Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu02.2022.410
A. O. Naumov
The article examines the problem of the remilitarization of the Rhineland by Nazi Germany in March 1936 through the prism of the perception of this event in the Soviet military and political-diplomatic circles. Special attention is paid to the analysis of archival materials introduced into scholarly circulation for the first time, allowing a new look at the position of the USSR during the development of crisis trends in the Versailles system of international relations. The author comes to the conclusion that the Rhineland crisis played a crucial role in changing the balance of power in Europe, dramatically strengthening the position of Nazi Germany and weakening the position of France. Great Britain, after the remilitarization of the Rhineland, embarked on the path of appeasing the aggressors. In fact, this event was the starting point of the crisis of the interwar order, which eventually led to the outbreak of World War II. Surrendering one position after another and making concessions to Hitler’s Germany, Great Britain and France were unable to achieve their main goal – to prevent a new world war, only strengthening the confidence of European dictators in the expediency of achieving their goals by force. In these difficult conditions, as archival documents show, there was a clear understanding in Moscow how dangerous the development of destructive events in European politics was. When forming its own foreign policy line, the Kremlin objectively assessed both the true intentions of the Hitler regime and the essence of the foreign policy maneuvers of Western democracies.
{"title":"Moscow's Position on the Remilitarization of the Rhineland","authors":"A. O. Naumov","doi":"10.21638/spbu02.2022.410","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2022.410","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the problem of the remilitarization of the Rhineland by Nazi Germany in March 1936 through the prism of the perception of this event in the Soviet military and political-diplomatic circles. Special attention is paid to the analysis of archival materials introduced into scholarly circulation for the first time, allowing a new look at the position of the USSR during the development of crisis trends in the Versailles system of international relations. The author comes to the conclusion that the Rhineland crisis played a crucial role in changing the balance of power in Europe, dramatically strengthening the position of Nazi Germany and weakening the position of France. Great Britain, after the remilitarization of the Rhineland, embarked on the path of appeasing the aggressors. In fact, this event was the starting point of the crisis of the interwar order, which eventually led to the outbreak of World War II. Surrendering one position after another and making concessions to Hitler’s Germany, Great Britain and France were unable to achieve their main goal – to prevent a new world war, only strengthening the confidence of European dictators in the expediency of achieving their goals by force. In these difficult conditions, as archival documents show, there was a clear understanding in Moscow how dangerous the development of destructive events in European politics was. When forming its own foreign policy line, the Kremlin objectively assessed both the true intentions of the Hitler regime and the essence of the foreign policy maneuvers of Western democracies.","PeriodicalId":53995,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Sankt-Peterburgskogo Universiteta-Istoriya","volume":"126 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79077749","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.219
A. Daudov, A. Dvornichenko
Studying the history of the North Caucasus and the relations between Russia and the peoples of North Caucasus is one of the main tasks of national scholars. Unfortunately, the number of researches into this theme is not large. That is why an interesting book written by F. A. Ozova, a well-known Caucasian historian, is worthy of attention. Her book is devoted to the institute of amanatism in the context of the Russian-Caucasian relations during 16th–19th centuries. This is a high-quality research based on a wide range of historical sources of different origins. Some of these sources are introduced into the scholarships for the first time. The historian created a very bright and detailed portrait of the institute of amanatism, which enables readers to see a colourful multitude of such amanats: from noble dukes to ragged boys seen by A. Pushkin during his journey to Arzrum. However, it is difficult to agree with some ideas concerning the historical development of Russia and Cherkessia and also with the role of the institute of amanatism in their relations. The author tends to modernize the history of Cherkessia / Kabarda to a large extent, perceiving it as some feudal and some estate-representative state. Nevertheless, according to the modern approach and level of the knowledge, the character of many institutes both in the mountains and on the plains was archaic. The institute of amanatism served first of all as some tool of annexing new lands to Russia.
