Pub Date : 2023-12-20DOI: 10.3390/languages9010004
Iman Sheydaei
This study explores the relationship between linguistic behaviors of Americans of Southwest Asian or North African descent (SWANA Americans) and their ethnic rootedness, religion, and locality. SWANA Americans are an understudied community in the field of sociolinguistics but could be highly visible in society. SWANA Americans have historically and legally been classified as white in the US despite the social perception that they are not white. The linguistic analysis in the present paper will reflect the social discrepancies between the top-down perspective of assigning all SWANA Americans a statistical race category versus the bottom-up perspective of examining the social implications of this community’s nuanced internal composition differences. Labovian Sociolinguistic Interviews were conducted with 54 SWANA Americans in the Upper Midwest and Southern California, and an ethnic rootedness metric was designed to measure individual speakers’ ethnic rootedness. The results show that higher ethnic rootedness, being a Muslim (in the more careful speech style), and being from Dearborn, MI, are significant predictors of higher rates of “reracializing” indexically bleached ethnically affiliated lexicon (words such as Ali, Muslim, Iraq, Mohammad, etc.) in the speakers’ English speech.
{"title":"Ethnic Rootedness and Social Affiliations at the Interface with Linguistic Performativity: Evidence from Americans of Southwest Asian or North African Descent","authors":"Iman Sheydaei","doi":"10.3390/languages9010004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3390/languages9010004","url":null,"abstract":"This study explores the relationship between linguistic behaviors of Americans of Southwest Asian or North African descent (SWANA Americans) and their ethnic rootedness, religion, and locality. SWANA Americans are an understudied community in the field of sociolinguistics but could be highly visible in society. SWANA Americans have historically and legally been classified as white in the US despite the social perception that they are not white. The linguistic analysis in the present paper will reflect the social discrepancies between the top-down perspective of assigning all SWANA Americans a statistical race category versus the bottom-up perspective of examining the social implications of this community’s nuanced internal composition differences. Labovian Sociolinguistic Interviews were conducted with 54 SWANA Americans in the Upper Midwest and Southern California, and an ethnic rootedness metric was designed to measure individual speakers’ ethnic rootedness. The results show that higher ethnic rootedness, being a Muslim (in the more careful speech style), and being from Dearborn, MI, are significant predictors of higher rates of “reracializing” indexically bleached ethnically affiliated lexicon (words such as Ali, Muslim, Iraq, Mohammad, etc.) in the speakers’ English speech.","PeriodicalId":52329,"journal":{"name":"Languages","volume":"167 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139169768","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-20DOI: 10.3390/languages9010005
Artem Zadorozhnyy, Wan Yee Winsy Lai
The development of English language written communication skills across many contexts has been hindered by factors such as examination-oriented cultures, anxiety associated with both oral and written communication, limited opportunities for engaging in authentic communication, and a lack of individualized, personalized feedback. Multiple studies throughout the last decade have explored chatbot integration as a means to address these issues and enhance students’ language learning toolkits. This paper delves into the potential benefits and roles of advanced Generative AI (GenAI) chatbots (e.g., ChatGPT) in enhancing second language (L2) communicative practices. We evaluate findings associated with various types of chatbots and present pedagogical strategies for their application of GenAI in both in-class and out-of-class spaces to support students’ language learning experiences. We also propose future research directions, emphasizing the necessity to explore the ethical use of AI tools, their impact on L2 communication, and the comparative effectiveness of retrieval-based and GenAI-powered chatbots in language education.
