Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.111
E. Golubev
Talgenism, as a new teaching method, was discussed at the XIII Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) in N. I. Bukharin’s report “On work among young people” in 1924. This article analyzes details and presumed possible consequences of that critical speech against Talgenism. Bukharin’s criticism became well-known among the pedagogical community more than thirty years ago after half a century of oblivion. Then, in the late 1980s, the study of the history of the discovery and spread of the unique method of collective mutual learning of A. G. Rivin (Talgenism) began. Materials of followers and supporters, and also of opponents of A. G. Rivin, were found in archives, magazines, newspapers, and books. Bukharin’s critical speech was also discovered. However, at the same time, an opinion formed among teachers that the result of such a crushing “rout” (at the party congress) was immediate: the criticized material was seized and extirpated. The author argues that this position is erroneous, as he discovered an article by A. Vyshnepolskaya on Talgenism, which Bukharin criticized at the congress, in the archival collection of the Russian National Library. In addition, it became possible to find important details about the author of the text and the publication itself and put it into circulation. The analysis of the relationship between power and education in 1920–1930 is carried out and reveals assumptions about the reasons for criticism of the new teaching method, and the virtues of Talgenism are analyzed. The article is provided with information about the fate of the Moscow Committee of party personnel, whose work was criticized at the congress.
1924年，布哈林在俄国共产党(布尔什维克)第十三次代表大会的《论青年工作》报告中讨论了塔尔根主义作为一种新的教学方法。本文分析了这篇反对塔尔根主义的批评言论的细节和可能的后果。布哈林的批评在被遗忘了半个世纪之后，三十多年前在教育界广为人知。然后，在20世纪80年代末，开始了对A. G. Rivin (Talgenism)独特的集体相互学习方法的发现和传播的历史研究。在档案、杂志、报纸和书籍中可以找到a·g·里文的追随者和支持者以及反对者的资料。布哈林的批评言论也被发现了。然而，与此同时，教师中形成了一种观点，认为这种(在党代会上)压倒性的“溃败”的结果是立竿见影的:受到批评的材料被没收并销毁了。作者认为这种立场是错误的，因为他在俄罗斯国家图书馆的档案收藏中发现了A. Vyshnepolskaya关于Talgenism的一篇文章，布哈林在代表大会上批评了这篇文章。此外，还可以找到关于文本作者和出版物本身的重要细节，并将其投入流通。对1920-1930年权力与教育的关系进行了分析，揭示了对新教学方法受到批评的原因的假设，并分析了塔尔根主义的优点。文章还提供了有关莫斯科党组人员委员会命运的信息，该委员会的工作在党代会上受到了批评。
{"title":"On One Significant Fragment of N. I. Bukharin’s Report at the XIII Congress of the RCP(b): Talgenism pro et contra","authors":"E. Golubev","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.111","url":null,"abstract":"Talgenism, as a new teaching method, was discussed at the XIII Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) in N. I. Bukharin’s report “On work among young people” in 1924. This article analyzes details and presumed possible consequences of that critical speech against Talgenism. Bukharin’s criticism became well-known among the pedagogical community more than thirty years ago after half a century of oblivion. Then, in the late 1980s, the study of the history of the discovery and spread of the unique method of collective mutual learning of A. G. Rivin (Talgenism) began. Materials of followers and supporters, and also of opponents of A. G. Rivin, were found in archives, magazines, newspapers, and books. Bukharin’s critical speech was also discovered. However, at the same time, an opinion formed among teachers that the result of such a crushing “rout” (at the party congress) was immediate: the criticized material was seized and extirpated. The author argues that this position is erroneous, as he discovered an article by A. Vyshnepolskaya on Talgenism, which Bukharin criticized at the congress, in the archival collection of the Russian National Library. In addition, it became possible to find important details about the author of the text and the publication itself and put it into circulation. The analysis of the relationship between power and education in 1920–1930 is carried out and reveals assumptions about the reasons for criticism of the new teaching method, and the virtues of Talgenism are analyzed. The article is provided with information about the fate of the Moscow Committee of party personnel, whose work was criticized at the congress.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67779874","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.104
N. Gusev
This article reconstructs P. N. Milyukov’s trip to the Balkans between December 20, 1912 and January 20, 1913, on the route St Petersburg — Vienna — Belgrade — Sofia — Thessaloniki — Belgrade — Vienna —Prague — Berlin — St Petersburg, using archival and published sources. Not only the date, but also many details of the trip were different from what is described in the politician’s memoirs. He was welcomed at the highest level in the Balkans. He twice had conversations with Serbian heir to the throne Alexander and Prime Minister N. Pasic. The Bulgarian tsar Ferdinand honored him with a two-hour audience, and current and former prime ministers I. Geshov and A. Malinov shared information with him. On the way back to St Petersburg, Czech public figures K. Kramář and T. G. Masaryk spoke with him. In addition, Milyukov spoke with the Russian envoys in Belgrade and Sofia, with the Bulgarian and Serbian representatives in Greece, as well as a number of Bulgarian and Macedonian activists of the national movement. Milyukov became acquainted with details of the formation of the Balkan Union, which went to war against Turkey, and with the details of the Austro-Serbian conflict. Bulgarian and Serbian officials presented him with their views on the conflict between these countries and with Greece over the partition of Macedonia. Confidential information was also shared with him, as he used as a communication channel between the Balkan states and Russia, and was perceived as a representative of the Russian Foreign Ministry. Milyukov published some of his impressions and information in a series of articles in the newspaper Rech, but much remained recorded only in the travel notebook of the leader of the Cadets, but then it was used in the preparation of public speeches on the Balkan issue.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.202
