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Moscow's Position on the Remilitarization of the Rhineland 莫斯科对莱茵兰重新军事化的立场
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.21638/spbu02.2022.410
A. O. Naumov
The article examines the problem of the remilitarization of the Rhineland by Nazi Germany in March 1936 through the prism of the perception of this event in the Soviet military and political-diplomatic circles. Special attention is paid to the analysis of archival materials introduced into scholarly circulation for the first time, allowing a new look at the position of the USSR during the development of crisis trends in the Versailles system of international relations. The author comes to the conclusion that the Rhineland crisis played a crucial role in changing the balance of power in Europe, dramatically strengthening the position of Nazi Germany and weakening the position of France. Great Britain, after the remilitarization of the Rhineland, embarked on the path of appeasing the aggressors. In fact, this event was the starting point of the crisis of the interwar order, which eventually led to the outbreak of World War II. Surrendering one position after another and making concessions to Hitler’s Germany, Great Britain and France were unable to achieve their main goal – to prevent a new world war, only strengthening the confidence of European dictators in the expediency of achieving their goals by force. In these difficult conditions, as archival documents show, there was a clear understanding in Moscow how dangerous the development of destructive events in European politics was. When forming its own foreign policy line, the Kremlin objectively assessed both the true intentions of the Hitler regime and the essence of the foreign policy maneuvers of Western democracies.
本文从苏联军事和政治外交界对1936年3月纳粹德国对莱茵兰重新军事化事件的看法出发,考察了莱茵兰重新军事化的问题。特别注意对首次引入学术流通的档案材料的分析,使人们能够重新审视苏联在凡尔赛国际关系体系危机趋势发展期间的地位。作者得出结论,莱茵兰危机在改变欧洲力量平衡方面发挥了至关重要的作用,它极大地加强了纳粹德国的地位,削弱了法国的地位。在莱茵兰重新军事化之后,大不列颠走上了绥靖侵略者的道路。事实上,这一事件是两次世界大战之间秩序危机的起点,最终导致了第二次世界大战的爆发。英国和法国一个接一个地向希特勒的德国让步,无法实现他们的主要目标——防止新的世界大战,只会增强欧洲独裁者的信心,让他们相信用武力来达到自己的目的是权宜之计。档案文件显示,在这种困难的情况下,莫斯科清楚地认识到,欧洲政治中破坏性事件的发展是多么危险。在形成自己的外交政策路线时,克里姆林宫客观地评估了希特勒政权的真实意图和西方民主国家外交政策运作的本质。
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引用次数: 0
Amanats and Diplomats in Russian-Caucasian Relations 俄罗斯-高加索关系中的阿马纳特和外交官
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.219
A. Daudov, A. Dvornichenko
Studying the history of the North Caucasus and the relations between Russia and the peoples of North Caucasus is one of the main tasks of national scholars. Unfortunately, the number of researches into this theme is not large. That is why an interesting book written by F. A. Ozova, a well-known Caucasian historian, is worthy of attention. Her book is devoted to the institute of amanatism in the context of the Russian-Caucasian relations during 16th–19th centuries. This is a high-quality research based on a wide range of historical sources of different origins. Some of these sources are introduced into the scholarships for the first time. The historian created a very bright and detailed portrait of the institute of amanatism, which enables readers to see a colourful multitude of such amanats: from noble dukes to ragged boys seen by A. Pushkin during his journey to Arzrum. However, it is difficult to agree with some ideas concerning the historical development of Russia and Cherkessia and also with the role of the institute of amanatism in their relations. The author tends to modernize the history of Cherkessia / Kabarda to a large extent, perceiving it as some feudal and some estate-representative state. Nevertheless, according to the modern approach and level of the knowledge, the character of many institutes both in the mountains and on the plains was archaic. The institute of amanatism served first of all as some tool of annexing new lands to Russia.