{"title":"ChatGPT and L2 Written Communication: A Game-Changer or Just Another Tool?","authors":"Artem Zadorozhnyy, Wan Yee Winsy Lai","doi":"10.3390/languages9010005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3390/languages9010005","url":null,"abstract":"The development of English language written communication skills across many contexts has been hindered by factors such as examination-oriented cultures, anxiety associated with both oral and written communication, limited opportunities for engaging in authentic communication, and a lack of individualized, personalized feedback. Multiple studies throughout the last decade have explored chatbot integration as a means to address these issues and enhance students’ language learning toolkits. This paper delves into the potential benefits and roles of advanced Generative AI (GenAI) chatbots (e.g., ChatGPT) in enhancing second language (L2) communicative practices. We evaluate findings associated with various types of chatbots and present pedagogical strategies for their application of GenAI in both in-class and out-of-class spaces to support students’ language learning experiences. We also propose future research directions, emphasizing the necessity to explore the ethical use of AI tools, their impact on L2 communication, and the comparative effectiveness of retrieval-based and GenAI-powered chatbots in language education.","PeriodicalId":52329,"journal":{"name":"Languages","volume":"36 7","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138955726","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-19DOI: 10.3390/languages9010001
Edier Gómez Alzate, Alejandro Cuza, José Camacho, Dafne Zanelli
We investigate the acquisition of adverb placement in Spanish among school-age child heritage speakers of Spanish born and raised in the US by Mexican parents. We examine frequency and manner adverbs with negative and positive polarity and the potential role of cross-linguistic influence, dominance, and experience in the path and rate of development. Fourteen child heritage speakers of Spanish born and raised in the US and twenty-five Spanish monolingual children from Mexico completed an elicited production task. Results showed that the heritage children produced significantly fewer verb-raising structures compared to the monolingual children, leading to a higher proportion of pre-verbal adverb use and adverb-final use. The heritage children treated manner and frequency adverbs with negative and positive polarity significantly differently. We also found a strong correlation between dominance and experience in the probability of producing specific adverbial positions. In other words, common adverbial positions in English were more likely to be produced with higher dominance and experience in English; likewise, Spanish adverbial positions were more likely to be used with higher dominance and experience in Spanish. We argue for differential outcomes in child heritage grammar due to differences in the path and rate of language development as well as the role of dominance and experience in child heritage language acquisition.
{"title":"The Distribution of Manner and Frequency Adverbs in Child Heritage Speakers of Spanish","authors":"Edier Gómez Alzate, Alejandro Cuza, José Camacho, Dafne Zanelli","doi":"10.3390/languages9010001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3390/languages9010001","url":null,"abstract":"We investigate the acquisition of adverb placement in Spanish among school-age child heritage speakers of Spanish born and raised in the US by Mexican parents. We examine frequency and manner adverbs with negative and positive polarity and the potential role of cross-linguistic influence, dominance, and experience in the path and rate of development. Fourteen child heritage speakers of Spanish born and raised in the US and twenty-five Spanish monolingual children from Mexico completed an elicited production task. Results showed that the heritage children produced significantly fewer verb-raising structures compared to the monolingual children, leading to a higher proportion of pre-verbal adverb use and adverb-final use. The heritage children treated manner and frequency adverbs with negative and positive polarity significantly differently. We also found a strong correlation between dominance and experience in the probability of producing specific adverbial positions. In other words, common adverbial positions in English were more likely to be produced with higher dominance and experience in English; likewise, Spanish adverbial positions were more likely to be used with higher dominance and experience in Spanish. We argue for differential outcomes in child heritage grammar due to differences in the path and rate of language development as well as the role of dominance and experience in child heritage language acquisition.","PeriodicalId":52329,"journal":{"name":"Languages","volume":" 9","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138961223","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-19DOI: 10.3390/languages9010002
Sabine Zerbian, Yulia Zuban, Martin Klotz
This article presents RuPro, a new corpus resource of prosodically annotated speech by Russian heritage speakers in the U.S. and monolingually raised Russian speakers. The corpus contains data elicited in formal and informal communicative situations, by male/female and adolescent/adult speakers. The resource is presented with its architecture and annotation, and it is shown how it is used for the analysis of intonational features of spontaneous mono- and bilingual Russian speech. The analyses investigate the length of intonation phrases, types and number of pitch accents, and boundary tones. It emerges that the speaker groups do not differ in the inventory of pitch accents and boundary tones or in the relative frequency of these tonal events. However, they do differ in the length of intonation phrases (IPs), with heritage speakers showing shorter IPs also in the informal communicative situation. Both groups also differ concerning the number of pitch accents used on content words, with heritage speakers using more pitch accents than monolingually raised speakers. The results are discussed with respect to register differentiation and differences in prosodic density across both speaker groups.