A. Savin
The article introduces unique documents about the security agencies of the USSR into academic circulation. An analysis of these documents and literature enables the author to make new claims about the traditional dual attitude of the Stalinist state towards young people. On the one hand, young people made a large contribution to victory over the enemy both at the front and in the rear. However, especially as the end of the war approached, youth were increasingly interpreted as a dangerous social environment, giving rise to many anti-Soviet organizations and groups. The war danger spurred Chekists to be extremely suspicious of any form of organized youth amateur activity, be it literary or philosophical groups, let alone quasi-political organizations. As a result, state security authorities with redoubled energy set about identifying and eliminating potential political deviations among the youth. First of all, the target was the children of the outcasts of Soviet society: the “former”, “former kulaks”, and “enemies of the people” from among the Soviet elites. At the same time, the war temporarily weakened ideological pressure, giving rise to hopes among broad strata of society for certain relaxations and even reforms after the war. A new factor at the final stage of the war was the mass of young people who found themselves in captivity or in the occupied territories, both imaginary and real collaborators, as well as participants in the armed nationalist movement in Ukraine and other Soviet Republics. The response of the security agencies to the intensification of deviant youth activity was the traditional measures of the intelligence services: building the large-scale undercover informant net in the student and student environment, as well as falsification of cases of anti-Soviet organizations.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.204
I. Verniaev
The paper discusses the mixed courts of the Chinese Eastern Railway (CER). The researchers studied mostly the early stages of mixed courts of the CER, did not use mass data, and did not compare this model of mixed justice with the courts of borderlands of the Russian Empire and the imperial post-reform justice. The paper provides a statistical analysis of court cases in 1908 and 1913 using the reporting sheets. This made it possible to trace changes in activities of a mixed court at a later stage of its functioning. The article reveals changes in the types of civil and criminal cases, the composition of trial participants, the types of court decisions. The study revealed that the number and proportion of inter-Chinese court cases increased significantly. The paper concludes about the multi-component nature of the legal basis of mixed courts. Changes in the staff of the judicial collegiums are analyzed. A comparison of the CER mixed courts with the judicial institutions of the Russian Empire borderlands, with the post-reform imperial justice and the mixed courts of the international settlements of Shanghai is carried out. It is concluded that the mixed courts creatively combined the institutional elements of different judicial system. The analysis of statistical data and descriptions allows to draw preliminary conclusions about the attitude of the population towards mixed courts and the role of this type of justice in establishing law and order on the CER. The study concludes that the mixed justice, bringing together the heterogeneous in origin and characteristics of judicial and legal practices and views, contributed to the formation of a common regional cultural and legal field on the Manchurian frontier.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.311
I. V. Logunova
The article examines how the process of adoption of the idea of farming by representatives of local authorities in the regions of the Central Chernozem Region took place during the birth of the farmer movement, in 1989–1991. An analysis of the transcript of the Second (extraordinary) Congress of People’s Deputies of the RSFSR, and of protocols of the plenums of regional and district committees of the CPSU from January-February 1991 (RGASPI), reveal the first reaction of the leaders of party organizations and heads of collective agricultural enterprises to the emergence of farming. The most acute aspects of the problem of the formation and development of the farmer movement are revealed, namely: the fear of a possible “repetition of capitalism”, diversity in agriculture, the fear that excessive support of farmers from the state will result in damage to collective agricultural enterprises, protection of collective forms of management in the face of collective farms and state farms, private ownership of land, attitude to farming, prevention of forcing the pace of farming. The article concludes about the psychological unwillingness in 1989–1991 of the party leaders of the regional and district levels, heads of collective farms and state farms to calmly accept the idea of farming and put up with its existence. The position of distrust of the new form of management, in turn, was reinforced by the institutional and economic difficulties that objectively arose during the formation of farming (natural for the initial stage of any transformation).
