Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu02.2022.308
A. Tolstikov, V. Rybakov
The article reconstructs lives of several Russian-language interpreters acting in Sweden during the reign of Gustav I Vasa (1523–1560) on the basis of Swedish and Russian archival sources. The socio-professional group of Russian-language interpreters (ryssetolkar) has been well known in Sweden since late 16th century, and its best times (mainly in the 17th century) are thoroughly studied by the Finnish historian Kari Tarkiainen. The authors suggest that the origins of this group should be sought in late 1530s — early 1540s, and that the Hanseatic environment might have played a part in this process at its earliest stage because the first interpreters known to us by names, Albrecht Tolck and Larens van Värnen, seem to have been of German origin, although we know very little of them. Three other ryssetolkar — Michel Andersson, Hans Larsson Skalm, and especially Bertil Jöransson (Jörensson, Göransson) — ar somewhat better known. The authors conclude that close connections to Finland, especially to the castle of Viborg (Fin. Viipuri, Rus. Vyborg), were typical of the members of this socio-professional group at the very initial phase already. In addition, the sources of the period in question show that prospective interpreters could go to Russia to study Russian and that they sometimes were bound by family ties. The two latter features were not so prominent in the first half of the 16th century, but they would become very typical of the ryssetolkar community later on.
{"title":"The First Russian Interpreters in Early Modern Sweden","authors":"A. Tolstikov, V. Rybakov","doi":"10.21638/spbu02.2022.308","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2022.308","url":null,"abstract":"The article reconstructs lives of several Russian-language interpreters acting in Sweden during the reign of Gustav I Vasa (1523–1560) on the basis of Swedish and Russian archival sources. The socio-professional group of Russian-language interpreters (ryssetolkar) has been well known in Sweden since late 16th century, and its best times (mainly in the 17th century) are thoroughly studied by the Finnish historian Kari Tarkiainen. The authors suggest that the origins of this group should be sought in late 1530s — early 1540s, and that the Hanseatic environment might have played a part in this process at its earliest stage because the first interpreters known to us by names, Albrecht Tolck and Larens van Värnen, seem to have been of German origin, although we know very little of them. Three other ryssetolkar — Michel Andersson, Hans Larsson Skalm, and especially Bertil Jöransson (Jörensson, Göransson) — ar somewhat better known. The authors conclude that close connections to Finland, especially to the castle of Viborg (Fin. Viipuri, Rus. Vyborg), were typical of the members of this socio-professional group at the very initial phase already. In addition, the sources of the period in question show that prospective interpreters could go to Russia to study Russian and that they sometimes were bound by family ties. The two latter features were not so prominent in the first half of the 16th century, but they would become very typical of the ryssetolkar community later on.","PeriodicalId":53995,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Sankt-Peterburgskogo Universiteta-Istoriya","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87094664","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.204
Evgeny V. Voeikov
The article examines under-researched aspects of the activity of managers of the forest industry during the Civil war. It is mainly based on archival documents that are introduced into the scholarship for the first time. The author used materials from two central and four regional archives. The territorial scope of the study covers the Penza, Samara, Saratov, Simbirsk provinces, and the Tatar Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. In 1918–1921, logging managers were under severe pressure from Cheka. The article deals in detail with the example of investigation on the implementation of the decree of 1919 on the procurement of wood by forest workers by personal labor in the provinces of the Volga region conducted in the summer of 1920 by the provincial emergency commissions. Frequently, in the context of the economic crisis and the legal chaos of the Civil war, some of the leading personnel of the forest industry were tempted to break the law for personal gain. However, both real criminals and falsely accused employees were arrested. According to the author, despite the spread of cases of crime among managers, most of the logging managers in extreme wartime conditions honestly fulfilled their official and civil duty, providing the country with fuel. The author comes to the conclusion that the business manager in Russia inevitably finds himself in a situation of balancing between finding the solution to the problem and malpractice bordering on a crime.