{"title":"Intonational Features of Spontaneous Narrations in Monolingual and Heritage Russian in the U.S.—An Exploration of the RUEG Corpus","authors":"Sabine Zerbian, Yulia Zuban, Martin Klotz","doi":"10.3390/languages9010002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3390/languages9010002","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents RuPro, a new corpus resource of prosodically annotated speech by Russian heritage speakers in the U.S. and monolingually raised Russian speakers. The corpus contains data elicited in formal and informal communicative situations, by male/female and adolescent/adult speakers. The resource is presented with its architecture and annotation, and it is shown how it is used for the analysis of intonational features of spontaneous mono- and bilingual Russian speech. The analyses investigate the length of intonation phrases, types and number of pitch accents, and boundary tones. It emerges that the speaker groups do not differ in the inventory of pitch accents and boundary tones or in the relative frequency of these tonal events. However, they do differ in the length of intonation phrases (IPs), with heritage speakers showing shorter IPs also in the informal communicative situation. Both groups also differ concerning the number of pitch accents used on content words, with heritage speakers using more pitch accents than monolingually raised speakers. The results are discussed with respect to register differentiation and differences in prosodic density across both speaker groups.","PeriodicalId":52329,"journal":{"name":"Languages","volume":" 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138963091","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-19DOI: 10.3390/languages9010003
Giuseppina Turano
In this paper, I explore the properties and the uses of the past participles in the Arbëresh variety of S. Nicola dell’Alto, an Albanian dialect still spoken in Southern Italy, which has been in contact with Italo-Romance varieties for more than five centuries. The data are discussed in comparison to standard Albanian and the contact language, Italian. In Albanian grammar, there is only one type of participle: the past participle. It has both verbal and adjectival properties. As a verbal form, the participle is used in compound and in periphrastic tenses, in combination with both the auxiliaries KAM ‘have’ and JAM ‘be’. It can also be used in combination with other particles to create non-finite verbal forms such as gerund or infinitive or to build up temporal expressions. Finally, it can also be used after some modal impersonal verbs. Verbal participles never show agreement. Albanian participles can also be adjectival. All the adjectives derived by a participial verb take a linking article and always agree with the noun they modify in gender, number, Case and definiteness. The formal distinction of the verbal participles from adjectival participles seems to correlate with the aspectual properties of the construction: a verbal participle appears in eventive structures, whereas an adjectival participle occurs in stative structures. But, as we shall see, this is not always the case. Arbëresh participles have maintained the same morphological and syntactical properties of Albanian. They can be used both in stative and in eventive contexts, but in Arbëresh eventive passives, which are built up as in Italian rather than as in Albanian, the adjectival participles are always inflected. Agreement is obligatory in all the contexts where it is in Italian. This is a clear contact-induced change. The data presented in this paper show that Arbëresh, on the one hand, preserves features of Albanian grammar, whereas, on the other hand, it has undergone changes under the influence of the surrounding Italo-Romance varieties.
在本文中，我探讨了 S. Nicola dell'Alto 的 Arbëresh 变体中过去分词的属性和用法，这是一种仍在意大利南部使用的阿尔巴尼亚方言，与意大利语-罗马尼亚语变体的接触已超过五个世纪。我们将这些数据与标准阿尔巴尼亚语和接触语言意大利语进行比较讨论。在阿尔巴尼亚语语法中，只有一种分词：过去分词。它同时具有动词和形容词的属性。作为动词形式，过去分词与助词 KAM "have"（有）和 JAM "be"（是）结合使用，用于复合时态和谓语时态。它还可以与其他微粒结合使用，形成非限定动词形式，如动名词或不定式，或构成时间表达式。最后，它还可以用在一些情态非谓语动词后面。动词分词从不表示同意。阿尔巴尼亚语的分词也可以是形容词。所有由分词动词派生出来的形容词都带有连接冠词，并且在性别、数目、大小写和定语方面始终与所修饰的名词一致。动词性分词与形容词性分词在形式上的区别似乎与结构的方面属性有关：动词性分词出现在事件性结构中，而形容词性分词出现在陈述性结构中。但是，正如我们将要看到的，情况并非总是如此。Arbëresh 分词保持了阿尔巴尼亚语的形态和句法特性。它们既可用于陈述句，也可用于偶合句，但在阿尔巴什偶合被动语系中，形容词性分词总是带屈折语的。在意大利语的所有语境中，一致都是强制性的。这显然是接触引起的变化。本文提供的数据表明，阿尔贝莱什语一方面保留了阿尔巴尼亚语语法的特点，另一方面在周围意大利-罗曼语变体的影响下发生了变化。
