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The feminine endings *-ay and *-āy in Semitic and Berber 闪米特语和柏柏尔语中的女性词尾*-ay和*-āy
Pub Date : 2018-03-28 DOI: 10.1017/S0041977X18000447
Marijn van Putten
Abstract This paper examines the evidence for the marginal feminine endings *-ay- and *-āy- in Proto-Semitic, and the feminine endings *-e and *-a in Proto-Berber. Their similar formation (*CV̆CC-ay/āy), semantics (verbal abstracts, underived concrete feminine nouns) and plural morphology (replacement of the feminine suffix by a plural suffix with -w-) suggest that this feminine formation should be reconstructed to a shared ancestor which may be called Proto-Berbero-Semitic.
摘要本文考察了原始闪米特语中*-ay-和*-āy-的边缘女性词尾,以及原始柏柏尔语中*-e和*-a的边缘女性词尾的证据。它们的相似构象(*CV _ CC-ay/āy)、语义(口头抽象,衍生出具体的女性名词)和复数形态(用-w-复数后缀代替女性后缀)表明,这种女性构象应该被重构为一个共同的祖先,可以称为原伯贝罗-闪米特语。
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引用次数: 5
Peter Jackson: Studies on the Mongol Empire and Early Muslim India . (Variorum Collected Studies Series.) xii, 334 pp. Farnham and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2009. £70. ISBN 978 0 7546 5988 4. 彼得·杰克逊:蒙古帝国与早期穆斯林印度研究。(varorum collection Studies丛书)第十二卷,334页。法纳姆和伯灵顿,佛蒙特州:阿什盖特出版社,2009。£70。Isbn 978 0 7546 5988 4。
Pub Date : 2010-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0041977X10000224
George Lane
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引用次数: 0
Africa 非洲
Pub Date : 2000-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0041977X0000879X
J. Mcilwaine
the ' backwardness' of the Muslim population through' enlightened' leadership. Furthermore, the articulation of aspirations towards the establishment of an independent Moro nationstate emerged in the late 1960s as a (largely disingenuous) response by Muslim politicians displaced by the increasingly interventionist and centralizing tendencies of President Ferdinand Marcos. These politicians worked in tandem with a new generation of radicalized Muslim students (university-educated in Manila or at al-Azhar in Cairo) much as their Christian counterparts elsewhere in the Philippines (e.g. Senator Benigno Aquino, Jr.) did with the newly formed Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and its New People's Army (NPA). As McKenna shows, even the sectarian violence in Cotabato in the early 1970s was intertwined with these new extra-electoral tactics of ' traditional politicians', and ultimately the product of class, rather than ethno-religious, tensions and antagonisms. Whilst this historical backdrop is outlined with great care and considerable detail and documentation in the first seven chapters, the remainder of the book draws more on McKenna's ethnographic work and deals with more contemporary issues. Here he is keen to show how popular support for armed separatism (the MILF in particular) reflects less the ' hegemonic ideology' of elite notions of Moro ethno-nationalism than the vulnerability of ordinary Muslims to the predications of various armed groups (most notably the Armed Forces of the Philippines) and its interpretation of the appeal for ' Islamic unity' in terms of' the ideal of juridical equality for all Cotabato Muslims' (p. 282). McKenna is especially sensitive to the ways in which appeals to an undifferentiated ethno-religious ' national' unity must be understood as both masking and mediated by relations of inequality, domination, and exploitation. In his fine-grained account of sociological and political change in Cotabato, McKenna may underplay continuities and connections, drawing the lines between former smugglers, 'traditional politicians', rebel commanders, religious leaders (ulama and ustadz) far more sharply than even his own evidence suggests. But even here this reviewer suspects that McKenna knows more than he cares to reveal. This is an outstanding piece of scholarship— elegantly written, amply documented, thoroughly researched, and reflecting a critical engagement-with the existing academic literature and journalistic conventional wisdom, with questions of contemporary political salience, and with the realities of everyday life for poor Muslims in the southern Philippines. McKenna has made an important contribution to the study of Philippine politics, Islam in SouthEast Asia, nationalism and 'separatism', and hegemony and resistance more generally.