{"title":"Amanats and Diplomats in Russian-Caucasian Relations","authors":"A. Daudov, A. Dvornichenko","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.219","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.219","url":null,"abstract":"Studying the history of the North Caucasus and the relations between Russia and the peoples of North Caucasus is one of the main tasks of national scholars. Unfortunately, the number of researches into this theme is not large. That is why an interesting book written by F. A. Ozova, a well-known Caucasian historian, is worthy of attention. Her book is devoted to the institute of amanatism in the context of the Russian-Caucasian relations during 16th–19th centuries. This is a high-quality research based on a wide range of historical sources of different origins. Some of these sources are introduced into the scholarships for the first time. The historian created a very bright and detailed portrait of the institute of amanatism, which enables readers to see a colourful multitude of such amanats: from noble dukes to ragged boys seen by A. Pushkin during his journey to Arzrum. However, it is difficult to agree with some ideas concerning the historical development of Russia and Cherkessia and also with the role of the institute of amanatism in their relations. The author tends to modernize the history of Cherkessia / Kabarda to a large extent, perceiving it as some feudal and some estate-representative state. Nevertheless, according to the modern approach and level of the knowledge, the character of many institutes both in the mountains and on the plains was archaic. The institute of amanatism served first of all as some tool of annexing new lands to Russia.","PeriodicalId":53995,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Sankt-Peterburgskogo Universiteta-Istoriya","volume":"24 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89440125","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.203
L. M. Artamonova, Yurii N. Smirnov
The article presents the results of a research based on modern methods of memory studies. These results complement the history of Russian commemorative practices in the early 20th century with economic and industrial examples. New forms of cultivating historical memory emerged with modernization processes. Celebrating the 50th anniversary of the death of S. T. Aksakov (1909), the nobility of Samara province organized the Aksakov labor assistance circle. Its main activity was setting up educational workshops named after the writer in the village described in his works under the name of Bagrovo. Sources about the Aksakov circle and these workshops are archival documents, published reports, and other materials. The nobility paid tribute to the memory of the outstanding writer and the bygone era of flourishing of provincial “nests of the gentry” by purchasing the Aksakov estate from the Peasant Bank; by creating conditions there for teaching crafts; by taking care of the historical house with a garden. Practical needs and search for funds for maintenance forced the organizers to turn to the zemstvo for assistance. The initiative of the nobility received material and moral support from Empress Alexandra Feodorovna. This resulted in the emphasis on the loyalist dimension of the memorial events in Samara region. The research of the experience of the specific commemorative practice contributes to the general understanding of social, cognitive, and ethical communications between history and historical memory, prompting further studies of the problem.
{"title":"The Aksakov Labor Assistance Circle as an Experience of Commemorative Practice","authors":"L. M. Artamonova, Yurii N. Smirnov","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.203","url":null,"abstract":"The article presents the results of a research based on modern methods of memory studies. These results complement the history of Russian commemorative practices in the early 20th century with economic and industrial examples. New forms of cultivating historical memory emerged with modernization processes. Celebrating the 50th anniversary of the death of S. T. Aksakov (1909), the nobility of Samara province organized the Aksakov labor assistance circle. Its main activity was setting up educational workshops named after the writer in the village described in his works under the name of Bagrovo. Sources about the Aksakov circle and these workshops are archival documents, published reports, and other materials. The nobility paid tribute to the memory of the outstanding writer and the bygone era of flourishing of provincial “nests of the gentry” by purchasing the Aksakov estate from the Peasant Bank; by creating conditions there for teaching crafts; by taking care of the historical house with a garden. Practical needs and search for funds for maintenance forced the organizers to turn to the zemstvo for assistance. The initiative of the nobility received material and moral support from Empress Alexandra Feodorovna. This resulted in the emphasis on the loyalist dimension of the memorial events in Samara region. The research of the experience of the specific commemorative practice contributes to the general understanding of social, cognitive, and ethical communications between history and historical memory, prompting further studies of the problem.","PeriodicalId":53995,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Sankt-Peterburgskogo Universiteta-Istoriya","volume":"119 4. Vyp. 2 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90246188","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu02.2022.310
G. Ragozin
The paper deals with the issue of emergence of the Austrian historical myth in the early 19th century. The identity crisis in Austria, Holy Roman Empire and Habsburg possessions due to the French revolution and collapse of the “Old empire” brought a discussion on loyalty towards dynasty, throne, and the state. Relations of Habsburgs with their non-Germanic realms also underwent a transformation connected with the creation of the Austrian empire in 1804. Intellectuals in the early 19th century Vienna were faced with the challenge to revisit the remains of the old model of identity and relationships between the state and the society in a new context. The new model combining romanticism and conservatism pursued to find a model of “natural” relations between the sovereign, state and society. Joseph von Hormayr was the author of concepts for Austrian history, Habsburg dynasty, and its relations with the society in the early 19th century. He justified them with legitimism, dynastic patriotism, and general historical memory. “The Austrian Plutarch” made an impact on Austrian historical memory in the 19th century. The images of early Habsburgs were supposed to demonstrate the role of monarchy in the success of the state, social stability, and European balance. The essays showed the moral right of the dynasty to leadership in Germany and Central Europe. Hormayr disseminated the concepts of “Austrian freedom” in the Empire, “putting an end to the anarchy”, consistent centralization of Southern-eastern German areas, and its support from estates. The sovereigns appeared both in the image of mobilization figures for the duchy and neighboring countries, and possessors of the personal features turning Austria into the Empire later.