{"title":"Stative vs. Eventive Participles in an Arbëresh Variety under the Influence of the Italian Language","authors":"Giuseppina Turano","doi":"10.3390/languages9010003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3390/languages9010003","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, I explore the properties and the uses of the past participles in the Arbëresh variety of S. Nicola dell’Alto, an Albanian dialect still spoken in Southern Italy, which has been in contact with Italo-Romance varieties for more than five centuries. The data are discussed in comparison to standard Albanian and the contact language, Italian. In Albanian grammar, there is only one type of participle: the past participle. It has both verbal and adjectival properties. As a verbal form, the participle is used in compound and in periphrastic tenses, in combination with both the auxiliaries KAM ‘have’ and JAM ‘be’. It can also be used in combination with other particles to create non-finite verbal forms such as gerund or infinitive or to build up temporal expressions. Finally, it can also be used after some modal impersonal verbs. Verbal participles never show agreement. Albanian participles can also be adjectival. All the adjectives derived by a participial verb take a linking article and always agree with the noun they modify in gender, number, Case and definiteness. The formal distinction of the verbal participles from adjectival participles seems to correlate with the aspectual properties of the construction: a verbal participle appears in eventive structures, whereas an adjectival participle occurs in stative structures. But, as we shall see, this is not always the case. Arbëresh participles have maintained the same morphological and syntactical properties of Albanian. They can be used both in stative and in eventive contexts, but in Arbëresh eventive passives, which are built up as in Italian rather than as in Albanian, the adjectival participles are always inflected. Agreement is obligatory in all the contexts where it is in Italian. This is a clear contact-induced change. The data presented in this paper show that Arbëresh, on the one hand, preserves features of Albanian grammar, whereas, on the other hand, it has undergone changes under the influence of the surrounding Italo-Romance varieties.","PeriodicalId":52329,"journal":{"name":"Languages","volume":"114 28","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138959616","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-18DOI: 10.3390/languages8040289
Shima Salameh Jiménez
This paper explores the evolution of the conversational formula pues eso in Peninsular Spanish through the framework of constructionalization, so as to describe how form–meaning pairings have been consolidated. Additionally, the Val.Es.Co. model for discourse segmentation is introduced as part of the form pole in the construction. The findings suggest that PE has become a consolidated parenthetical, procedural device during the 20th century, but that previous centuries are also key in understanding how the new functions were developed from pues.
{"title":"Paths of Constructionalization in Peninsular Spanish: The Development of “Pues Eso”. A 20th Century Case","authors":"Shima Salameh Jiménez","doi":"10.3390/languages8040289","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3390/languages8040289","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores the evolution of the conversational formula pues eso in Peninsular Spanish through the framework of constructionalization, so as to describe how form–meaning pairings have been consolidated. Additionally, the Val.Es.Co. model for discourse segmentation is introduced as part of the form pole in the construction. The findings suggest that PE has become a consolidated parenthetical, procedural device during the 20th century, but that previous centuries are also key in understanding how the new functions were developed from pues.","PeriodicalId":52329,"journal":{"name":"Languages","volume":" 33","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138964482","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-18DOI: 10.3390/languages8040290
Clara Pinto
Romance free choice items (FCIs) are frequently pointed out as resulting from the grammaticalization of the relative determiner qual ‘which’ and an element derived from a volition verb, such as querer ‘want’. Contrary to other Romance FCIs, Portuguese qualquer ‘any’ remains understudied, therefore motivating the current research. In this article, I investigate the syntax and semantics of qualquer, from a diachronic perspective, based on examples extracted from 13th and 14th century texts. Analysis of contexts of occurrence of qualquer showed that, in Old Portuguese, the elements qual and quer could combine in different configurations, corresponding to different structures. On the one hand, the relative determiner qual could combine with a form of the volition verb in ever free relative clauses. On the other hand, qual and quer were also combined in appositive relative clauses, which seem to be at the core of postnominal qualquer. However, similar to what is argued for Old Spanish, qualquer was also a quantifier-like element, occurring in prenominal position and giving rise to universal interpretations. The different origins of prenominal and postnominal qualquer may help explain the different readings in contemporary data.