通过“开明”的领导来解决穆斯林人口的“落后”。此外,20世纪60年代末出现了建立一个独立的摩洛民族国家的愿望,这是穆斯林政治家对费迪南德·马科斯总统日益增加的干涉主义和中央集权倾向的回应(很大程度上是虚伪的)。这些政客与新一代激进的穆斯林学生(在马尼拉或开罗的爱资哈尔大学接受大学教育)合作,就像他们在菲律宾其他地方的基督徒同行(如参议员贝尼尼奥·阿基诺)与新成立的菲律宾共产党(CPP)及其新人民军(NPA)合作一样。正如麦肯纳所说,即使是20世纪70年代初哥打巴托的宗派暴力也与“传统政客”的这些新的选举外策略交织在一起,最终是阶级而非种族-宗教、紧张关系和对抗的产物。虽然这一历史背景在前七章中被非常仔细地勾勒出来,并有相当多的细节和文献,但本书的其余部分更多地借鉴了麦肯纳的民族志工作,并处理了更多的当代问题。在这里,他热衷于展示民众对武装分离主义(特别是摩洛伊斯兰解放阵线)的支持,与其说反映了摩洛民族主义精英观念的“霸权意识形态”,不如说是普通穆斯林在各种武装团体(最明显的是菲律宾武装部队)的预言下的脆弱性,以及它对“所有哥打巴托穆斯林司法平等的理想”的“伊斯兰团结”呼吁的解释(第282页)。麦肯纳尤其敏锐地意识到,对于一种无差别的种族-宗教“国家”统一的诉求,必须被理解为不平等、统治和剥削关系的掩盖和中介。麦肯纳对哥打巴托的社会和政治变化进行了细致入时的描述,他可能低估了连续性和联系,将前走私者、“传统政治家”、叛军指挥官、宗教领袖(乌拉玛和乌斯塔德)之间的界限划得比他自己的证据所显示的要清晰得多。但即使在这里,笔者也怀疑麦肯纳知道的比他想透露的要多。这是一部杰出的学术著作——文笔优美,文献翔实,研究透彻,反映了一种批判性的参与——既有学术文献和新闻传统智慧,也有当代政治突出问题,以及菲律宾南部贫穷穆斯林的日常生活现实。麦肯纳对菲律宾政治、东南亚的伊斯兰教、民族主义和“分离主义”以及更广泛的霸权和抵抗的研究做出了重要贡献。
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引用次数: 0
General 一般
Pub Date : 2000-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0041977X00008806
Plaisier
included from the well-known philosophers Wiredu (five texts) and Appiah, Sogolo, Gbadegesin (two texts each). Further prominent contributions include extracts from Oruka, Gyekye, Biko, and Senghor. All introductory sections to the chapters situate their topic in a South African context, thus creating a South African flair. The only recent South African reading, Maboge More's discussion of Outlaw and Appiah (364-74) deserves attention. This compilation is presented as an undergraduate coursebook; thus its major task is to introduce students into the field and provide guide-lines for further independent study. Given the circumstances mentioned, and the huge diversity of topics that has been treated in print within the last two decades, this is no mean task. So far there is no reader available which successfully combines introductory texts with a representative selection of readings. Unfortunately, the present work is equally unsuccessful. The handling of the material is not clearly developed and the introductions to most of the various subsections are less precise than would be desirable. The sensitive and well-researched critique of discourse on 'African thinking' by van Niekerk (52-85) is a notable exception. No general overview of the history and basic character of the debate on African philosophy is given anywhere in the reader, while the overall perspective remains somewhat ahistorical. Introducing the topical subsections, writers often vaguely 'adopt a position of midway' (207) without clarifying where and how they situate themselves between universalist and relativist positions. The outcome, sadly, is more confusion than orientation. No understanding or working definition of philosophy is given that would hold the various parts of the book together, and the status of ' philosophy' is not even discussed in the general introductory chapter by Biakolo. Instead, dated and mostly surmounted dichotomies between Africans and Europeans are highlighted yet again (savagecivilized, prelogical-logical, perceptualconceptual, oral-written, and religiousscientific). In fact, the uncritical use of labels such as 'primitive thought' situates Biakolo himself in the European intellectual past.
