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Animal proverbs 动物谚语
2区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-11 DOI: 10.1017/s0266078423000226
Julia Landmann, Yannick Ganz
Proverbs exist in a plethora of languages to express worldly wisdom, frequently in a metaphorical way. A number of proverbs are documented in more than one language since speakers adopt them from cultures they have been in contact with. The focus of the present study is on animal proverbs in English which have a foreign equivalent in another language, such as French, Latin, Greek, Japanese or Arabic. The Oxford Dictionary of Proverbs (henceforth referred to as the ODP ), edited by Jennifer Speake in 2015, is a valuable source for collecting the variety of animal proverbs which have become established in English over time.
谚语存在于大量的语言中,用来表达世俗的智慧,通常以隐喻的方式存在。许多谚语被记录在一种以上的语言中,因为说话者从他们所接触的文化中采纳了它们。本研究的重点是英语中的动物谚语,这些谚语在法语、拉丁语、希腊语、日语或阿拉伯语等其他语言中都有对应的外国谚语。Jennifer Speake于2015年编辑的《牛津谚语词典》(以下简称《牛津谚语词典》)是收集各种动物谚语的宝贵资源,这些谚语随着时间的推移已经在英语中建立起来。
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引用次数: 0
The Low-Back-Merger Shift: Evidence from MENA Americans in the Upper Midwest and southern California 低成本并购的转变:来自上中西部和南加州中东和北非地区美国人的证据
IF 1 2区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-07 DOI: 10.1017/s0266078423000299
Iman Sheydaei
Middle Eastern or North African (MENA) Americans are an understudied speech community in sociolinguistics. In terms of racial classification and identification, MENA Americans have been legally and historically classified as white but are not socially perceived as white (Beydoun, 2013, 2015). While early immigrants from MENA regions to the US were mostly Christians, ever since 1947, the majority of immigrants from MENA regions to the US have been from Muslim backgrounds (Orfalea, 2006); this demographic change can result in more ethnic visibility for MENA Americans in the US (cf., e.g., Shryock & Lin, 2009, for a discussion of ethnic visibility of MENA Americans in southeastern Michigan). Higher ethnic visibility can in turn lead to certain linguistic performances on the part of MENA Americans. Several studies have looked at the interaction of ethnic identity/visibility and local vowel patterns such as the merging of the low back vowels (the vowels in THOUGHT and LOT1). For example, Hall–Lew (2009) showed that Asian Americans in San Francisco took part in the low back vowel merger and high back vowel fronting, which both index local meanings being part of the California Vowel Shift (Eckert, 2008). Going beyond one particular locality, Wong and Hall–Lew (2014) demonstrated clear influence of local dialect on the speech of Asian Americans in two different localities, with Asian Americans from NYC having distinct low back vowels and those from San Francisco merged low back vowels. Comparing the speech of three different ethnic groups in the multicultural context of Toronto, Hoffman and Walker (2010) explored two features of the Canadian Vowel Shift: the retraction of TRAP and the lowering and retraction of DRESS. Their findings showed that while Chinese Canadians disfavored these two patterns, British/Irish and Italian Canadians favored them. In another study in the context of California English, Cardoso et al. (2016) looked at subclasses of the TRAP vowel in the speech of Chinese Americans and white Americans of San Francisco. They found that the nasal split of TRAP (it being raised when followed by a nasal consonant, and being retracted and lowered when followed by an oral consonant) was more advanced for white speakers than the Chinese group. Cardoso et al. (2016) associated the observed difference to the social meaning of the TRAP nasal split in California indexing white or non-Chicanx social personae.