人们经常指出，罗曼语中的自由选择项目（FCIs）是由相对定语qual'which'和由意志动词派生的元素（如querer'want'）语法化而产生的。与其他罗曼语 FCIs 相反，葡萄牙语 qualquer "any "的研究仍然不足，因此激发了当前的研究。在这篇文章中，我从非同步的角度，根据从 13 和 14 世纪文本中提取的例子，研究了 qualquer 的句法和语义。对 qualquer 出现语境的分析表明，在古葡萄牙语中，qual 和 quer 这两个元素可以以不同的组合方式出现，对应不同的结构。一方面，在自由相对从句中，相对定语 qual 可以与意志动词的形式相结合。另一方面，qual 和 quer 也可以在附加相对从句中结合，这似乎是后名词 qualquer 的核心。然而，与古西班牙语的论证相似，qualquer 也是一个类似量词的元素，出现在名前位置，并引起普遍的解释。名前和名后 qualquer 的不同起源可能有助于解释当代数据中的不同解读。
{"title":"On the Emergence of Portuguese FCI qualquer: A Diachronic Perspective","authors":"Clara Pinto","doi":"10.3390/languages8040290","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3390/languages8040290","url":null,"abstract":"Romance free choice items (FCIs) are frequently pointed out as resulting from the grammaticalization of the relative determiner qual ‘which’ and an element derived from a volition verb, such as querer ‘want’. Contrary to other Romance FCIs, Portuguese qualquer ‘any’ remains understudied, therefore motivating the current research. In this article, I investigate the syntax and semantics of qualquer, from a diachronic perspective, based on examples extracted from 13th and 14th century texts. Analysis of contexts of occurrence of qualquer showed that, in Old Portuguese, the elements qual and quer could combine in different configurations, corresponding to different structures. On the one hand, the relative determiner qual could combine with a form of the volition verb in ever free relative clauses. On the other hand, qual and quer were also combined in appositive relative clauses, which seem to be at the core of postnominal qualquer. However, similar to what is argued for Old Spanish, qualquer was also a quantifier-like element, occurring in prenominal position and giving rise to universal interpretations. The different origins of prenominal and postnominal qualquer may help explain the different readings in contemporary data.","PeriodicalId":52329,"journal":{"name":"Languages","volume":"52 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138965185","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-15DOI: 10.3390/languages8040288
Edita Gutiérrez-Rodríguez, Pilar Pérez-Ocón
Deísmo is a non-standard dialectal phenomenon consisting of the insertion of a non-required preposition de ‘of’ before a non-finite clause: Me apetece (de) salir ‘I want to go out’. In most papers, de is analyzed as a defective complementizer that does not change the meaning of the sentence. However, deísmo has also been associated with a prospective meaning with some verbs, and de has been considered as a marker of evidentiality with visual perception verbs. In this paper, we provide a formal analysis for deísmo constructions, in which de is located in a projection below that occupied by de in dequeísmo constructions). Secondly, we will show the results of a questionnaire whose objective is to figure out if there is an evidential meaning associated with deísmo. For the questionnaire, we made a preliminary search in Corpus Oral y Sonoro del Español Rural (COSER) and in Spanish Web Corpus 2018 (Sketch Engine). From this, we selected the most frequent verbs with deísmo in Castilla-La Mancha (Spain). An examination of the results revealed that, on the one hand, deísmo is lexically associated with certain verbs, but not necessarily with all of the same semantic class; and on the other hand, that there is not an evidential meaning associated with deísmo.
