Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/00787191.2021.2021025
Carolin Duttlinger
Franz Kafka’s manuscripts are among the greatest treasures of Oxford’s Bodleian Library. The vast majority of hisNachlass is housed in the Bodleian’s special collections, and its presence has resulted in world-leading research and critical editions, in conferences and public exhibitions, outreach work and international collaborations. In this article I trace the journey of Kafka’s manuscripts, before reflecting on their legacy — on the opportunities and challenges of this collection and its role in a forward-looking and inclusive vision of Kafka studies in the twenty-first century. So how did the autographs of an early-twentieth-century Prague writer end up in Oxford? Interestingly, this situation is not (or only to a small extent) the result of targeted institutional collaboration and primarily the product of a mixture of chance and luck and, most importantly, of personal networks and connections. To unravel this story, it is necessary to go back to Kafka’s lifetime. One of the bestknown facts (or indeed myths) about Kafka is that he did not actually want the world to read his texts. Max Brod, his friend and posthumous editor, recounts a conversation in which Kafka told him to burn all his unpublished manuscripts after his death. Brod apparently replied that he would do no such thing, but after Kafka’s death in June 1924, he found two written notes which reiterated the instruction, probably written in late 1921 and November 1922 respectively.
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Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/00787191.2021.2021018
Aoife Ní Chroidheáin, Sophia Buck
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Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/00787191.2021.2021022
J. Reed, H. Lähnemann
Ernest Stahl graduated fromWadham College in 1927, then went on to Heidelberg and Bern, where he wrote a thesis on the intellectual sources of the Bildungsroman. He taught from 1932 to 1935 at Birmingham before returning to Oxford in 1935 as a lecturer in German. In 1945 he was elected a fellow and tutor of Christ Church. Post-war there was more to restore than the life of a college, and Stahl was one of a group who founded the Michael Foster scholarships to bring young Germans to Oxford at a time when the Rhodes Trust had not yet accepted Germany back into the fold.
{"title":"The OGS Editors","authors":"J. Reed, H. Lähnemann","doi":"10.1080/00787191.2021.2021022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00787191.2021.2021022","url":null,"abstract":"Ernest Stahl graduated fromWadham College in 1927, then went on to Heidelberg and Bern, where he wrote a thesis on the intellectual sources of the Bildungsroman. He taught from 1932 to 1935 at Birmingham before returning to Oxford in 1935 as a lecturer in German. In 1945 he was elected a fellow and tutor of Christ Church. Post-war there was more to restore than the life of a college, and Stahl was one of a group who founded the Michael Foster scholarships to bring young Germans to Oxford at a time when the Rhodes Trust had not yet accepted Germany back into the fold.","PeriodicalId":53844,"journal":{"name":"OXFORD GERMAN STUDIES","volume":"50 1","pages":"389 - 397"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47679390","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/00787191.2021.2021024
Emma Huber
{"title":"H.G. Fiedler and German Studies at Oxford","authors":"Emma Huber","doi":"10.1080/00787191.2021.2021024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00787191.2021.2021024","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53844,"journal":{"name":"OXFORD GERMAN STUDIES","volume":"50 1","pages":"406 - 415"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42200525","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/00787191.2021.2021023
Ritchie Robertson
When I gave a version of this paper as an online talk, I added to the title ‘by the last Taylor Professor’. Since the Taylor Chair was not endowed, there was a real danger that I would be its last holder, and thus the final specimen of a race doomed to extinction, like Fenimore Cooper’s Last of the Mohicans. Fortunately, however, the Chair has now been endowed by the Dieter Schwarz Foundation. For this outcome we have to thank not only the generosity of the Foundation, and the good offices of Lidl UK in facilitating the negotiations, but the three years of hard diplomatic work put in by Karen O’Brien, Chair of the Humanities Division, and Almut Suerbaum, Chair of the Modern Languages Faculty Board. Thanks to them, although I was indeed the last Taylor Professor, I ended my career as the first holder of the Schwarz-Taylor Chair, and my successor’s tenure starts with a fair wind. The history of the Taylor Chair and of German studies at Oxford, which I will survey in this paper, thus illustrates the importance of private philanthropy for university funding. In Oxford, the benefits of private funding are obvious not only in the history of the colleges but also in the names of many University buildings, starting with the Bodleian Library and the Radcliffe Camera. If one strolls through the Science Area, one passes the Dyson Perrins Laboratory of Organic Chemistry, built with a donation from the