{"title":"The Heads of the Logging Industry during the Russian Civil War","authors":"Evgeny V. Voeikov","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.204","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.204","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines under-researched aspects of the activity of managers of the forest industry during the Civil war. It is mainly based on archival documents that are introduced into the scholarship for the first time. The author used materials from two central and four regional archives. The territorial scope of the study covers the Penza, Samara, Saratov, Simbirsk provinces, and the Tatar Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. In 1918–1921, logging managers were under severe pressure from Cheka. The article deals in detail with the example of investigation on the implementation of the decree of 1919 on the procurement of wood by forest workers by personal labor in the provinces of the Volga region conducted in the summer of 1920 by the provincial emergency commissions. Frequently, in the context of the economic crisis and the legal chaos of the Civil war, some of the leading personnel of the forest industry were tempted to break the law for personal gain. However, both real criminals and falsely accused employees were arrested. According to the author, despite the spread of cases of crime among managers, most of the logging managers in extreme wartime conditions honestly fulfilled their official and civil duty, providing the country with fuel. The author comes to the conclusion that the business manager in Russia inevitably finds himself in a situation of balancing between finding the solution to the problem and malpractice bordering on a crime.","PeriodicalId":53995,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Sankt-Peterburgskogo Universiteta-Istoriya","volume":"44 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84782759","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.103
M. Medovarov
The purpose of the article is to analyze the social and political views of Alexey Filippov during the years of his cooperation with the Russian National Democrats. It reveals the achievements and gaps in the historiography of Filippov’s ideological biography. Considerable attention is paid to the formation of the thinker’s original views on the construction of the greatness of Russia by the hands of non-Russians. The reasons for the unpopularity of Filippov’s “progressive nationalism” and the conditions of his activity in St Petersburg since 1912 are considered. The article analyzes the collaboration of Filippov with Alexander Gariazin; the chronology and circumstances of their publication of the weekly “Dym Otechestva” and the monthly “Zhurnal Dlia Vsekh” (“The Journal for All”). Filippov’s sharp criticism of the leaders of the right-wing parties in Russia, the aristocracy, the ruling dynasty, ministers, the Holy Synod is emphasized. His loyalty to the monarchy as a form of government, and personally to Nicholas II, as well as the loyalty of other National Democrats, which they tried to use in confrontation with the All-Russian National Union and the Union of the Russian People, is pointed out. The positions of Filippov and his associates on Russian foreign policy, the reasons for their calls for the immediate war against Germany and Austria-Hungary are demonstrated. It is concluded that behind the eclecticism of Filippov’s views was hidden his sincere conviction in the necessity of combining democracy, rights and freedoms with strong imperial power and national patriotism. The article demonstrates the continuity of Filippov’s views throughout his life, including the Soviet period.
{"title":"Social and Political Views of Alexey Filippov and Russian National Democrats","authors":"M. Medovarov","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.103","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of the article is to analyze the social and political views of Alexey Filippov during the years of his cooperation with the Russian National Democrats. It reveals the achievements and gaps in the historiography of Filippov’s ideological biography. Considerable attention is paid to the formation of the thinker’s original views on the construction of the greatness of Russia by the hands of non-Russians. The reasons for the unpopularity of Filippov’s “progressive nationalism” and the conditions of his activity in St Petersburg since 1912 are considered. The article analyzes the collaboration of Filippov with Alexander Gariazin; the chronology and circumstances of their publication of the weekly “Dym Otechestva” and the monthly “Zhurnal Dlia Vsekh” (“The Journal for All”). Filippov’s sharp criticism of the leaders of the right-wing parties in Russia, the aristocracy, the ruling dynasty, ministers, the Holy Synod is emphasized. His loyalty to the monarchy as a form of government, and personally to Nicholas II, as well as the loyalty of other National Democrats, which they tried to use in confrontation with the All-Russian National Union and the Union of the Russian People, is pointed out. The positions of Filippov and his associates on Russian foreign policy, the reasons for their calls for the immediate war against Germany and Austria-Hungary are demonstrated. It is concluded that behind the eclecticism of Filippov’s views was hidden his sincere conviction in the necessity of combining democracy, rights and freedoms with strong imperial power and national patriotism. The article demonstrates the continuity of Filippov’s views throughout his life, including the Soviet period.","PeriodicalId":53995,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Sankt-Peterburgskogo Universiteta-Istoriya","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87646892","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu02.2022.305