Deísmo 是一种非标准方言现象，包括在非定语从句前插入一个非必要介词 de "的"：Me apetece (de) salir'我想出去'。在大多数论文中，de 被分析为一个缺陷补语，不会改变句子的意思。然而，deísmo 也与某些动词的前瞻性意义相关，de 也被认为是视觉感知动词的证据性标记。在本文中，我们将对 deísmo 结构（其中 de 位于 dequeísmo 结构中 de 所占投影的下方）进行形式分析。其次，我们将展示一份问卷调查的结果，该问卷调查的目的是了解 deísmo 是否具有证据意义。为了进行问卷调查，我们在西班牙农村口语和声乐语料库（COSER）和 2018 年西班牙网络语料库（Sketch Engine）中进行了初步搜索。我们从中选出了卡斯蒂利亚-拉曼恰（西班牙）最常见的 deísmo 动词。研究结果表明，一方面，deísmo 在词汇上与某些动词相关联，但不一定与所有相同语义类别的动词相关联；另一方面，deísmo 并不具有证据意义。
{"title":"Grammatical and Lexical Dialectal Variation in Spanish: The Case of deísmo","authors":"Edita Gutiérrez-Rodríguez, Pilar Pérez-Ocón","doi":"10.3390/languages8040288","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3390/languages8040288","url":null,"abstract":"Deísmo is a non-standard dialectal phenomenon consisting of the insertion of a non-required preposition de ‘of’ before a non-finite clause: Me apetece (de) salir ‘I want to go out’. In most papers, de is analyzed as a defective complementizer that does not change the meaning of the sentence. However, deísmo has also been associated with a prospective meaning with some verbs, and de has been considered as a marker of evidentiality with visual perception verbs. In this paper, we provide a formal analysis for deísmo constructions, in which de is located in a projection below that occupied by de in dequeísmo constructions). Secondly, we will show the results of a questionnaire whose objective is to figure out if there is an evidential meaning associated with deísmo. For the questionnaire, we made a preliminary search in Corpus Oral y Sonoro del Español Rural (COSER) and in Spanish Web Corpus 2018 (Sketch Engine). From this, we selected the most frequent verbs with deísmo in Castilla-La Mancha (Spain). An examination of the results revealed that, on the one hand, deísmo is lexically associated with certain verbs, but not necessarily with all of the same semantic class; and on the other hand, that there is not an evidential meaning associated with deísmo.","PeriodicalId":52329,"journal":{"name":"Languages","volume":"64 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138998102","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-14DOI: 10.3390/languages8040287
Elizabeth Naranjo Hayes
The artistic performance of identity by top Latin music artists can be heard on many Top-40 US radio stations, since, as of July 2023, 20% of the Billboard Hot 100 is (Spanish language) Latin music. This study aims to determine the variants found in the pronunciation of coda /s/, a robust phonetic differentiator of regional and social dialects, in the top songs versus in the spontaneous speech of the two top Latin music artists in the global market. Are Bad Bunny and J Balvin holding to the pronunciation of their respective regional variety in their artistic performance speech (APS, my term) or are they shifting to a different pronunciation? What motivations might cause a difference in the pronunciation of their APS and spontaneous speech? Bad Bunny and J Balvin’s pronunciation of coda /s/ is analyzed in depth as sociophonetic data: their performances of songs from 2018 to 2020 that charted at the top of the Hot Latin Songs Billboard chart as well as on The Billboard Hot 100 chart, and their spontaneous speech from their most-viewed Spanish-language interviews and Instagram Live recordings on YouTube recorded between 2018 and 2020. Bad Bunny overwhelmingly used deletions (∅) in his spontaneous speech—which is typical of an island Puerto Rican—but used a statistically significant amount of maintenance of the sibilant [s] and its aspirated variant [h] in his APS (p < 0.0001). J Balvin primarily used [s] in his spontaneous speech—which is typical of Medellín, Colombia—but used about 50/50 [s] and (∅) in his APS. They are both shifting to a different pronunciation in their APS and converging towards each other, and the difference is statistically significant (p < 0.0001). This dialect convergence could be the beginning of an identity-based pan-Latinx dialect leveling that is, on the one hand, the “in-crowd” pronunciation with covert prestige but, on the other hand, is part of the formation of an evolving multi-regional connector variant diffused through popular music and pop culture.