研究北高加索的历史和俄罗斯与北高加索民族的关系是民族学者的主要任务之一。遗憾的是,关于这一主题的研究并不多。这就是为什么著名的高加索历史学家f·a·奥佐娃写的一本有趣的书值得关注的原因。她的书致力于在16 - 19世纪的俄罗斯-高加索关系背景下的自由主义研究所。这是一项基于不同来源的广泛历史资料的高质量研究。其中一些来源是首次引入奖学金。这位历史学家为amanatism研究所描绘了一幅非常生动而详细的肖像,让读者看到了形形色色的amanats:从贵族公爵到普希金(a . Pushkin)在阿兹鲁姆(Arzrum)旅行中看到的衣衫褴褛的男孩。然而,关于俄罗斯和切尔克斯的历史发展的一些观点,以及在他们的关系中amanatism研究所的作用,很难达成一致。作者在很大程度上倾向于将切尔克斯/卡巴尔达的历史现代化,将其视为某种封建和某种等级代议制国家。然而,根据现代的方法和知识水平,许多在山区和平原上的研究所的性质是古老的。无政府主义协会首先是作为俄国吞并新土地的工具。
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引用次数: 0
The Aksakov Labor Assistance Circle as an Experience of Commemorative Practice 作为纪念实践经验的Aksakov劳动援助圈
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.203
L. M. Artamonova, Yurii N. Smirnov
The article presents the results of a research based on modern methods of memory studies. These results complement the history of Russian commemorative practices in the early 20th century with economic and industrial examples. New forms of cultivating historical memory emerged with modernization processes. Celebrating the 50th anniversary of the death of S. T. Aksakov (1909), the nobility of Samara province organized the Aksakov labor assistance circle. Its main activity was setting up educational workshops named after the writer in the village described in his works under the name of Bagrovo. Sources about the Aksakov circle and these workshops are archival documents, published reports, and other materials. The nobility paid tribute to the memory of the outstanding writer and the bygone era of flourishing of provincial “nests of the gentry” by purchasing the Aksakov estate from the Peasant Bank; by creating conditions there for teaching crafts; by taking care of the historical house with a garden. Practical needs and search for funds for maintenance forced the organizers to turn to the zemstvo for assistance. The initiative of the nobility received material and moral support from Empress Alexandra Feodorovna. This resulted in the emphasis on the loyalist dimension of the memorial events in Samara region. The research of the experience of the specific commemorative practice contributes to the general understanding of social, cognitive, and ethical communications between history and historical memory, prompting further studies of the problem.
本文介绍了一项基于现代记忆研究方法的研究结果。这些结果用经济和工业实例补充了20世纪初俄罗斯纪念活动的历史。随着现代化进程的发展,历史记忆的培育也出现了新的形式。萨马拉省贵族为纪念阿克萨科夫逝世50周年(1909年),组织了“阿克萨科夫劳动援助团”。其主要活动是以作家巴格罗沃(Bagrovo)的名字在他的作品中所描述的村子里设立以作家名字命名的教育讲习班。有关Aksakov圈子和这些工作坊的资料来源是档案文件、已发表的报告和其他材料。贵族们从农民银行购买了阿卡科夫庄园,以纪念这位杰出的作家和过去的“乡绅之巢”繁荣的时代;通过创造教学条件;通过照顾有花园的历史建筑。实际需要和寻找维护资金迫使组织者向地方自治政府寻求援助。贵族的倡议得到了亚历山德拉·费奥多罗夫娜皇后的物质和精神支持。这导致强调萨马拉地区纪念活动的忠诚方面。对具体纪念实践经验的研究有助于对历史与历史记忆之间的社会、认知和伦理交流的总体理解,从而推动对这一问题的进一步研究。
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引用次数: 0
The Emergence of Habsburgs in Early Works of Joseph von Hormayr 约瑟夫·冯·霍迈尔早期作品中哈布斯堡王朝的出现
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.21638/spbu02.2022.310
G. Ragozin
The paper deals with the issue of emergence of the Austrian historical myth in the early 19th century. The identity crisis in Austria, Holy Roman Empire and Habsburg possessions due to the French revolution and collapse of the “Old empire” brought a discussion on loyalty towards dynasty, throne, and the state. Relations of Habsburgs with their non-Germanic realms also underwent a transformation connected with the creation of the Austrian empire in 1804. Intellectuals in the early 19th century Vienna were faced with the challenge to revisit the remains of the old model of identity and relationships between the state and the society in a new context. The new model combining romanticism and conservatism pursued to find a model of “natural” relations between the sovereign, state and society. Joseph von Hormayr was the author of concepts for Austrian history, Habsburg dynasty, and its relations with the society in the early 19th century. He justified them with legitimism, dynastic patriotism, and general historical memory. “The Austrian Plutarch” made an impact on Austrian historical memory in the 19th century. The images of early Habsburgs were supposed to demonstrate the role of monarchy in the success of the state, social stability, and European balance. The essays showed the moral right of the dynasty to leadership in Germany and Central Europe. Hormayr disseminated the concepts of “Austrian freedom” in the Empire, “putting an end to the anarchy”, consistent centralization of Southern-eastern German areas, and its support from estates. The sovereigns appeared both in the image of mobilization figures for the duchy and neighboring countries, and possessors of the personal features turning Austria into the Empire later.