其中包括著名哲学家怀尔杜(五篇文章)和阿皮亚、索戈洛、格巴德杰辛(各两篇文章)。进一步突出的贡献包括从Oruka, Gyekye, Biko和senhor提取。所有章节的介绍部分都将其主题置于南非的背景下,从而创造了南非的风格。最近唯一的南非读物是马博格·莫尔对《不法之徒》和《阿皮亚》(364-74)的讨论,值得关注。这个汇编是作为一个本科教材;因此,它的主要任务是将学生引入该领域,并为进一步的独立学习提供指导。鉴于上述情况,以及在过去二十年中出版的各种主题,这不是一项简单的任务。到目前为止,还没有一种读者能够成功地将介绍性的文本与具有代表性的阅读材料结合起来。不幸的是,目前的工作同样不成功。对材料的处理没有得到明确的发展,对大多数不同小节的介绍也不太精确。van Niekerk(52-85)对“非洲思维”的话语进行了敏感而深入研究的批判,这是一个值得注意的例外。在读者的任何地方都没有给出关于非洲哲学辩论的历史和基本特征的总体概述,而总体观点仍然有些非历史性。在介绍主题部分时,作者经常模糊地“采取一种中间立场”(207),而没有澄清他们在普遍主义和相对主义立场之间的位置和方式。可悲的是,结果更多的是混乱而不是定向。没有对哲学的理解或有效的定义,将书的各个部分结合在一起,Biakolo甚至没有在一般的导论章节中讨论“哲学”的地位。相反,非洲人和欧洲人之间过时的、基本上已经被超越的二分法再次被强调(野蛮文明、前逻辑-逻辑、感知-概念、口头-书面和宗教科学)。事实上,不加批判地使用诸如“原始思想”之类的标签,将Biakolo自己置于欧洲知识分子的过去。
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引用次数: 0
Africa 非洲
Pub Date : 1999-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0041977X00019145
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引用次数: 0
General 一般
Pub Date : 1999-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0041977X00019169
out via the totally state-controlled press and broadcasting, in the South intervention was more patchy. After reunification, an initial linguistic assault has given way to a semitolerance of traditionalistic and Western influences—not, pace Nguyen, a struggle between two camps of planners but one between Communist planners and an array of unplanned forces. The running down of the Turkish language reform is thoughtfully analysed by Boeschoeten: the growing influx of Westernisms and (surely a crucial phenonemon) the combination of ' foreign' and ' native' seems to bother no one except intellectuals, while the Kemalist doctrine of populism has all but failed to bring local dialects into the standard language; on the other hand, Islamic groups have not used language as a weapon and it is doubtful if they could. Meanwhile, Boeschoeten calls for study of the attitudes and practices of school teachers—a glaring gap, surely, in most work on language planning. Even in so politically charged a field as language planning, it is an editor's and publisher's duty to exclude patently misinformed or tendentious material. The chapter on the impact of Arab-Israeli negotiations on Arabic conflict terminology is riddled with anti-Israeli diatribes and political posturing, which hardly gives one any confidence in its sociolinguistic claims. Howlers abound: for ' the Jews of the world' in the late nineteenth century, Hebrew was not ' a foreign language' but, for most males, a heritage written language, indeed many were quite capable of conversing in it. For the Hebrew knowledge among Arabs today, it is far from limited (p. 419) to 'some old people who had lived and worked in Palestine before 1948', 'prisoners ... in Israeli camps' and ' specialists'—see, e.g., Amara and Spolsky, 'The diffusion and integration of Hebrew and English lexical items in the spoken Arabic of an Israeli village', Anthropological Linguistics 28, 1986, 43-54. As for the authors' claim (p. 423) that ' the underlying Jewish ideology has always been to have the land free from Arabs and Arabic', they are (not surprisingly) unable to cite any Israeli documentation to this effect; one wonders if they are even aware of the existence of an Arabic-medium school system in Israel. As every editor should, Clyne rounds off the volume by essaying a general model, of' undoing corpus planning', in which he addresses such questions as what gave rise to the undoing, what obstructed it, and how did the time dimension vary? I found his attempt at a fiveway categorization of language situations unenlightening and even confusing, and the theoretical scope of his conclusions rather limited. Most interesting are his claims concerning sources of authority: (a) not all planning is top-down, thus Turkish purification made much use of consultative processes; (b) it is often the media and schools that are most successful, e.g., Turkey, Norway; (c) language planning is often part of political democratization or radicalism,