中东或北非(MENA)美国人在社会语言学中是一个未被充分研究的语言群体。在种族分类和认同方面,中东和北非地区的美国人在法律上和历史上都被归类为白人,但在社会上却没有被视为白人(beydown, 2013, 2015)。虽然早期从中东和北非地区移民到美国的大多数是基督徒,但自1947年以来,大多数从中东和北非地区移民到美国的移民都来自穆斯林背景(Orfalea, 2006);这种人口结构的变化可能会导致美国中东和北非地区美国人的种族知名度更高(例如,Shryock和Lin, 2009年对密歇根州东南部中东和北非地区美国人的种族知名度进行了讨论)。更高的种族可见度反过来又会导致中东和北非地区美国人的某些语言表现。有几项研究关注了种族认同/可见度与当地元音模式的相互作用,例如下背元音(THOUGHT和LOT1中的元音)的合并。例如,Hall-Lew(2009)表明,旧金山的亚裔美国人参与了低后元音合并和高后元音前转,这两者都表明当地意义是加州元音转移的一部分(Eckert, 2008)。Wong和Hall-Lew(2014)超越了一个特定的地区,在两个不同的地区证明了当地方言对亚裔美国人讲话的明显影响,来自纽约的亚裔美国人有明显的低后元音,而来自旧金山的亚裔美国人则融合了低后元音。Hoffman和Walker(2010)通过比较多伦多多元文化背景下三个不同民族的语言,探讨了加拿大元音移位的两个特征:TRAP的回缩和DRESS的低缩。他们的研究结果显示,虽然华裔加拿大人不喜欢这两种模式,但英国/爱尔兰和意大利裔加拿大人却喜欢。在加州英语背景下的另一项研究中,Cardoso等人(2016)研究了旧金山华裔美国人和白人美国人讲话中的TRAP元音的子类。他们发现,与中国人相比,白人说TRAP的人的鼻部分裂(当后面跟着一个鼻辅音时,它被抬高,当后面跟着一个口头辅音时,它被收回和降低)更先进。Cardoso等人(2016)将所观察到的差异与加州对白人或非墨西哥社会人物进行索引的TRAP鼻裂的社会意义联系起来。
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引用次数: 0
English in Timor–Leste 东帝汶的英语
IF 1 2区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-07 DOI: 10.1017/s0266078423000317
John Macalister, Melky Costa Akoyt
When Timor–Leste became the first new nation of the 21st century in 2002, one of the many decisions that needed to be made concerned language. Timor–Leste is a country of around one million people, with at least 16 indigenous languages and three foreign languages contributing to its multilingual character. For reasons related to its 400-year colonial history and the resistance to Indonesian occupation from 1975 to 1999, the new constitution declared that Portuguese would be one of two official languages, the other being the indigenous Tetun Dili. The choice of Portuguese rather than English was controversial, and criticised in some quarters, for it appeared to defy geographical location (e.g. Savage, 2012). After all, Australia lies an hour's flight south of Timor–Leste, and English has been adopted as the working language of ASEAN, an organisation which the country has aspirations of joining. English is certainly the regional lingua franca, and very often referred to as the global lingua franca. Not, however, that the constitution was ignoring this reality. As well as naming Portuguese and Tetun as official languages, it named English and Bahasa Indonesia as working languages, and all indigenous languages as national languages. Thus the decisions around language in the constitution laid claims to identity and culture, as well as remaining open to global engagement in trade, technology, education and other contributors to modernisation.
2002年,当东帝汶成为21世纪第一个新国家时,需要做出的许多决定之一涉及语言。东帝汶是一个约有100万人口的国家,至少有16种土著语言和3种外语为其多语言特性做出了贡献。由于其400年的殖民历史和1975年至1999年对印度尼西亚占领的抵抗,新宪法宣布葡萄牙语将是两种官方语言之一,另一种是土著德顿帝力语。选择葡萄牙语而不是英语是有争议的,并在一些方面受到批评,因为它似乎违背了地理位置(例如Savage,2012)。毕竟,澳大利亚距离东帝汶以南有一个小时的航程,英语已被采纳为东盟的工作语言,该国渴望加入东盟。英语当然是地区通用语,也经常被称为全球通用语。然而,宪法并没有忽视这一现实。除了将葡萄牙语和德顿语命名为官方语言外,它还将英语和印度尼西亚语命名为工作语言,并将所有土著语言命名为国家语言。因此,宪法中关于语言的决定确立了对身份和文化的主张,并对全球参与贸易、技术、教育和其他现代化贡献者保持开放。
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引用次数: 1
Living with 中式英语 Zhongshi Yingyu Living with 中式英语 Zhongshi Yingyu
2区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0266078423000184
Li Wei
I first heard of the term ‘Chinglish’ when I was at Baiduizi (白堆子) Beijing Foreign Languages School in the 1970s, through Janet Adams’ book, From Chinglish to English . The book contained 60 short dialogues in simple American English. It was meant to be teaching us colloquial English, compared to, I suppose, the textbook English written by Chinese teachers. I found the term Chinglish rather odd, and it was an odd thing for us pupils at that particular school to be made aware of, because the school was, quite literally, the only school in China at the time where foreigners were directly teaching Chinese children foreign languages and cultures. Few of these foreign teachers had formal teaching qualifications, and they were not using any textbooks written by Chinese teachers, but in their own ways using material the school compiled specially for the pupils. It was a form of audio-lingual and direct method. The language we were taught was pretty colloquial and we did not, as far as I could tell, speak Chinglish that the examples in Adams’ book illustrated.