K. Nazarenko
The article presents some conclusions of a research project on the mass prosopographic analysis of the “old” (mainly commissioned before October 1917) Russian naval officers during the Civil War (1917–1922) — primarily, it concerns the number of representatives of this category in the Red Fleet and in the main white groups. The article outlines the main historiography and a range of problems researchers face: the objective lack of sources; the complex and changeable structure of naval officership; different approaches of the Reds and the Whites to the concept of “officer” or “person of the command staff”; the continuation of appointment to officers by white governments; transfers to the fleet from the land army. The hypothesis put forward by the author of this article in 2007 on this issue — that about 80 % of the “old” navy officers served with the Reds during the Civil War — is being revised. The conclusion is that about 42 % of the “old” navy officers served during the Civil War only in the Red Army; up to 24 % of officers served at least for some time in various white formations; and about 34 % of officers evaded participation in the Civil War. Conclusions are drawn about the number of “old” naval officers in the main white formations. For the first time in historiography, the composition of the Corps of Naval Officers (as part of Armed Forces of South Russia) is described.
{"title":"The Number of Russian Naval Officers during the Civil War","authors":"K. Nazarenko","doi":"10.21638/spbu02.2022.305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2022.305","url":null,"abstract":"The article presents some conclusions of a research project on the mass prosopographic analysis of the “old” (mainly commissioned before October 1917) Russian naval officers during the Civil War (1917–1922) — primarily, it concerns the number of representatives of this category in the Red Fleet and in the main white groups. The article outlines the main historiography and a range of problems researchers face: the objective lack of sources; the complex and changeable structure of naval officership; different approaches of the Reds and the Whites to the concept of “officer” or “person of the command staff”; the continuation of appointment to officers by white governments; transfers to the fleet from the land army. The hypothesis put forward by the author of this article in 2007 on this issue — that about 80 % of the “old” navy officers served with the Reds during the Civil War — is being revised. The conclusion is that about 42 % of the “old” navy officers served during the Civil War only in the Red Army; up to 24 % of officers served at least for some time in various white formations; and about 34 % of officers evaded participation in the Civil War. Conclusions are drawn about the number of “old” naval officers in the main white formations. For the first time in historiography, the composition of the Corps of Naval Officers (as part of Armed Forces of South Russia) is described.","PeriodicalId":53995,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Sankt-Peterburgskogo Universiteta-Istoriya","volume":"73 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85771984","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.206
A. Rupasov, E. Tverdyukova
The purpose of the paper is to analyze the reasons for the persistence of consumer smuggling in Soviet Russia / USSR during the period of the New Economic Policy. The study draws upon national and regional archives and archives run by specific government departments as well as upon statistical and media sources. The authors conclude that the main reason for the smuggling trade was the shortage of consumer goods, which was caused by a decrease in imports and a reorientation of manufacturing towards the industrial products, rejection of the ideology of “everyday asceticism”, and the emergence of a new Soviet bourgeoisie. They believe that the factors for maintaining the scale of consumer smuggling were: disagreements between the border guard and the customs service, the leniency of punishments for smuggling, and the underdevelopment of border duty-free trade. The authors show that a lack of consumer imports led to a demand for smuggled items, which transformed within a short period of time (the first post-Revolutionary decade) unorganized smuggling carried out by individuals into a large-scale smuggling operation set up by organizations in which each member performed a specific function. The study demonstrates that government policies of protecting the state monopoly of foreign trade and a steady demand for smuggled goods contributed to the preservation of the smuggling industry. The presence of illegally imported consumer goods on the market contributed to the stabilization of the social situation in Soviet Russia during the years of the New Economic Policy. It became an alternative channel for satisfying the material needs of the urban population. Western products were not only sold from under the counter to representatives of the wealthy strata of the population but also entered the state and cooperative commercial network and craft workshops, which reduced shortages of goods on the domestic market. Smuggling in the 1920s could be classified as a “victimless crime” because it benefited not only its perpetrators but also those who used their services.