本文论述了19世纪初奥地利历史神话的产生问题。由于法国大革命和“旧帝国”的崩溃,奥地利、神圣罗马帝国和哈布斯堡王朝的身份危机引发了对王朝、王位和国家忠诚的讨论。随着1804年奥地利帝国的建立,哈布斯堡王朝与非日耳曼王国的关系也发生了变化。19世纪早期维也纳的知识分子面临着在新的背景下重新审视身份和国家与社会关系的旧模式残余的挑战。浪漫主义与保守主义相结合的新模式追求的是在主权、国家和社会之间寻找一种“自然”关系的模式。约瑟夫·冯·霍迈尔是19世纪初奥地利历史、哈布斯堡王朝及其与社会关系概念的作者。他用正统主义、王朝爱国主义和普遍的历史记忆为他们辩护。《奥地利的普鲁塔克》对19世纪奥地利的历史记忆产生了影响。早期哈布斯堡王朝的形象被认为是君主制在国家成功、社会稳定和欧洲平衡中的作用。这些随笔显示了王朝在德国和中欧的领导地位的道德权利。霍迈尔在帝国中传播了“奥地利自由”的概念,“结束了无政府状态”,德国东南部地区的一贯中央集权,并得到了庄园的支持。这些君主既以公国和邻国的动员人物形象出现,也以后来将奥地利变成帝国的个人形象出现。
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引用次数: 0
The Praetorian Metilius Pudens and the Civil War in Rome 禁卫军梅利乌斯·普丁斯与罗马内战
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.108
Evgenii A. Guskov
This paper is concerned with a dedicatory stele of some Metilius Pudens, named a warrior of the XIX praetorian cohort in its text. According to paleographic features, it is dated to the second half of the first century A. D. The inscription was published only in 1995, but has not attracted wide attention of researchers yet. The role of Pudens in the events of 69 is unknown due to the scanty content of the stele. The article proves that Pudens could only serve in the guard of Julii-Claudii and during the civil war fought first on the side of Otho. Then, like many former Othonians, he supported the party of Vespasian and was eventually enrolled in his praetorium, which could comprise 20 000 people. The article presents information about the conditions of service and resignation of Metilius Pudens, and describes the organization of the new guard, consisting of soldiers of the Flavian legions, former praetorians of Otho and legionaries of Vitellius. The long duration of Metilius Pudent’s service was due to the need to maintain a group balance in the Flavian guard. Taking into account the large proportion of former Vitellian soldiers in the new corps, the new administration pursued a cautious demobilization policy in order to break mutual responsibility and prevent a repeat of the situation with the Praetorians of Otho, who, having been dismissed by Vitellius, came out in support of Vespasian. Since the Othonians were absolutely loyal to the new authorities in gratitude for the possibility of rehabilitation after the humiliation by Vitellius in April 69, they were seen as a counterweight to the Vitellians.