{"title":"The Problem of Acceptance of Farming by Local Authorities in 1989–1991 (Based on the Materials of the Central Chernozem Region)","authors":"I. V. Logunova","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.311","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.311","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines how the process of adoption of the idea of farming by representatives of local authorities in the regions of the Central Chernozem Region took place during the birth of the farmer movement, in 1989–1991. An analysis of the transcript of the Second (extraordinary) Congress of People’s Deputies of the RSFSR, and of protocols of the plenums of regional and district committees of the CPSU from January-February 1991 (RGASPI), reveal the first reaction of the leaders of party organizations and heads of collective agricultural enterprises to the emergence of farming. The most acute aspects of the problem of the formation and development of the farmer movement are revealed, namely: the fear of a possible “repetition of capitalism”, diversity in agriculture, the fear that excessive support of farmers from the state will result in damage to collective agricultural enterprises, protection of collective forms of management in the face of collective farms and state farms, private ownership of land, attitude to farming, prevention of forcing the pace of farming. The article concludes about the psychological unwillingness in 1989–1991 of the party leaders of the regional and district levels, heads of collective farms and state farms to calmly accept the idea of farming and put up with its existence. The position of distrust of the new form of management, in turn, was reinforced by the institutional and economic difficulties that objectively arose during the formation of farming (natural for the initial stage of any transformation).","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67780524","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.314
J. P. Nielsen
This article seeks to shed light on the diary of Maksim Ivanovich Starostin (1902–1948), First Secretary of the Murmansk Provisional Committee of the Communist Party and Chairman of the Murmansk Defense Committee, and written during the Great Patriotic War (1941–1945). As a colonel and later major-general, Starostin was a member of the Military Council of the Soviet Northern Fleet and the Military Council of the 14th Army, which conducted the defense of the Kola Peninsula. He travelled during both summer and winter to inspect the conditions of the soldiers at the front, at the same time working intensively to provide the city of Murmansk with building materials and food supplies. Starostin also played an important role organizing the fishing industry. A particular challenge that demanded much of his attention was the unloading of Allied vessels delivering equipment and goods of critical importance for the Soviet Union’s struggle against Nazi Germany. A significant problem in this regard was a lack of available manpower. Effective supervision of personnel was regarded by Starostin as a key to success. In many respects he was an ideal party leader, loyal to the political leadership of the country, but at the same time independent and not afraid to criticize decisions made at higher levels. Despite this, however, on the 14th of April 1945 the Party Central Committee elected to transfer Starostin to Moscow, only weeks before victory. As a consequence, Starostin was prevented from celebrating Victory Day in Murmansk, a city to which he had given all his strength during the Great Patriotic War. Perhaps Starostin, in the eyes the Stalinist leadership, had become too powerful and independent to be left alone in the High North.