{"title":"Smuggling Consumer Goods in Soviet Russia in the Period of the New Economic Policy","authors":"A. Rupasov, E. Tverdyukova","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.206","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.206","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of the paper is to analyze the reasons for the persistence of consumer smuggling in Soviet Russia / USSR during the period of the New Economic Policy. The study draws upon national and regional archives and archives run by specific government departments as well as upon statistical and media sources. The authors conclude that the main reason for the smuggling trade was the shortage of consumer goods, which was caused by a decrease in imports and a reorientation of manufacturing towards the industrial products, rejection of the ideology of “everyday asceticism”, and the emergence of a new Soviet bourgeoisie. They believe that the factors for maintaining the scale of consumer smuggling were: disagreements between the border guard and the customs service, the leniency of punishments for smuggling, and the underdevelopment of border duty-free trade. The authors show that a lack of consumer imports led to a demand for smuggled items, which transformed within a short period of time (the first post-Revolutionary decade) unorganized smuggling carried out by individuals into a large-scale smuggling operation set up by organizations in which each member performed a specific function. The study demonstrates that government policies of protecting the state monopoly of foreign trade and a steady demand for smuggled goods contributed to the preservation of the smuggling industry. The presence of illegally imported consumer goods on the market contributed to the stabilization of the social situation in Soviet Russia during the years of the New Economic Policy. It became an alternative channel for satisfying the material needs of the urban population. Western products were not only sold from under the counter to representatives of the wealthy strata of the population but also entered the state and cooperative commercial network and craft workshops, which reduced shortages of goods on the domestic market. Smuggling in the 1920s could be classified as a “victimless crime” because it benefited not only its perpetrators but also those who used their services.","PeriodicalId":53995,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Sankt-Peterburgskogo Universiteta-Istoriya","volume":"35 1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77077818","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.216
Dmitrii D. Galtsin
The article explores the Froben prints stored at the Rare Books Department of the Library of the Russian Academy of Science (Biblioteka Akademii Nauk) in Saint Petersburg. For three generations in the 16th century, Basel printers the Frobens influenced European intellectual life like no other publishing establishment, contributing to the spread of early Latin and Greek Christian literature, which determined both the development of theology and the humanities. Some copies of Froben prints are conspicuous for the history of their use which is intrinsically connected with various kinds of religious polemics in 16th and 17th century Eastern Europe. The focus of the article is the copies of Froben’s Opera omnia of St Augustine which underwent censorship in monastic libraries of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the 16th and 17th century. The article traces the history of a number of Froben copies which belonged to notable Polish Protestants of the 16th and 17th centuries (Andrzej Trzecieski, Nicholas Radziwill the Black (“Czarny”), Andrzej Dobrzanski). The examination of the connections of Eastern European Protestants, which enabled vigorous exchange of books with Western Europe, bringing, for instance, a book from the library of the great Dutch cartographer Gerhard Mercator to the hands of a provincial Polish pastor, is carried out. Finally, the article addresses the marginalia left by Simeon of Polotsk on one of his books. These marginalia throw some new light on the question of Simeon’s genuine theological views. By examining the history of the copies from the Library of the Russian Academy of Science through the marginalia left in the 16th and 17th centuries by people of various religions, the article assesses Froben copies as a source on confessional and intellectual history of the period.