这篇论文是关于一些墨提利乌斯·普丁斯的奉献石碑,在其文本中被命名为十九世纪禁卫军队列中的一名战士。根据古生物学特征,该铭文可追溯到公元1世纪下半叶。该铭文仅在1995年发表,但尚未引起研究人员的广泛关注。普丁斯在公元69年的事件中所扮演的角色是未知的,因为石碑上的内容很少。这篇文章证明,普丁斯只能在朱利叶斯-克劳狄的卫队中服役,在内战期间,他首先站在奥托一边。然后,像许多前奥斯曼人一样,他支持维斯帕先的政党,并最终加入了他的总督府,该总督府可由2万人组成。这篇文章介绍了有关梅利乌斯·普丁斯的服役条件和辞职的信息,并描述了新卫队的组织,包括弗拉维安军团的士兵,奥托的前禁卫军和维特利乌斯的军团。梅利乌斯·普丹特的长期服役是由于需要维持弗拉维安卫队的群体平衡。考虑到新军团中有很大比例的前维特利亚士兵,新政府采取了谨慎的遣散政策,以打破相互责任,防止奥托禁卫军的情况重演,这些禁卫军被维特利乌斯解雇后,出来支持维斯帕先。由于在69年4月被维特利乌斯羞辱后,奥斯曼人对新政权的绝对忠诚,他们被视为与维特利乌斯抗衡的力量。
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引用次数: 0
Rus’ Lands in the Fiscal Policy of Möngke Khan Möngke可汗财政政策中的罗斯土地
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.21638/spbu02.2022.401
A. Maiorov
The imperial project of the Mongols was based not only on conquering technologies, the most effective for their time, but also on new technologies for mobilizing, centralizing and managing the resources necessary for further conquests. The most important tool for mobilizing resources, both human and material, was the population census, which had a general imperial character and covered a significant part of the inhabited world – from China to the Rus’ principalities. Each newly conquered people or state, recognizing the power of the great khan, had to put at his disposal all the resources of their country, which was the main condition for the implementation of the imperial project of the Mongols, which had the goal of conquering the whole world and creating a global empire. Throughout the territory controlled by the Mongols, a unified tax and financial system was established, centralization and monetization of tax revenues were carried out, a centralized system was created for using labor resources and replenishing the armed forces through regular recruitment sets. By providing a higher level of integration and interaction between many peoples and creating a new multicultural imperial elite, the Mongols promoted an intensive exchange of knowledge and new technologies, including managerial ones, assimilating and developing them in the interests of the empire. As a result, accounting and resource mobilization tools borrowed from China found a new application at the other end of the empire – in the Caucasus and in the Rus’ lands.
蒙古人的帝国计划不仅基于当时最有效的征服技术,而且还基于为进一步征服所需的动员、集中和管理资源的新技术。调动人力和物力资源的最重要工具是人口普查,它具有普遍的帝国特征,覆盖了从中国到罗斯公国的大部分有人居住的世界。每一个新征服的民族或国家,认识到大可汗的力量,不得不把他们国家的所有资源都交给他,这是蒙古人实施帝国计划的主要条件,蒙古人的目标是征服整个世界,建立一个全球性的帝国。在蒙古人控制的整个领土上,建立了统一的税收和财政制度,实行了税收的集中和货币化,建立了一个集中的制度来使用劳动力资源,并通过定期征兵来补充武装力量。通过在许多民族之间提供更高水平的融合和互动,并创造一个新的多元文化的帝国精英,蒙古人促进了知识和新技术的密集交流,包括管理技术,为了帝国的利益同化和发展它们。因此,从中国借来的会计和资源动员工具在帝国的另一端——高加索和罗斯的土地上找到了新的应用。
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引用次数: 0
Eurasianism from the Point of View of Erengen Khara-Davan 从埃伦根·卡拉-达万的视角看欧亚主义
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.21638/spbu02.2022.316
V. Bystryukov
The personality of E. Khara-Davan is a landmark for characterizing the history of the peoples of our country in the first half of the 20th century. He became one of the first Kalmyk students who received higher education at the university of the Russian Empire, and the first doctor among the Kalmyk people. He took part in the events of 1917–1920 in southern Russia, collaborated with the Russian Provisional Government, the Soviet government, and the white movement. In the modern historiography, E. Khara-Davan is quite often called a member of the Eurasian movement, who made a great contribution to the formation of its ideology. However, this view contrasts with the fact that he was not part of any organization of the movement and published only two articles in Eurasian publications. The main topic of his works was the history, current state and future structure of the Kalmyk people. There is no doubt that he was deeply influenced by the ideas of the Eurasians, which is especially evident in the texts on the Mongol Empire history as well as in his main work — the book “Genghis Khan as a commander and his legacy”. His assessments of the influence of the Mongols on the development of Russian statehood were of a pronounced “Eurasian” character. However, outside of this discourse, the works of E. Khara-Davan practically did not intersect with Eurasian concepts in any way, and even diverged in characterizing the current state and future structure of the peoples of Russia.