{"title":"The Emergence of Habsburgs in Early Works of Joseph von Hormayr","authors":"G. Ragozin","doi":"10.21638/spbu02.2022.310","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2022.310","url":null,"abstract":"The paper deals with the issue of emergence of the Austrian historical myth in the early 19th century. The identity crisis in Austria, Holy Roman Empire and Habsburg possessions due to the French revolution and collapse of the “Old empire” brought a discussion on loyalty towards dynasty, throne, and the state. Relations of Habsburgs with their non-Germanic realms also underwent a transformation connected with the creation of the Austrian empire in 1804. Intellectuals in the early 19th century Vienna were faced with the challenge to revisit the remains of the old model of identity and relationships between the state and the society in a new context. The new model combining romanticism and conservatism pursued to find a model of “natural” relations between the sovereign, state and society. Joseph von Hormayr was the author of concepts for Austrian history, Habsburg dynasty, and its relations with the society in the early 19th century. He justified them with legitimism, dynastic patriotism, and general historical memory. “The Austrian Plutarch” made an impact on Austrian historical memory in the 19th century. The images of early Habsburgs were supposed to demonstrate the role of monarchy in the success of the state, social stability, and European balance. The essays showed the moral right of the dynasty to leadership in Germany and Central Europe. Hormayr disseminated the concepts of “Austrian freedom” in the Empire, “putting an end to the anarchy”, consistent centralization of Southern-eastern German areas, and its support from estates. The sovereigns appeared both in the image of mobilization figures for the duchy and neighboring countries, and possessors of the personal features turning Austria into the Empire later.","PeriodicalId":53995,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Sankt-Peterburgskogo Universiteta-Istoriya","volume":"33 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74623121","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.108
Evgenii A. Guskov
This paper is concerned with a dedicatory stele of some Metilius Pudens, named a warrior of the XIX praetorian cohort in its text. According to paleographic features, it is dated to the second half of the first century A. D. The inscription was published only in 1995, but has not attracted wide attention of researchers yet. The role of Pudens in the events of 69 is unknown due to the scanty content of the stele. The article proves that Pudens could only serve in the guard of Julii-Claudii and during the civil war fought first on the side of Otho. Then, like many former Othonians, he supported the party of Vespasian and was eventually enrolled in his praetorium, which could comprise 20 000 people. The article presents information about the conditions of service and resignation of Metilius Pudens, and describes the organization of the new guard, consisting of soldiers of the Flavian legions, former praetorians of Otho and legionaries of Vitellius. The long duration of Metilius Pudent’s service was due to the need to maintain a group balance in the Flavian guard. Taking into account the large proportion of former Vitellian soldiers in the new corps, the new administration pursued a cautious demobilization policy in order to break mutual responsibility and prevent a repeat of the situation with the Praetorians of Otho, who, having been dismissed by Vitellius, came out in support of Vespasian. Since the Othonians were absolutely loyal to the new authorities in gratitude for the possibility of rehabilitation after the humiliation by Vitellius in April 69, they were seen as a counterweight to the Vitellians.