我第一次听说“中式英语”这个词是在20世纪70年代,当时我在白子子北京外国语学校,是通过珍妮特·亚当斯的书《从中式英语到英语》。这本书包含了60个简单美式英语的简短对话。我想,与中国老师写的教科书式英语相比,它是用来教我们口语的。我觉得中式英语这个词很奇怪,而且对于我们这所学校的学生来说,这是一件很奇怪的事情,因为这所学校是当时中国唯一一所外国人直接教授中国孩子外语和文化的学校。这些外籍教师很少有正式的教学资格,他们没有使用任何中国教师编写的教科书,而是以自己的方式使用学校专门为学生编写的材料。这是一种视听直接法。我们学的语言都是口语化的,据我所知,我们说的不是亚当斯书中所列举的中式英语。
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引用次数: 0
Why China English should give way to Chinese English 为什么中国英语要让位于中国英语
2区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0266078423000196
David C. S. Li
China English or Chinese English? To my mind, the time is ripe for Chinese English to be adopted as the preferred term, or banner, for characterizing the variety of English of a country which has the largest number of users and learners of English in the world. There are sound linguistic and sociolinguistic reasons for this important terminological choice and decision. There is little research on the naming of the multiplicity of Englishes to date. After discussing the theoretical underpinnings of the acts of naming, Seargeant (2010) provides a taxonomy consisting of six clusters of name labels categorized by function (e.g., ESL, EFL, EAL, EIL, ELF), community (e.g., native vs. non-native varieties; immigrant Englishes), history (e.g., indigenized varieties; language-shift Englishes), ecology (e.g., three concentric circles of world Englishes; new Englishes), and structures (e.g., pidgin English, creolized English). The sixth category, which he calls multiplex, is much broader in scope, featuring English as a link language between specific groups transnationally (e.g., World English). After conducting a meta-analysis of 100 research articles written in Chinese by mainland authors between 1980 and 2013, Xu (2017) found that compared with Chinglish and Chinese English, China English is preferred by the majority, but there are signs that change is in the offing: Although the term China English has dominated the literature on Chinese English research in the past three and a half decades, there has been an increasing awareness and a change of attitude towards Chinese variety of English, and people start disassociating Chinese English with Chinglish. The current literature points to the direction that Chinese English should be used as a term to refer to the Chinese variety of English on a par with other members of World Englishes. (Xu, 2017: 241; cf. Xu, He & Deterding, 2017) Linguistically, for a name label with the structural pattern ‘xxx English’, there is a fine semantic distinction between a premodifying noun (e.g., China English, Singapore English) versus its adjectivized form (e.g., Chinese English, Singaporean English). Let us first examine the semantics of the ‘N1 + N2’ noun phrase (NP). The premodifying N1, a common noun or possessive noun, typically gives the meaning ‘a type of’ N2. Just as a music therapy is a type of therapy while therapy music is a type of music, a summer school takes place only in summer while a girls’ school is for girls only. There is no shortage of contact varieties of English named after the ‘N1 + N2’ pattern. For instance, for hundreds of years the governance and presence of British colonizers in the Indian subcontinent resulted in the spread of English demarcated along vocational lines, such as Butler English, Kitchen English (domestic helpers), and Babu English (used by babus, especially lower-level officials and clerks [McArthur, 2002: 317]). Likewise, in West Africa, sustained contact between English-speakin
