotes a new prominence for geopolitics and realpolitik in an increasingly multipolar world, squaring with the world order contemplated by Kissinger. This development has not yet obliterated global trade and value chains, but economic measures dictated by perceived national interests and geopolitical imperatives – including protectionism and sanctions – have impaired them. Such trends suggest a potential reprise of the situation preceding what Kissinger has called the ‘Second Thirty Years’ War’ – that is, the series of destructive conflicts between August 1914 and September 1945. Avoiding it calls for new statesmen of interdependence like Monnet.","PeriodicalId":51535,"journal":{"name":"Survival","volume":"141 1","pages":"129 - 140"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77537588","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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