{"title":"The Praetorian Metilius Pudens and the Civil War in Rome","authors":"Evgenii A. Guskov","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.108","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.108","url":null,"abstract":"This paper is concerned with a dedicatory stele of some Metilius Pudens, named a warrior of the XIX praetorian cohort in its text. According to paleographic features, it is dated to the second half of the first century A. D. The inscription was published only in 1995, but has not attracted wide attention of researchers yet. The role of Pudens in the events of 69 is unknown due to the scanty content of the stele. The article proves that Pudens could only serve in the guard of Julii-Claudii and during the civil war fought first on the side of Otho. Then, like many former Othonians, he supported the party of Vespasian and was eventually enrolled in his praetorium, which could comprise 20 000 people. The article presents information about the conditions of service and resignation of Metilius Pudens, and describes the organization of the new guard, consisting of soldiers of the Flavian legions, former praetorians of Otho and legionaries of Vitellius. The long duration of Metilius Pudent’s service was due to the need to maintain a group balance in the Flavian guard. Taking into account the large proportion of former Vitellian soldiers in the new corps, the new administration pursued a cautious demobilization policy in order to break mutual responsibility and prevent a repeat of the situation with the Praetorians of Otho, who, having been dismissed by Vitellius, came out in support of Vespasian. Since the Othonians were absolutely loyal to the new authorities in gratitude for the possibility of rehabilitation after the humiliation by Vitellius in April 69, they were seen as a counterweight to the Vitellians.","PeriodicalId":53995,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Sankt-Peterburgskogo Universiteta-Istoriya","volume":"31 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82573622","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu02.2022.401
A. Maiorov
The imperial project of the Mongols was based not only on conquering technologies, the most effective for their time, but also on new technologies for mobilizing, centralizing and managing the resources necessary for further conquests. The most important tool for mobilizing resources, both human and material, was the population census, which had a general imperial character and covered a significant part of the inhabited world – from China to the Rus’ principalities. Each newly conquered people or state, recognizing the power of the great khan, had to put at his disposal all the resources of their country, which was the main condition for the implementation of the imperial project of the Mongols, which had the goal of conquering the whole world and creating a global empire. Throughout the territory controlled by the Mongols, a unified tax and financial system was established, centralization and monetization of tax revenues were carried out, a centralized system was created for using labor resources and replenishing the armed forces through regular recruitment sets. By providing a higher level of integration and interaction between many peoples and creating a new multicultural imperial elite, the Mongols promoted an intensive exchange of knowledge and new technologies, including managerial ones, assimilating and developing them in the interests of the empire. As a result, accounting and resource mobilization tools borrowed from China found a new application at the other end of the empire – in the Caucasus and in the Rus’ lands.
{"title":"Rus’ Lands in the Fiscal Policy of Möngke Khan","authors":"A. Maiorov","doi":"10.21638/spbu02.2022.401","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2022.401","url":null,"abstract":"The imperial project of the Mongols was based not only on conquering technologies, the most effective for their time, but also on new technologies for mobilizing, centralizing and managing the resources necessary for further conquests. The most important tool for mobilizing resources, both human and material, was the population census, which had a general imperial character and covered a significant part of the inhabited world – from China to the Rus’ principalities. Each newly conquered people or state, recognizing the power of the great khan, had to put at his disposal all the resources of their country, which was the main condition for the implementation of the imperial project of the Mongols, which had the goal of conquering the whole world and creating a global empire. Throughout the territory controlled by the Mongols, a unified tax and financial system was established, centralization and monetization of tax revenues were carried out, a centralized system was created for using labor resources and replenishing the armed forces through regular recruitment sets. By providing a higher level of integration and interaction between many peoples and creating a new multicultural imperial elite, the Mongols promoted an intensive exchange of knowledge and new technologies, including managerial ones, assimilating and developing them in the interests of the empire. As a result, accounting and resource mobilization tools borrowed from China found a new application at the other end of the empire – in the Caucasus and in the Rus’ lands.","PeriodicalId":53995,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Sankt-Peterburgskogo Universiteta-Istoriya","volume":"69 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84725694","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu02.2022.316
V. Bystryukov
The personality of E. Khara-Davan is a landmark for characterizing the history of the peoples of our country in the first half of the 20th century. He became one of the first Kalmyk students who received higher education at the university of the Russian Empire, and the first doctor among the Kalmyk people. He took part in the events of 1917–1920 in southern Russia, collaborated with the Russian Provisional Government, the Soviet government, and the white movement. In the modern historiography, E. Khara-Davan is quite often called a member of the Eurasian movement, who made a great contribution to the formation of its ideology. However, this view contrasts with the fact that he was not part of any organization of the movement and published only two articles in Eurasian publications. The main topic of his works was the history, current state and future structure of the Kalmyk people. There is no doubt that he was deeply influenced by the ideas of the Eurasians, which is especially evident in the texts on the Mongol Empire history as well as in his main work — the book “Genghis Khan as a commander and his legacy”. His assessments of the influence of the Mongols on the development of Russian statehood were of a pronounced “Eurasian” character. However, outside of this discourse, the works of E. Khara-Davan practically did not intersect with Eurasian concepts in any way, and even diverged in characterizing the current state and future structure of the peoples of Russia.