中国英语还是中国英语?在我看来,中国英语作为一个拥有世界上最多英语使用者和学习者的国家的英语多样性的首选术语或旗帜的时机已经成熟。这一重要的术语选择和决定有充分的语言学和社会语言学原因。迄今为止,对英语多样性命名的研究还很少。在讨论了命名行为的理论基础之后,Seargeant(2010)提供了一种分类法,包括按功能(如ESL、EFL、EAL、EIL、ELF)、社区(如本地与非本地品种;移民英语),历史(例如,本土化的变体;语言迁移英语)、生态(如世界英语的三个同心圆;新英语)和结构(例如,洋泾浜英语,克里奥尔英语)。第六种,他称之为多元,范围更广,将英语作为跨国特定群体之间的联系语言(如世界英语)。Xu(2017)在对1980年至2013年间大陆作者用中文撰写的100篇研究论文进行meta分析后发现,与中式英语和中式英语相比,中国英语更受大多数人的青睐,但有迹象表明变化即将到来:尽管在过去的35年里,“中国式英语”一词一直占据着中国式英语研究文献的主导地位,但人们对中国式英语的认识和态度也在不断提高,人们开始把中国式英语和中国式英语分开。目前的文献表明,中国英语应该与世界英语的其他成员一样,作为一个术语来指代中国的英语变体。(徐,2017:241;参见徐,何&;从语言学上讲,对于结构模式为“xxx English”的名称标签,前缀名词(例如,中国英语、新加坡英语)与其形容词形式(例如,中国英语、新加坡英语)之间存在细微的语义区别。让我们首先检查“N1 + N2”名词短语(NP)的语义。前缀N1是一个普通名词或所有格名词,通常表示“一种”N2。就像音乐治疗是一种治疗,而音乐治疗是一种音乐一样,暑期学校只在夏天进行,而女子学校只招收女孩。英语中不乏以“N1 + N2”模式命名的联系变体。例如,数百年来,英国殖民者在印度次大陆的统治和存在导致了英语沿着职业界限的传播,如管家英语、厨房英语(家政英语)和Babu英语(Babu英语,特别是低级官员和职员使用)[McArthur, 2002: 317]。同样,在西非,讲英语的殖民者与利比里亚人民,特别是克鲁人和曼德人之间的持续接触,产生了定居者英语(McArthur, 2002: 272)和士兵英语(McArthur, 2002: 276)。在日本,二战后美军占领部队与当地人的频繁接触使一种方言流行起来,这种方言被称为“竹英语”(McArthur, 2002: 370),而澳大利亚土著人使用的混合方言则被自嘲地称为“黑英语”(McArthur, 2002: 386)。有趣的是,一些标签来自岛屿或半岛名称的品种只是将“岛屿”或“半岛”一词截断(例如,加勒比海Bequia岛所说的Bequia英语[Williams et al., 2015];多米尼加共和国萨马纳半岛黑人社区所说的萨马纳英语(McArthur, 2002: 240-241)。这似乎是居住在岛屿、海港或其他海上地区的居民所说的新英语的一种相当富有成效的命名模式;没有试图改编一个形容词的形式。
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引用次数: 0
ENG volume 39 issue 3 Cover and Front matter 英文第39卷第3期封面和封面问题
2区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0266078423000329
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. As you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button.
此内容的摘要不可用,因此提供了预览。当您可以访问此内容时,可以通过“保存PDF”操作按钮获得完整的PDF。
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引用次数: 0
The China English fallacy 中国英语谬论
2区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0266078423000159
Yiyang Li
Over the past decades, the pageantry of selecting the appropriate terminology for representing the Chinese English variety has evolved into a movement promoting the widely celebrated term, China English. In He’s (2020: 14) book of Chinese English in World Englishes: Education and Use in the Professional World , an old Chinese saying, ‘without a legitimate name, without authority to the words’, is conjured to justify the rebranding of the Chinese English variety. However, initially, the term ‘China English’ did not automatically win the bid; many other terms were also pitched for being the representative terminology, including ‘Chinese colored English’ (Huang, 1988), ‘Chinese-style English’ (Gui, 1988), ‘Sinicized English’ (Zhang, 1997; Jin, 2002; Jiang, 2003), and even the widely criticized ‘Chinglish’ (Wang, 1999; Zhuang, 2000; Qiong & Wolff, 2003) had its day in the sun. Gradually, scholarly endorsements of China English begin to grow. However, one might wonder: What is the uniqueness of English in China that could trigger such decades of efforts to assert the ownership of an English variety through a mere terminological update?