{"title":"Meeting in the Middle: Sociophonetic Convergence of Bad Bunny and J Balvin’s Coda /s/ in Their Artistic Performance Speech","authors":"Elizabeth Naranjo Hayes","doi":"10.3390/languages8040287","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3390/languages8040287","url":null,"abstract":"The artistic performance of identity by top Latin music artists can be heard on many Top-40 US radio stations, since, as of July 2023, 20% of the Billboard Hot 100 is (Spanish language) Latin music. This study aims to determine the variants found in the pronunciation of coda /s/, a robust phonetic differentiator of regional and social dialects, in the top songs versus in the spontaneous speech of the two top Latin music artists in the global market. Are Bad Bunny and J Balvin holding to the pronunciation of their respective regional variety in their artistic performance speech (APS, my term) or are they shifting to a different pronunciation? What motivations might cause a difference in the pronunciation of their APS and spontaneous speech? Bad Bunny and J Balvin’s pronunciation of coda /s/ is analyzed in depth as sociophonetic data: their performances of songs from 2018 to 2020 that charted at the top of the Hot Latin Songs Billboard chart as well as on The Billboard Hot 100 chart, and their spontaneous speech from their most-viewed Spanish-language interviews and Instagram Live recordings on YouTube recorded between 2018 and 2020. Bad Bunny overwhelmingly used deletions (∅) in his spontaneous speech—which is typical of an island Puerto Rican—but used a statistically significant amount of maintenance of the sibilant [s] and its aspirated variant [h] in his APS (p < 0.0001). J Balvin primarily used [s] in his spontaneous speech—which is typical of Medellín, Colombia—but used about 50/50 [s] and (∅) in his APS. They are both shifting to a different pronunciation in their APS and converging towards each other, and the difference is statistically significant (p < 0.0001). This dialect convergence could be the beginning of an identity-based pan-Latinx dialect leveling that is, on the one hand, the “in-crowd” pronunciation with covert prestige but, on the other hand, is part of the formation of an evolving multi-regional connector variant diffused through popular music and pop culture.","PeriodicalId":52329,"journal":{"name":"Languages","volume":"23 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138971462","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-12DOI: 10.3390/languages8040285
Emily Atkinson, Akira Omaki
Syntactic adaptation effects have been demonstrated for an expanding list of structure types, but the mechanism underlying this effect is still being explored. In the current work on filler-gap dependency processing, we examined whether exposing participants to a less common gap location—prepositional object (PO) gaps—altered their gap predictions, and whether these effects would transfer across tasks when this input was presented in a quasi-naturalistic way (i.e., by reading stories). In Experiment 1, we demonstrated that comprehenders dampened their direct object (DO) gap predictions following exposure to PO gaps. However, Experiments 2A and 2B suggest that these adaptation effects did not transfer when the quasi-naturalistic exposure phase was presented as a separate task (Experiment 2A) and when they also needed to generalize from a syntactic to a semantic measure of direct object gap predictions (i.e., filled gap vs. plausibility mismatch sentences; Experiment 2B). Overall, these experiments add filler-gap dependency processing, as well as the gap predictions associated with it, to the growing list of structures demonstrating adaptation effects, while also suggesting that this effect may be specific to a singular experimental task environment.
{"title":"Adaptation of Gap Predictions in Filler-Gap Dependency Processing during Reading","authors":"Emily Atkinson, Akira Omaki","doi":"10.3390/languages8040285","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3390/languages8040285","url":null,"abstract":"Syntactic adaptation effects have been demonstrated for an expanding list of structure types, but the mechanism underlying this effect is still being explored. In the current work on filler-gap dependency processing, we examined whether exposing participants to a less common gap location—prepositional object (PO) gaps—altered their gap predictions, and whether these effects would transfer across tasks when this input was presented in a quasi-naturalistic way (i.e., by reading stories). In Experiment 1, we demonstrated that comprehenders dampened their direct object (DO) gap predictions following exposure to PO gaps. However, Experiments 2A and 2B suggest that these adaptation effects did not transfer when the quasi-naturalistic exposure phase was presented as a separate task (Experiment 2A) and when they also needed to generalize from a syntactic to a semantic measure of direct object gap predictions (i.e., filled gap vs. plausibility mismatch sentences; Experiment 2B). Overall, these experiments add filler-gap dependency processing, as well as the gap predictions associated with it, to the growing list of structures demonstrating adaptation effects, while also suggesting that this effect may be specific to a singular experimental task environment.","PeriodicalId":52329,"journal":{"name":"Languages","volume":"53 158","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139007958","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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