E. Khara-Davan的个性是刻画20世纪上半叶我国人民历史的一个里程碑。他是第一批在俄罗斯帝国大学接受高等教育的卡尔梅克学生之一，也是卡尔梅克人中的第一位医生。他参加了1917年至1920年在俄罗斯南部发生的事件，与俄罗斯临时政府、苏维埃政府和白人运动合作。在现代史学中，E. Khara-Davan经常被称为欧亚运动的一员，他对欧亚运动意识形态的形成做出了巨大贡献。然而，这种观点与他不属于任何运动组织的事实形成对比，他只在欧亚出版物上发表了两篇文章。他作品的主要主题是卡尔梅克人的历史、现状和未来结构。毫无疑问，成吉思汗深受欧亚人思想的影响，这在蒙古帝国历史文献和他的主要著作《成吉思汗作为一个统帅及其遗产》中尤为明显。他对蒙古人对俄罗斯国家发展的影响的评价带有明显的“欧亚”特征。然而，在这一话语之外，E. Khara-Davan的作品实际上并没有以任何方式与欧亚概念相交，甚至在描述俄罗斯民族的现状和未来结构方面也存在分歧。
{"title":"Eurasianism from the Point of View of Erengen Khara-Davan","authors":"V. Bystryukov","doi":"10.21638/spbu02.2022.316","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2022.316","url":null,"abstract":"The personality of E. Khara-Davan is a landmark for characterizing the history of the peoples of our country in the first half of the 20th century. He became one of the first Kalmyk students who received higher education at the university of the Russian Empire, and the first doctor among the Kalmyk people. He took part in the events of 1917–1920 in southern Russia, collaborated with the Russian Provisional Government, the Soviet government, and the white movement. In the modern historiography, E. Khara-Davan is quite often called a member of the Eurasian movement, who made a great contribution to the formation of its ideology. However, this view contrasts with the fact that he was not part of any organization of the movement and published only two articles in Eurasian publications. The main topic of his works was the history, current state and future structure of the Kalmyk people. There is no doubt that he was deeply influenced by the ideas of the Eurasians, which is especially evident in the texts on the Mongol Empire history as well as in his main work — the book “Genghis Khan as a commander and his legacy”. His assessments of the influence of the Mongols on the development of Russian statehood were of a pronounced “Eurasian” character. However, outside of this discourse, the works of E. Khara-Davan practically did not intersect with Eurasian concepts in any way, and even diverged in characterizing the current state and future structure of the peoples of Russia.","PeriodicalId":53995,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Sankt-Peterburgskogo Universiteta-Istoriya","volume":"3 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88663387","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.212
Vera A. Raikova
This paper studies the operations of the Embassy of the United States of America in Moscow headed by G. F. Kennan (May — September 1952) in the context of Cold War diplomatic history. Based on an analysis of documents located in the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation, this study focuses on such key international issues as peaceful settlement of the Korean war, resolution of the German issue, and the signing of a treaty protecting fur seals in the Pacific basin. This article highlights the role of the American Embassy in Moscow, and of Ambassador Kennan in particular, in the discussion of these issues, and the nature of the embassy staff members’ interactions with Soviet authorities. The archival materials concerning the Soviet-American relations in 1952 provide clear evidence that the diplomatic corps faced severe difficulties under the conditions of military and political confrontation of the Cold War. The paper also elucidates the reasons for declaring Kennan persona non grata. Finally, the author considers the influence of the Moscow ambassadorship on Kennan’s perception of communism and the Soviet social system. He became convinced not only of the Soviet political system’s bureaucratic inertia and clumsiness, its excessive centralization, and its total focus on Stalin’s personality, but also of the extreme straightforwardness and uncompromising nature of American foreign policy towards the Soviet Union.