在过去的几十年里,选择合适的术语来代表中国英语的多样性已经演变成一场推广广受欢迎的术语“中国英语”的运动。在何(2020:14)的《世界英语中的中国英语:专业领域的教育与使用》一书中,他引用了一句中国古话“无名无实”,以证明中国英语变体的重塑是合理的。然而,最初,“中国英语”一词并没有自动赢得竞标;许多其他术语也被认为是具有代表性的术语,包括“中国有色英语”(Huang, 1988),“中国式英语”(Gui, 1988),“汉化英语”(Zhang, 1997);金,2002;Jiang, 2003),甚至广受批评的“中式英语”(Wang, 1999;壮族,2000;琼,沃尔夫(Wolff, 2003)曾经风光一时。渐渐地,中国英语的学术认可开始增长。然而,有人可能会问:在中国,英语的独特性是什么,以至于人们花了几十年的时间,仅仅通过更新术语来维护英语变体的所有权?
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引用次数: 0
Proposing Chinese English as a lingua franca (ChELF) 倡导中国英语作为通用语(ChELF)
2区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0266078423000172
Ying Wang
Scholarly attention to English in relation to L1 Chinese speakers in China has yielded fruitful research insights and publications, which present us with various names, such as Chinglish, Chinese English, China English and a few more, leading to terminological controversies (e.g. Eaves, 2011; Y. Li, 2018; Zhang, 1997). A review of different theoretical stances illuminates that recent research under different names converges toward an attempt to reflect the role of English as a lingua franca (ELF) for Chinese individuals, given the context of globalisation and digitalisation. The article proposes to address terminological puzzles by adopting the notion of Chinese English as a lingua franca (ChELF) to elucidate the role of ELF and acknowledge Chinese ownership of English, hoping for collaborations among researchers interested in Chinese legitimacy in English creativity emerging in intercultural practices.
学术界对中国母语汉语者英语的关注已经产生了卓有成效的研究见解和出版物,这些研究见解和出版物为我们提供了各种各样的名称,如中式英语,中式英语,中国英语等等,导致术语争议(例如Eaves, 2011;李艳,2018;张,1997)。对不同理论立场的回顾表明,在全球化和数字化的背景下,最近以不同名称进行的研究都试图反映英语作为通用语言(ELF)对中国人的作用。本文建议采用中国英语作为通用语言(ChELF)的概念来解决术语难题,以阐明通用语言的作用,并承认中国对英语的所有权,希望对跨文化实践中出现的英语创造力的中国合法性感兴趣的研究者之间进行合作。
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引用次数: 0
ENG volume 39 issue 3 Cover and Back matter 英文第39卷第3期封面和封底
2区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0266078423000330
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. As you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button.
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引用次数: 0
China's English 中国的英语
2区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0266078423000160
Zoya G. Proshina
Naming varieties of the Expanding Circle is a very controversial and much debatable issue (see Nelson & Proshina, 2020); therefore, it is a high-priority, pressing question, brought up for timely discussion by the English Today journal. Those who are negative or hesitant about the legitimacy of these varieties, prefer speaking about English in a country – for example, English in China. However, this naming proves to be deficient as it is ambiguous and, in a way, exclusive. Its ambiguity lies in the fact that this naming can embrace speakers of any variety, i.e., of all three Circles (see Kachru, 1985), who happen to be in China. On the other hand, it excludes those Chinese speakers of English who have left China, either as emigrants or temporarily, though they use English while abroad. This means that the descriptive phrase English in China lacks its terminological nature.
扩展圈的命名是一个非常有争议的问题(见Nelson &Proshina, 2020);因此,这是《今日英语》杂志及时提出的一个高度优先、紧迫的问题。那些对这些变体的合法性持否定态度或犹豫不决的人,更喜欢在一个国家谈论英语——例如,中国的英语。然而,这种命名被证明是有缺陷的,因为它是模糊的,并且在某种程度上是排他性的。它的模糊性在于这样一个事实,即这种命名可以包括任何种类的发言者,即所有三个圈子(见Kachru, 1985),他们碰巧在中国。另一方面,它不包括那些离开中国说英语的中国人,无论是作为移民还是暂时离开中国,尽管他们在国外使用英语。这意味着中国英语的描述性短语缺乏术语性质。
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