sauce manufacturer Dyson Perrins (well known for Lea & Perrins sauce) and opened in 1916. The Sir William Dunn School of Pathology was purpose-built with a donation of £100,000 from the London banker Sir William Dunn in 1922. In the German university landscape, by contrast, private funding is virtually unknown and universities are dependent on funding by the state. The original purpose of German universities was to train professional men and administrators in Germany’s numerous kingdoms and principalities. Other purposes might also play a part: the University of Göttingen was established in 1737 by an administrator in the hope of reviving a declining town and (since the Kingdom of Hanover was in personal union with the British Crown) attracting large numbers of wealthy young Englishmen who would throw their money about. There can be a range of views about whether private or state funding is more desirable; but it is arguable that to retain some intellectual independence, universities need to be able to juggle both sources of income. Oxford German Studies, 50. 4, 398–405, December 2021
当我把这篇论文的一个版本作为在线演讲时，我在标题后面加上了“最后一位泰勒教授”。由于泰勒椅不是被赋予的，我很有可能成为它的最后一个持有者，从而成为注定要灭绝的种族的最后一个标本，就像费尼莫尔·库珀的《最后的莫希干人》一样。然而，幸运的是，该主席现在由迪特·施瓦茨基金会(Dieter Schwarz Foundation)捐赠。对于这一结果，我们不仅要感谢基金会的慷慨，以及Lidl UK在促进谈判方面的斡旋，还要感谢人文学部主席Karen O 'Brien和现代语言学院委员会主席Almut Suerbaum三年的辛勤外交工作。多亏了他们，虽然我确实是最后一位泰勒教授，但我结束了我的职业生涯，成为施瓦茨-泰勒主席的第一位持有人，而我的继任者的任期开始得很顺利。因此，我将在本文中概述的泰勒主席和牛津大学德国研究的历史，说明了私人慈善事业对大学资助的重要性。在牛津，私人资助的好处不仅体现在学院的历史上，也体现在许多大学建筑的名字上，比如牛津大学图书馆和拉德克利夫学院。如果你漫步在科学区，你会经过戴森·佩林斯有机化学实验室，它是由酱制造商戴森·佩林斯(以Lea & Perrins酱而闻名)捐赠建造的，于1916年开放。1922年，伦敦银行家威廉•邓恩爵士(Sir William Dunn)捐赠了10万英镑，专门建立了威廉•邓恩爵士病理学院。相比之下，在德国的大学环境中，私人资金几乎是未知的，大学依赖于国家的资助。德国大学最初的目的是为德国众多的王国和公国培养专业人士和行政人员。其他目的可能也起到了一定的作用:Göttingen大学是1737年由一位行政官员建立的，他希望复兴一个衰落的城镇，并(因为汉诺威王国与英国王室个人联合)吸引大量富有的年轻英国人来挥霍他们的钱。对于私人或国家资助哪个更可取，可能存在一系列观点;但有争议的是，为了保持一些学术上的独立性，大学需要能够兼顾这两种收入来源。牛津大学德语研究，50岁。4,398 - 405, 2021年12月
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Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/00787191.2021.1958570
Veronica Rose Curran
J.M.R. Lenz’s comedy Die Soldaten (1776) depicts characters who are unfree and, to varying degrees, obedient to eighteenth-century authorities such as the family, religion, the government, and the class system. Despite this, Lenz prized the concept of freedom and his theoretical works suggest that the greatest force over individuals is their natural drives to perfection and happiness. This paper looks at these two sides of his writings and their implications for Die Soldaten. The analysis centres on the protagonist, Marie, as the figure of freedom stifled, demonstrating her story as an example of the moral fallout that results from obedience to opposing external authorities. It juxtaposes this depiction with the soldiers in the play, who are shown as having far less personal autonomy. This paper argues that Lenz’s depiction of freedom and obedience in Die Soldaten exposes gaps in his own thinking about the relationship between morality and class.
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Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/00787191.2021.1958572
Helena M. Tomko
This article considers how the post-Reformation idea of Innerlichkeit operates in Goethe's Faust. Eine Tragödie. Goethe's Faust is less an early-modern, pleasure-seeking necromancer and more an anachronistic skeptic who wagers his soul on total disobedience to all outward things, material, spiritual, civic, and intellectual. Wary of the suffocating inwardness of Pietism and Empfindsamkeit that inflects the earliest versions of Faust, Goethe revisited his drama in search of a vision of the self as capable of fruitful inward obedience. Goethe's interest in the unlikely figure of St Philip Neri (his ‘favourite’ Catholic saint) offers helpful insight into how, over a lifetime, he reimagines inwardness as a dynamic, organic principle of human development. Reason and humour inform Neri's rich inwardnesses, allowing him to thrive. Neri's coreligionist, the tragic Gretchen, also exemplifies this vital, organic principle of inward obedience, which Goethe celebrates as redemptive in the enigmatic final scene of Faust II.
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Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/00787191.2021.1958571
S. E. Jackson
This essay reconsiders the apparent paradox in Goethe’s reverence for the actor’s freedom in Wilhelm Meisters Lehrjahre and his demand for actors’ obedience in his ‘Regeln für Schauspieler’. Looking beyond the practical application of the individual ‘Regeln’ and instead reading them collectively as an extension of the Bildungsroman form, it identifies an analogous understanding of the actor as a subject in these works. If Goethe intended the Bildungsroman to educate bourgeois social subjects, in the ‘Regeln’ he sought to educate actors as aesthetic subjects. As much or more than working toward the ‘Verbürgerlichung’ of German theatre and actors, the ‘Regeln’ thus work toward the ‘Ästhetisierung’ of acting and of the actors themselves. Examining the paradox of the obedient actor, the essay shifts perspectives on Goethe’s ‘Regeln für Schauspieler’, and raises questions about how the Bildungsroman and ‘Theaterreform’ related to and impacted modern philosophies of subjecthood and freedom.