{"title":"The Moscow Embassy of George Kennan and American Diplomacy in the Cold War","authors":"Vera A. Raikova","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.212","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.212","url":null,"abstract":"This paper studies the operations of the Embassy of the United States of America in Moscow headed by G. F. Kennan (May — September 1952) in the context of Cold War diplomatic history. Based on an analysis of documents located in the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation, this study focuses on such key international issues as peaceful settlement of the Korean war, resolution of the German issue, and the signing of a treaty protecting fur seals in the Pacific basin. This article highlights the role of the American Embassy in Moscow, and of Ambassador Kennan in particular, in the discussion of these issues, and the nature of the embassy staff members’ interactions with Soviet authorities. The archival materials concerning the Soviet-American relations in 1952 provide clear evidence that the diplomatic corps faced severe difficulties under the conditions of military and political confrontation of the Cold War. The paper also elucidates the reasons for declaring Kennan persona non grata. Finally, the author considers the influence of the Moscow ambassadorship on Kennan’s perception of communism and the Soviet social system. He became convinced not only of the Soviet political system’s bureaucratic inertia and clumsiness, its excessive centralization, and its total focus on Stalin’s personality, but also of the extreme straightforwardness and uncompromising nature of American foreign policy towards the Soviet Union.","PeriodicalId":53995,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik Sankt-Peterburgskogo Universiteta-Istoriya","volume":"10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91245778","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.119
B. Alimdjanov
The article discusses the forms of republicanism that existed in the territory of Uzbekistan in different historical times and eras. The author, based on the research of historians, orientalists and memoirs of travelers, believes that the first republic emerged in the territory of Uzbekistan in the 14th century in Samarkand. The founders of the first republic were Sarbadars. The second republic — Tashkent “aristocratic” land-holding (18th century) — was founded by Yunus Khoja after a long internecine war. The Tashkent “aristocratic” republic did not last long: about 25 years. The third republic (Turkestan autonomy) was brought into being in 1917 by “bourgeois” representatives of the local elite. Turkestan autonomy lasted 72 days and was destroyed by the Bolsheviks. The fourth republic was the Uzbek SSR (1917–1991). The Uzbek SSR was considered a socialist republic. Its essence was manifested in the union of workers, intelligentsia and farmers. The fifth republic is a democratic post-Soviet Uzbekistan. The author, on the basis of the Soviet historiography, shows that during the 20th century, intellectuals tried to find forms of republicanism in the history of Uzbekistan. In the Soviet historiography of the 1940s, attempts were made to invent “republican” traditions in Soviet Central Asia. According to the author, these attempts continue to this day. The author believes that the political science of Uzbekistan does not study the problem of republicanism in Central Asia.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu02.2022.320
Alexander Martin
In the intellectual construction of empires in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, one of the principal building blocks was medical geography. A discipline located at the boundary of medicine, ethnography, sociology, and geography, medical geography devoted itself to understanding the social and environmental factors that neo-Hippocratic medicine thought determined public health. Thanks to A History of Medicine and Medical Geography in the Russian Empire, co-written by a team of researchers under the direction of E. Vishlenkova and A. Renner, there exists for the first time a study of the role played by medical geography in the development of the Russian Empire. The book begins by discussing what it calls the infrastructure of Russian medico-geographic research: the top-level medical agencies, the system of Baltic maritime quarantines, the training and career paths of physicians, and the development of medical associations. Then it examines the findings of medico-geographic researchers, discussing the climate theories of early modern European medical thinkers and the development in Russia of the three principal forms of medico-geographic writing — statistics, mapmaking, and narrative “medico-topographical descriptions”. The final section offers a series of casestudies from spaces as diverse as Lithuania, the Kazakh steppe, the Arctic shipping route, and global voyages of the vessels of the imperial Russian navy. Systematically placing Russia in the comparative framework of European empires and alternating in its perspective between St Petersburg and distant frontiers, the book explores how medical geography and its practitioners connected Russia with Europe and helped simultaneously to form the imperial state, the Russian nation, and a nascent civil society.
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