{"title":"Maksim Starostin’s War Diary. 1941–1945","authors":"J. P. Nielsen","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.314","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.314","url":null,"abstract":"This article seeks to shed light on the diary of Maksim Ivanovich Starostin (1902–1948), First Secretary of the Murmansk Provisional Committee of the Communist Party and Chairman of the Murmansk Defense Committee, and written during the Great Patriotic War (1941–1945). As a colonel and later major-general, Starostin was a member of the Military Council of the Soviet Northern Fleet and the Military Council of the 14th Army, which conducted the defense of the Kola Peninsula. He travelled during both summer and winter to inspect the conditions of the soldiers at the front, at the same time working intensively to provide the city of Murmansk with building materials and food supplies. Starostin also played an important role organizing the fishing industry. A particular challenge that demanded much of his attention was the unloading of Allied vessels delivering equipment and goods of critical importance for the Soviet Union’s struggle against Nazi Germany. A significant problem in this regard was a lack of available manpower. Effective supervision of personnel was regarded by Starostin as a key to success. In many respects he was an ideal party leader, loyal to the political leadership of the country, but at the same time independent and not afraid to criticize decisions made at higher levels. Despite this, however, on the 14th of April 1945 the Party Central Committee elected to transfer Starostin to Moscow, only weeks before victory. As a consequence, Starostin was prevented from celebrating Victory Day in Murmansk, a city to which he had given all his strength during the Great Patriotic War. Perhaps Starostin, in the eyes the Stalinist leadership, had become too powerful and independent to be left alone in the High North.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67780584","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.302
A. Sushko, I. B. Nagaev
The article analyzes the history, historiography, and commemoration of the 75th Stalin volunteer separate rifle brigade of Omsk-Siberians. It explores three interrelated questions. First, how significant was Stalin’s name for the Omsk volunteers during the formation of the 75th brigade, and was it subsequently important for the soldiers and officers of the 65th Guards Division throughout its combat history? Second, how was the history of the Stalinist Siberian volunteers reflected in Russian historiography, and why do historians continue to replicate the Soviet times falsification of the name of the glorified part? Third, how did anti-Stalinist Soviet policy affect modern places of commemoration in Omsk? The study was carried out using military and party-state documentation, memoirs of brigade veterans, periodicals, and photographic documents. An analysis of these sources shows that Stalin’s name played a large role in mobilizing Omsk volunteers into the people’s militia during the formation of the 75th Stalin Volunteer Separate Siberian Infantry Brigade, which became part of the Stalin Siberian Volunteer Infantry Corps. Throughout the war, it was one of the main symbols that supported the steadfastness and heroism of the Siberian warriors who won the right to become the “Stalinist Guard” and proudly self-determined themselves in this capacity. Since Khrushchev’s times, in Russian historiography, the creation of the Stalinist people’s militia in Omsk has traditionally been hushed up or falsified, which has become a tradition for Russian historical science. The state of historical knowledge has determined that modern Omsk places of memory dedicated to the history of the 75th brigade do not fully bear the historical truth about it, continuing the one laid down in the time of N. S. Khrushchev’s tradition of falsifying history.
{"title":"75th Stalin Volunteer Separate Infantry Brigade of Omsk Siberians: History and Commemoration","authors":"A. Sushko, I. B. Nagaev","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.302","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.302","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the history, historiography, and commemoration of the 75th Stalin volunteer separate rifle brigade of Omsk-Siberians. It explores three interrelated questions. First, how significant was Stalin’s name for the Omsk volunteers during the formation of the 75th brigade, and was it subsequently important for the soldiers and officers of the 65th Guards Division throughout its combat history? Second, how was the history of the Stalinist Siberian volunteers reflected in Russian historiography, and why do historians continue to replicate the Soviet times falsification of the name of the glorified part? Third, how did anti-Stalinist Soviet policy affect modern places of commemoration in Omsk? The study was carried out using military and party-state documentation, memoirs of brigade veterans, periodicals, and photographic documents. An analysis of these sources shows that Stalin’s name played a large role in mobilizing Omsk volunteers into the people’s militia during the formation of the 75th Stalin Volunteer Separate Siberian Infantry Brigade, which became part of the Stalin Siberian Volunteer Infantry Corps. Throughout the war, it was one of the main symbols that supported the steadfastness and heroism of the Siberian warriors who won the right to become the “Stalinist Guard” and proudly self-determined themselves in this capacity. Since Khrushchev’s times, in Russian historiography, the creation of the Stalinist people’s militia in Omsk has traditionally been hushed up or falsified, which has become a tradition for Russian historical science. The state of historical knowledge has determined that modern Omsk places of memory dedicated to the history of the 75th brigade do not fully bear the historical truth about it, continuing the one laid down in the time of N. S. Khrushchev’s tradition of falsifying history.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67780715","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.306
S. Shendrikova, N. Vishnyakova