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Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/00787191.2021.1958567
M. Wagner, Elystan Griffiths
In Germany, where, compared to other large European countries, the theatre had long been marginalized to local courts, Latin schools, and wandering troupes, the mid to late eighteenth century brought about tremendous change, effected by the productive collaboration of theatre directors, actors, critics, and writers. In the generations of Friederike Caroline Neuber and Johann Christoph Gottsched, Gotthold Ephraim Lessing and Conrad Ekhof, German drama and theatre were progressing at a higher pace than ever before, and German playwrights were at the forefront of innovation in Europe. In this period, as still through much of the nineteenth century, drama was the most prestigious of literary genres, and German playwrights had now caught up to recent developments. They were eagerly adopting the new bourgeois tragedy from England as well as the serious comedy from France, while also developing, in the Sturm und Drang, a distinctly new form of playwriting. Moreover, attempts were being made to establish stages on which at least some of the new German production of drama could find its home — from the short-lived Hamburger Nationaltheater (1767–69) to the reinvention of Vienna’s court theatre under Joseph II as Nationaltheater in 1776. For once, drama and theatre appeared to be crucial concerns of directors, writers, and (enlightened) statesmen alike.
在德国，与其他欧洲大国相比，剧院长期以来一直被地方法院、拉丁学校和流浪剧团边缘化，18世纪中后期，由于剧院导演、演员、评论家和作家的富有成效的合作，带来了巨大的变化。在弗里德里克·卡罗琳·诺伊伯和约翰·克里斯托夫·戈特谢德、戈特霍尔德·埃法莲·莱辛和康拉德·埃克霍夫这几代人中，德国戏剧和戏剧的发展速度比以往任何时候都快，德国剧作家处于欧洲创新的前沿。在这一时期，就像19世纪的大部分时间一样，戏剧是最负盛名的文学流派，德国剧作家现在已经赶上了最近的发展。他们热切地采用了来自英国的新资产阶级悲剧和来自法国的严肃喜剧，同时也在《Sturm und Drang》中发展了一种全新的剧本创作形式。此外，人们正试图建立舞台，让至少一些德国新制作的戏剧能够在舞台上找到自己的家——从短命的汉堡国家剧院（1767-69）到1776年约瑟夫·二世统治下的维也纳宫廷剧院改建为国家剧院。这一次，戏剧和戏剧似乎成为导演、作家和（开明的）政治家们关注的焦点。
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Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/00787191.2021.1958573
Sigmund Jakob-Michael Stephan
This article exposes a tension between politics and aesthetics in the development of early Romantic comedy. In his essay ‘Vom ästhetischen Wert der griechischen Komödie’ (1794), Friedrich Schlegel states that Aristophanes’ Old Comedy evoked pleasure by transgressing societal norms, thereby epitomizing civic liberty. Deviating from Schlegel’s political vision of the comedy, the humour of early Romantic comedies is primarily based upon the transgression of the aesthetic rule of the fourth wall, as Clemens Brentano’s Gustav Wasa (1800) and Ludwig Tieck’s Prolog (1796) illustrate. Looking at Schlegel’s dualistic anthropology, which suggests that the audience is not prepared for a comedy that challenges norms as long as they cannot control their sensuality, closes the ostensible discrepancy between Schlegel and the Romantic playwrights’ preoccupation with the fourth wall. The aesthetic disobedience of early Romantic playwrights can thus be seen as an endeavour to represent liberty without appealing to the sensuality of the audience.
本文揭示了早期浪漫主义喜剧发展过程中政治与美学的张力。弗里德里希·施莱格尔（Friedrich Schlegel）在他的文章《Vomämericaschen Wert der griechischen Komödie》（1794）中指出，阿里斯托芬的《老喜剧》通过违反社会规范来唤起快乐，从而体现了公民自由。正如克莱门斯·布伦塔诺（Clemens Brentano）的《古斯塔夫·瓦萨》（Gustav Wasa）（1800）和路德维希·提克（Ludwig Tieck）的《序言》（1796）所示，早期浪漫主义喜剧的幽默与施莱格尔的喜剧政治观不同，主要基于对第四面墙美学规则的违反。Schlegel的二元人类学表明，只要观众无法控制自己的肉欲，他们就没有为挑战规范的喜剧做好准备，这就弥合了Schlegel和浪漫主义剧作家对第四堵墙的关注之间的表面差异。因此，早期浪漫主义剧作家的审美反抗可以被视为在不吸引观众肉欲的情况下努力表现自由。
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