这篇文章探讨了存放在圣彼得堡俄罗斯科学院图书馆珍本部的Froben版画。16世纪，巴塞尔印刷商Frobens家族对欧洲知识分子生活的影响超过了其他出版机构的三代人，他们对早期拉丁和希腊基督教文学的传播做出了贡献，这决定了神学和人文学科的发展。一些弗罗本版画的复制品因其使用历史而引人注目，这与16世纪和17世纪东欧的各种宗教论战有着内在的联系。这篇文章的重点是16世纪和17世纪在波兰立陶宛联邦的修道院图书馆中受到审查的Froben的《圣奥古斯丁歌剧》的副本。这篇文章追溯了一些属于16世纪和17世纪著名波兰新教徒(Andrzej Trzecieski, Nicholas Radziwill The Black(“Czarny”)，Andrzej Dobrzanski)的Froben副本的历史。本书对东欧新教徒之间的联系进行了考察，这些联系使东欧与西欧之间的图书交流变得活跃起来，例如，将伟大的荷兰制图师格哈德·墨卡托图书馆里的一本书送到了一位波兰外省牧师手中。最后，文章提到了波洛茨克的西蒙在他的一本书中留下的旁注。这些旁注为西缅真正的神学观点问题提供了一些新的线索。通过16世纪和17世纪各种宗教人士留下的旁注，研究俄罗斯科学院图书馆副本的历史，本文评估了Froben副本作为该时期忏悔和思想史的来源。
{"title":"Froben Prints and Polemics on Religion in Early Modern Eastern Europe","authors":"Dmitrii D. Galtsin","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.216","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.216","url":null,"abstract":"The article explores the Froben prints stored at the Rare Books Department of the Library of the Russian Academy of Science (Biblioteka Akademii Nauk) in Saint Petersburg. For three generations in the 16th century, Basel printers the Frobens influenced European intellectual life like no other publishing establishment, contributing to the spread of early Latin and Greek Christian literature, which determined both the development of theology and the humanities. Some copies of Froben prints are conspicuous for the history of their use which is intrinsically connected with various kinds of religious polemics in 16th and 17th century Eastern Europe. The focus of the article is the copies of Froben’s Opera omnia of St Augustine which underwent censorship in monastic libraries of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the 16th and 17th century. The article traces the history of a number of Froben copies which belonged to notable Polish Protestants of the 16th and 17th centuries (Andrzej Trzecieski, Nicholas Radziwill the Black (“Czarny”), Andrzej Dobrzanski). The examination of the connections of Eastern European Protestants, which enabled vigorous exchange of books with Western Europe, bringing, for instance, a book from the library of the great Dutch cartographer Gerhard Mercator to the hands of a provincial Polish pastor, is carried out. Finally, the article addresses the marginalia left by Simeon of Polotsk on one of his books. These marginalia throw some new light on the question of Simeon’s genuine theological views. By examining the history of the copies from the Library of the Russian Academy of Science through the marginalia left in the 16th and 17th centuries by people of various religions, the article assesses Froben copies as a source on confessional and intellectual history of the period.","PeriodicalId":53995,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Sankt-Peterburgskogo Universiteta-Istoriya","volume":"45 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88150309","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu02.2022.311
Yurii Shakhin
The article investigates informal ties among the Yugoslav party-state bureaucracy in 1945–1965 in order to identify their influence on the disintegration processes in Yugoslavia. Interaction through unofficial channels was based on solid social-cultural preconditions and played a significant role in the life of the country. Informal ties could be formed due to military service or employment, family or friendship connections, but ties of compatriot character are most fully represented in the sources. They were lined up on a vertical basis in accordance with the existing administrative-territorial division and were predominately used to achieve some kind of material benefits. Until the early 1950s, compatriot ties could be used both in the interests of the center and subordinate regions, but afterwards only the latter option remained, so they quickly turned into a mechanism of lobbying regional interests in central bodies. Compatriot ties were closely intertwined with parochialism and particularism and fueled by the mood of the masses. For example, there were difficulties in nominating candidates of non-local origin during elections. There were politicians who did not follow the requests of their compatriots, but presumably they were in minority. Since the 1950s, there had been a tendency to institutionally include compatriot ties in the governing bodies, in particular, the principle of proportional regional representation had been established in state and party bodies. Already in the early 1960s this course undermined the efficiency of the central government. To which extent this result was determined by the role of compatriot ties system or other factors has yet to be researched, but it can be stated that the system of informal ties became one of the factors in the disintegration of Yugoslavia.