E. Khara-Davan的个性是刻画20世纪上半叶我国人民历史的一个里程碑。他是第一批在俄罗斯帝国大学接受高等教育的卡尔梅克学生之一,也是卡尔梅克人中的第一位医生。他参加了1917年至1920年在俄罗斯南部发生的事件,与俄罗斯临时政府、苏维埃政府和白人运动合作。在现代史学中,E. Khara-Davan经常被称为欧亚运动的一员,他对欧亚运动意识形态的形成做出了巨大贡献。然而,这种观点与他不属于任何运动组织的事实形成对比,他只在欧亚出版物上发表了两篇文章。他作品的主要主题是卡尔梅克人的历史、现状和未来结构。毫无疑问,成吉思汗深受欧亚人思想的影响,这在蒙古帝国历史文献和他的主要著作《成吉思汗作为一个统帅及其遗产》中尤为明显。他对蒙古人对俄罗斯国家发展的影响的评价带有明显的“欧亚”特征。然而,在这一话语之外,E. Khara-Davan的作品实际上并没有以任何方式与欧亚概念相交,甚至在描述俄罗斯民族的现状和未来结构方面也存在分歧。
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引用次数: 0
The Moscow Embassy of George Kennan and American Diplomacy in the Cold War 乔治·凯南驻莫斯科大使馆与冷战时期的美国外交
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.212
Vera A. Raikova
This paper studies the operations of the Embassy of the United States of America in Moscow headed by G. F. Kennan (May — September 1952) in the context of Cold War diplomatic history. Based on an analysis of documents located in the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation, this study focuses on such key international issues as peaceful settlement of the Korean war, resolution of the German issue, and the signing of a treaty protecting fur seals in the Pacific basin. This article highlights the role of the American Embassy in Moscow, and of Ambassador Kennan in particular, in the discussion of these issues, and the nature of the embassy staff members’ interactions with Soviet authorities. The archival materials concerning the Soviet-American relations in 1952 provide clear evidence that the diplomatic corps faced severe difficulties under the conditions of military and political confrontation of the Cold War. The paper also elucidates the reasons for declaring Kennan persona non grata. Finally, the author considers the influence of the Moscow ambassadorship on Kennan’s perception of communism and the Soviet social system. He became convinced not only of the Soviet political system’s bureaucratic inertia and clumsiness, its excessive centralization, and its total focus on Stalin’s personality, but also of the extreme straightforwardness and uncompromising nature of American foreign policy towards the Soviet Union.
本文以冷战外交史为背景,研究了以凯南为首的美国驻莫斯科大使馆(1952年5月至9月)的运作。本研究以俄罗斯联邦外交政策档案馆的文件分析为基础,重点研究朝鲜战争的和平解决、德国问题的解决、太平洋海狗保护条约的签署等关键国际问题。本文强调了美国驻莫斯科大使馆,特别是凯南大使在讨论这些问题中的作用,以及大使馆工作人员与苏联当局互动的性质。1952年关于苏美关系的档案材料清楚地表明,在冷战军事和政治对抗的条件下,外交使团面临着严重的困难。文章还阐述了宣布凯南为不受欢迎的人的原因。最后,作者考虑了莫斯科大使对凯南对共产主义和苏联社会制度的看法的影响。他不仅对苏联政治体系的官僚主义惰性和笨拙、过度的中央集权以及对斯大林个人的完全关注感到信服,而且对美国对苏外交政策的极端直截了当和毫不妥协的本质也感到信服。
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引用次数: 0
Republicanism on the Territory of Modern Uzbekistan 现代乌兹别克斯坦境内的共和主义
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.119
B. Alimdjanov
The article discusses the forms of republicanism that existed in the territory of Uzbekistan in different historical times and eras. The author, based on the research of historians, orientalists and memoirs of travelers, believes that the first republic emerged in the territory of Uzbekistan in the 14th century in Samarkand. The founders of the first republic were Sarbadars. The second republic — Tashkent “aristocratic” land-holding (18th century) — was founded by Yunus Khoja after a long internecine war. The Tashkent “aristocratic” republic did not last long: about 25 years. The third republic (Turkestan autonomy) was brought into being in 1917 by “bourgeois” representatives of the local elite. Turkestan autonomy lasted 72 days and was destroyed by the Bolsheviks. The fourth republic was the Uzbek SSR (1917–1991). The Uzbek SSR was considered a socialist republic. Its essence was manifested in the union of workers, intelligentsia and farmers. The fifth republic is a democratic post-Soviet Uzbekistan. The author, on the basis of the Soviet historiography, shows that during the 20th century, intellectuals tried to find forms of republicanism in the history of Uzbekistan. In the Soviet historiography of the 1940s, attempts were made to invent “republican” traditions in Soviet Central Asia. According to the author, these attempts continue to this day. The author believes that the political science of Uzbekistan does not study the problem of republicanism in Central Asia.