The historical upheavals of the first quarter of the 20th century seriously affected the state of land holdings of German settlers in the Russian Empire. The revolution of 1905 and the First World War affected the farms of German owners in particular and changed the system of land relations in general. Unjustified interference of state structures in matters of private land ownership, when the estates of German settlers were liquidated without taking into account their economic profitability, adversely affected not only the farms themselves, but also the state as a whole. Legalizations introduced in 1915–1916 on the reduction of German land ownership affected the property system of the former colonists of the Tauride Province. The adoption of draft laws was a controversial phenomenon and caused social instability in society. The implementation of state decisions primarily affected the most prosperous and well-known German dynasties, which suffered enormous losses. A negative attitude towards the German ethnic group was systematically formed in society, which led to a resonance among other ethnic groups. In view of the negative impact of these steps on the economic, political, and social condition in the Tauride province, it was decided to temporarily suspend the previously adopted laws. The suspension of the processes was often an irreversible process, since the land property had already been alienated and put up for sale. At the same time, most of the Crimean lands were already at the disposal of the state, despite the imperfection of the current legislative framework. However, in February 1917, the fate of the German estates was predetermined by the seizure of “living and dead” inventory. This was the first manifestation of changes in private land ownership in German settlements, which fully occurred in the early 1920s.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2022.408
B. N. Mironov
Analysis of the party, socio-professional, ethnic, educational, gender and age composition of the delegates to the All-Russian and All-Union Congresses of Soviets in 1917–1936 discovered that the revolution brought to power new people. If the majority of the members of the State Duma and the Constituent Assembly belonged to the political cream of the elite and counter-elite, then the majority of the delegates to the Soviets were bone from the bone of the lower orders and reflected the cultural level of the majority of voters and shared socialist ideas and were zealous conductors of them in life. Overrepresented in the Soviets were members and candidates of the CPSU, men, youth and persons of early adulthood, employees, military personnel and intellectuals, Russians, educated; and underrepresented are members of other parties and non-party people, peasants, pro-bourgeois elements and persons from the former privileged strata, women, non-Russians, persons of mature and old age, illiterate. By age and education, delegates were not suitable for serious parliamentary activity, since they lacked education, worldly wisdom and political maturity. The new electoral law of 1918 was of fundamental importance for the creation of a loyal pro-Bolshevik deputy corps. The law established a system of indirect, multistage, class, qualification elections, very similar to the pre-revolutionary electoral law of 1907. Qualifications were introduced that increased the number of pro-Bolshevik voters; the election procedure was changed, allowing the authorities to take control of the nomination of candidates and the voting process. The policy of restriction found a response and approval among the broad masses, gave them a feeling of deep satisfaction, since they began to feel themselves like privileged classes. Many, primarily millions of deputies of the Soviets of various levels, sincerely believed that they were taking part in governing the state.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.109
I. Osipov
The Ural Republic serves as an illustration of the struggle for expanding subjects’ independence and transforming Russian federalism in the early 1990s. The purpose of this study is to explore the Ural Republic in the context of the search for a Russian model of federalism in the early 1990s. Archival materials of the Russian Presidential Administration structural divisions and state authorities of the Sverdlovsk region are key sources. The main materials for the article include program documents and analytical notes reflecting views on the nature of the state-territorial structure by current authorities and fixing the expert and analytical view of the higher state authorities on the developing processes dynamics and associated risks. During the period under review, the search for a new model of federalism and building relations between the federal center and the regions was carried out not only in public and political discussions, but also by implementing specific steps in practice. In 1993, in the context of the growing confrontation between the President and the Supreme Soviet and the formation of new constitutional foundations for Russian statehood, one of the attempts to expand regional independence was the activity of the Sverdlovsk region authorities. For several years the issue of increasing regional independence and transferring a significant part of the powers from the federal center to the regions arose and developed before the actual denouement in 1993. However, such aspirations were perceived ambiguously. Finally, the federal center refused the request to expand independence in the form of creating the Ural Republic on the basis of the Sverdlovsk region.
{"title":"The Ural Republic in 1993: An Attempt to Expand the Independence by a Russian Region","authors":"I. Osipov","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.109","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.109","url":null,"abstract":"The Ural Republic serves as an illustration of the struggle for expanding subjects’ independence and transforming Russian federalism in the early 1990s. The purpose of this study is to explore the Ural Republic in the context of the search for a Russian model of federalism in the early 1990s. Archival materials of the Russian Presidential Administration structural divisions and state authorities of the Sverdlovsk region are key sources. The main materials for the article include program documents and analytical notes reflecting views on the nature of the state-territorial structure by current authorities and fixing the expert and analytical view of the higher state authorities on the developing processes dynamics and associated risks. During the period under review, the search for a new model of federalism and building relations between the federal center and the regions was carried out not only in public and political discussions, but also by implementing specific steps in practice. In 1993, in the context of the growing confrontation between the President and the Supreme Soviet and the formation of new constitutional foundations for Russian statehood, one of the attempts to expand regional independence was the activity of the Sverdlovsk region authorities. For several years the issue of increasing regional independence and transferring a significant part of the powers from the federal center to the regions arose and developed before the actual denouement in 1993. However, such aspirations were perceived ambiguously. Finally, the federal center refused the request to expand independence in the form of creating the Ural Republic on the basis of the Sverdlovsk region.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67779819","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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