{"title":"Informal Ties in Party-State Bureaucracy of Yugoslavia","authors":"Yurii Shakhin","doi":"10.21638/spbu02.2022.311","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2022.311","url":null,"abstract":"The article investigates informal ties among the Yugoslav party-state bureaucracy in 1945–1965 in order to identify their influence on the disintegration processes in Yugoslavia. Interaction through unofficial channels was based on solid social-cultural preconditions and played a significant role in the life of the country. Informal ties could be formed due to military service or employment, family or friendship connections, but ties of compatriot character are most fully represented in the sources. They were lined up on a vertical basis in accordance with the existing administrative-territorial division and were predominately used to achieve some kind of material benefits. Until the early 1950s, compatriot ties could be used both in the interests of the center and subordinate regions, but afterwards only the latter option remained, so they quickly turned into a mechanism of lobbying regional interests in central bodies. Compatriot ties were closely intertwined with parochialism and particularism and fueled by the mood of the masses. For example, there were difficulties in nominating candidates of non-local origin during elections. There were politicians who did not follow the requests of their compatriots, but presumably they were in minority. Since the 1950s, there had been a tendency to institutionally include compatriot ties in the governing bodies, in particular, the principle of proportional regional representation had been established in state and party bodies. Already in the early 1960s this course undermined the efficiency of the central government. To which extent this result was determined by the role of compatriot ties system or other factors has yet to be researched, but it can be stated that the system of informal ties became one of the factors in the disintegration of Yugoslavia.","PeriodicalId":53995,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Sankt-Peterburgskogo Universiteta-Istoriya","volume":"82 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74127436","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu02.2022.304
N. Tsintsadze
The article examines how the reports of ministers of Agriculture and State Property reflected the results of their official trips across the Russian Empire and their evaluation of the manifestation of intensive use of natural resources. It also analyses the impact of their opinions and suggestions with regard to the state nature management. The main methodological approach lies in the ideas of environmental history — an interdisciplinary scientific area devoted to various aspects of interaction between man and nature. Ministerial notes on the results of their official trips, along with the State Audit Office, senatorial audits, annual reports of ministers and governors, created an overall picture of the state affairs for the emperor. The article presents an analysis of 11 reports by M. N. Ostrovskii and A. S. Ermolov for the 1880s–1900s based on the archival and published sources. The duality of perception of environmental problems by ministers is noted: they had to balance between the maximum use of natural resources for the economy and the need to protect them from depletion. Often, the ministers’ suggestions on the careful nature management were taken into account in the government decisions. Thus, since the end of the 19th century, reclamation, reforestation, and other activities had been actively carried out. Also, there was an intensive development of the Ural and Siberian resources. The trips of the ministers of Agriculture and State property played an important role in identifying, diagnosing, and minimizing the environmental problems. However, the state nature restoration didn’t adequately compensate anthropogenic damage to nature. That was because the state paid more attention to geopolitical and economic development, which led to the extensive use and depletion of natural resources.