本文论述了不同历史时期乌兹别克斯坦境内存在的共和主义形式。作者根据历史学家、东方学家和旅行者回忆录的研究,认为第一个共和国于14世纪在乌兹别克斯坦境内的撒马尔罕出现。第一个共和国的缔造者是萨巴达人。第二个共和国——塔什干“贵族”土地持有(18世纪)——由尤努斯·科贾(Yunus Khoja)在一场长期的内战后建立。塔什干的“贵族”共和国没有维持多久:大约25年。第三共和国(突厥斯坦自治)于1917年由当地精英的“资产阶级”代表建立。突厥斯坦的自治持续了72天,被布尔什维克摧毁。第四个共和国是乌兹别克苏维埃社会主义共和国(1917-1991)。乌兹别克斯坦苏维埃社会主义共和国被认为是一个社会主义共和国。其实质表现为工人、知识分子和农民的联合。第五共和国是后苏联时代的民主国家乌兹别克斯坦。作者在苏联史学的基础上表明,在20世纪,知识分子试图在乌兹别克斯坦的历史中找到共和主义的形式。在20世纪40年代的苏联史学中,有人试图在苏联中亚创造“共和”传统。据发件人说,这些企图一直持续到今天。笔者认为,乌兹别克斯坦政治学并未研究中亚地区的共和主义问题。
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引用次数: 0
Medical Geography and Civil Society in the Russian Empire 俄罗斯帝国的医学地理与公民社会
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.21638/spbu02.2022.320
Alexander Martin
In the intellectual construction of empires in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, one of the principal building blocks was medical geography. A discipline located at the boundary of medicine, ethnography, sociology, and geography, medical geography devoted itself to understanding the social and environmental factors that neo-Hippocratic medicine thought determined public health. Thanks to A History of Medicine and Medical Geography in the Russian Empire, co-written by a team of researchers under the direction of E. Vishlenkova and A. Renner, there exists for the first time a study of the role played by medical geography in the development of the Russian Empire. The book begins by discussing what it calls the infrastructure of Russian medico-geographic research: the top-level medical agencies, the system of Baltic maritime quarantines, the training and career paths of physicians, and the development of medical associations. Then it examines the findings of medico-geographic researchers, discussing the climate theories of early modern European medical thinkers and the development in Russia of the three principal forms of medico-geographic writing — statistics, mapmaking, and narrative “medico-topographical descriptions”. The final section offers a series of casestudies from spaces as diverse as Lithuania, the Kazakh steppe, the Arctic shipping route, and global voyages of the vessels of the imperial Russian navy. Systematically placing Russia in the comparative framework of European empires and alternating in its perspective between St Petersburg and distant frontiers, the book explores how medical geography and its practitioners connected Russia with Europe and helped simultaneously to form the imperial state, the Russian nation, and a nascent civil society.
在十八、十九世纪帝国的智力建构中,医学地理学是主要的基石之一。医学地理学是一门介于医学、人种学、社会学和地理学之间的学科,它致力于理解新希波克拉底医学思想决定公众健康的社会和环境因素。在E. Vishlenkova和A. Renner的指导下,由一组研究人员共同撰写的《俄罗斯帝国医学史和医学地理学》首次对医学地理学在俄罗斯帝国的发展中所起的作用进行了研究。这本书首先讨论了所谓的俄罗斯医学地理研究的基础设施:顶级医疗机构,波罗的海海上检疫系统,医生的培训和职业道路,以及医学协会的发展。然后,它考察了医学地理学研究人员的发现,讨论了早期现代欧洲医学思想家的气候理论,以及俄罗斯医学地理学写作的三种主要形式——统计、制图和叙事“医学地形描述”的发展。最后一部分提供了一系列来自不同空间的案例研究,如立陶宛、哈萨克草原、北极航线和俄罗斯帝国海军船只的全球航行。该书系统地将俄罗斯置于欧洲帝国的比较框架中,并在圣彼得堡和遥远的边境之间交替进行透视,探讨了医学地理学及其从业者如何将俄罗斯与欧洲联系起来,并同时帮助形成帝国,俄罗斯民族和新生的公民社会。
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引用次数: 5
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Vestnik Sankt-Peterburgskogo Universiteta-Istoriya
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