本文考察了农业和国有财产部长的报告如何反映他们在俄罗斯帝国的官方旅行结果，以及他们对自然资源集约利用表现的评估。分析了他们的意见和建议对国家自然管理的影响。主要的方法方法在于环境史的思想，这是一个跨学科的科学领域，致力于人与自然之间相互作用的各个方面。大臣们对他们公务旅行结果的记录，连同国家审计署、参议院审计、大臣和总督的年度报告，为皇帝创造了一个国家事务的整体图景。本文根据档案和已发表的资料，对M. N. ostrovski和A. S. Ermolov在19世纪80年代至20世纪的11份报告进行了分析。报告指出，部长们对环境问题的看法是两面性的:他们必须在最大限度地利用自然资源促进经济和保护自然资源不致枯竭之间取得平衡。政府的决策通常会考虑部长们关于谨慎自然管理的建议。因此，自19世纪末以来，开垦、重新造林等活动一直在积极开展。此外，乌拉尔和西伯利亚的资源也得到了大力开发。农业部长和国有财产部长的访问在查明、诊断和尽量减少环境问题方面发挥了重要作用。然而，国家自然恢复并没有充分补偿人为对自然的破坏。这是因为国家更加注重地缘政治和经济发展，这导致了自然资源的大量使用和枯竭。
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu02.2022.417
A. I. Alekseev
The article introduces a previously unknown text of the Genealogy of Russian Sovereigns from the collections of the Department of Manuscripts of the Russian National Library, which contains the engraving program of A. F. Zubov’s “Portrait of Catherine I surrounded by medallions with portraits of Russian princes and tsars” of 1725. It also reveals the source of this “Genealogy” in the form of a historical and genealogical introduction to the anonymous “History of Peter the Great”, in which Peter is presented the “fifty-sixth” ruler of Russia descending from Rurik. The process of textological research has enabled to establish a connection between these sources and the “Genealogy of Russian Sovereigns” compiled by Feofan Prokopovich, which contained 34 signature texts for P. Pikart’s engraving “Peter I in the genealogy”. The results of the study allow us to attribute both discovered monuments to Feofan Prokopovich. The research also defines that one of the most important means of legitimizing the power of a female ruler was the likening of Empress Catherine to Grand Duchess Olga. As a result of the study of the anonymous “History of Peter the Great”, a number of works by Feofan Prokopovich have been identified in its text. An examination of the lists of the anonymous history of Peter in the collections of the National Library of Russia as well as comparison between these texts and the works of Feofan Prokopovich enable to substantiate the hypothesis about the authorship of F. Prokopovich regarding this compilation history.
这篇文章介绍了俄罗斯国家图书馆手稿部收藏的一篇以前不为人知的《俄罗斯君主家谱》，其中包含了a . F. Zubov 1725年的《叶卡捷琳娜一世的肖像被刻有俄罗斯王子和沙皇肖像的大奖章包围》的雕刻程序。它还以匿名的“彼得大帝史”的历史和系谱介绍的形式揭示了这种“家谱”的来源，其中彼得是俄罗斯的“第五十六”统治者，从留里克降下来。考据学研究的过程使这些来源与Feofan Prokopovich编写的“俄罗斯君主谱系”之间建立了联系，其中包含了P. Pikart雕刻的34个签名文本“族谱中的彼得一世”。这项研究的结果使我们能够将这两个发现的遗迹归为费奥凡·普罗科维奇。该研究还指出，将凯瑟琳皇后比作奥尔加大公夫人，是使女性统治者权力合法化的最重要手段之一。通过对这本匿名的《彼得大帝的历史》的研究，费奥芬·普罗科波维奇的一些作品在其文本中得到了确认。通过对俄罗斯国家图书馆收藏的《彼得的匿名历史》列表的研究，以及将这些文本与Feofan Prokopovich的作品进行比较，可以证实关于F. Prokopovich对这一编撰历史的作者身份的假设。
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.208
Z. Lekovic
The connections between Montenegro and Brda and Russia go back to the second half of the 16th century. During the reign of Ivan IV (1533–1584), the monk Theodore and the dukes from Piper, Drobnyak, and Rovac — Vule Bozhidarev, Ivan Perkov and Stanko Radetin — went to Russia for help. The first official ties with Russia were established at the end of the 17th century. They had been especially tense since 1711 when Peter the Great sent a letter to Bishop Danilo. This initial stage of relations between Montenegro and Russia developed in the context of the slow formation of state power and the constant struggle with the Turks. Relations with Russia, the help received from it, the advice and instructions of Russian envoys had a very strong influence on the construction of state power in Montenegro. The connections established at that time determined the historical course of close ties with Russia, fateful and salvific for the entire history of Montenegro. During the time of Metropolitans Savva and Vasilii, these ties deepened and strengthened. Empress Elizabeth accepted bishop Sava as the «master» of Montenegro. Metropolitan Vasilii also knew that the only salvation for Montenegro was its closest ties with Russia, and even persuaded Russia to take Montenegro under its protectorate. Thanks to Metropolitan Vasilii, the Stanjevići monastery became a nursery for Russian patronage. Following the example of their predecessors, Bishops Peter I and Peter II maintained close ties with Russia and their people, and the Stanjevići monastery played an important role in these relations during the 18th and first three decades of the 19th centuries.
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