通过完全由国家控制的媒体和广播,在南方的干预则更加零散。统一后,最初的语言攻击已经让位于对传统主义和西方影响的半容忍——不是两个计划者阵营之间的斗争,而是共产主义计划者和一系列计划外力量之间的斗争。Boeschoeten对土耳其语改革的进程进行了深思熟虑的分析:西方主义的不断涌入,以及“外国”和“本土”的结合(这无疑是一个至关重要的现象),除了知识分子外,似乎没有人会感到困扰,而凯末尔主义的民粹主义学说几乎未能将当地方言纳入标准语言;另一方面,伊斯兰组织并没有使用语言作为武器,他们是否能够使用语言也令人怀疑。与此同时,Boeschoeten呼吁对学校教师的态度和实践进行研究——这无疑是大多数语言规划研究中存在的一个明显缺陷。即使在语言规划这样一个充满政治色彩的领域,编辑和出版商也有责任排除明显误导或有倾向性的材料。关于阿以谈判对阿拉伯冲突术语的影响的那一章充斥着反以色列的谩骂和政治姿态,这让人很难对其社会语言学的主张有任何信心。咆哮者比比皆是:对于19世纪晚期的“世界上的犹太人”来说,希伯来语不是“外语”,但对大多数男性来说,希伯来语是一种传统的书面语言,实际上很多人都能用它交谈。对于今天阿拉伯人的希伯来语知识,它远不局限于(第419页)“1948年以前在巴勒斯坦生活和工作的一些老人”,“囚犯……和“专家”——参见,例如,Amara和Spolsky,“以色列村庄阿拉伯语口语中希伯来语和英语词汇项目的扩散和整合”,《人类学语言学》,1986年第28期,43-54页。至于作者声称(第423页)“潜在的犹太意识形态一直是让土地不受阿拉伯人和阿拉伯人的影响”,他们(毫不奇怪)无法引用任何以色列的文件来证明这一点;人们不禁要问,他们是否知道以色列有阿拉伯语学校系统。正如每个编辑应该做的那样,克莱因通过分析一个“撤销语料库计划”的一般模型来完成本书,在这个模型中,他解决了诸如什么导致了撤销,什么阻碍了撤销,以及时间维度是如何变化的等问题。我发现他对语言情境的五种分类的尝试没有启发,甚至令人困惑,他的结论的理论范围相当有限。最有趣的是他关于权威来源的主张:(a)并非所有的规划都是自上而下的,因此土耳其的净化大量使用协商程序;(b)媒体和学校往往是最成功的,例如土耳其、挪威;(c)语言规划往往是政治民主化或激进主义的一部分,如在乌克兰和尼加拉瓜;(d)出于民粹主义或种族主义的原因,极权主义的语言规划往往特别纯粹。更正:第481页,1。(4)应读(3)。
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引用次数: 0
General 一般
Pub Date : 1999-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0041977X00019170
William J. Urbrock, Christopher T. Begg, Eric J. Wagner, CR, B. Lang, D. Bosworth
that children shift from reliance on semantic, pragmatic and frequency factors to a sense of structural transparency and saliency; and that several general children's deviations persist strongly among lower-class young teenagers and sometimes even into adulthood (for example, word-initial ' f' for ' p ' in verbs of the type pizer and past tense forms of the type niketi for standard nikiti). It is striking that there is no talk of gender skewing, of the type reported by Cheshire, in Trudgill (ed.), Sociolinguistic patterns in British English, 1978. Not surprisingly, other non-standard forms were typically juvenile, some almost vanishing by the age of five and others persisting for various lengths of time. Ravid devotes the majority of her book to a thoughtful discussion of her findings in terms of (a) interaction between structural opacity in the adult language and strategies of language acquisition, particularly rote memorization, linear simplicity (impeding stem alternations among very young children), formal consistency (thus generalizing three-letter roots across the entire root system), semantic transparency (thus reducing b/v, k/kh, p/f alternation) and saliency (tending, for example, to prefer the analytic to the synthetic); and (b) general factors arrayed in language change: opacity, consistency, salience, inertia and literacy. Here, Ravid articulates a notion of benefit weighed against the cost of offending such basic principles as markedness, of damage to the overall system or simple flouting of tradition. Her conclusion is that language change is due to the deviations not of young children but of older children, naive (i.e. less literate) speakers and naive (i.e. non-selfconscious) speech. One can agree with her analysis of the strategies involved, treating Hebrew acquisition like that of any other language; but I have strong reservations about the author's understanding of the creation of Modern Hebrew and of how this somehow makes for a very special case of language change. Quite simply, we have scant idea of what first-generation spoken Hebrew was like. It is clear that the first generation of Hebrew speaking Ashkenazim were adult males (of the first and particularly the second Aliyah), drawing on a passive proficiency in Hebrew, but we know little about the morphological features of the Hebrew they contrived to produce or indeed about the morphology or phonology of the Ashkenazi Hebrew they had read or heard in Europe—and the relationship between the two. (See for example Glinert, ' On the sources of modern colloquial Hebrew', Leshonenu, 55). The first generation of Hebrew-speaking children may in fact have acquired from their elders some of the persistent non-prescriptive forms that Ravid regards as juvenile formations. Indeed, the same may hold for some of the non-prescriptive forms prevalent among disadvantaged (sc. Sephardi) speakers; here, too, owing to the policy of settling Sephardi immigrants in largely immigrant Sephardi ne
孩子们从依赖语义、语用和频率因素转变为结构上的透明度和显著性;一些普遍的儿童偏差在下层社会的青少年中持续存在,有时甚至持续到成年(例如,在pizer类型的动词中,单词开头的“f”代替“p”,而在niketi类型的过去式中,“nikiti”代替“standard nikiti”)。令人惊讶的是,在Trudgill(主编)的《英国英语中的社会语言学模式》(social olinguistic patterns in British English, 1978)一书中,并没有提到柴郡报告的那种性别倾斜。毫不奇怪,其他非标准的形式通常是幼年的,一些在五岁时几乎消失,另一些则持续不同的时间。拉维德在书中花了大部分时间对她的研究结果进行了深入的讨论,包括:(a)成人语言的结构不透明性与语言习得策略之间的相互作用,特别是死记硬背,线性简单性(阻碍幼儿进行词干交替),形式一致性(从而在整个词根系统中推广三个字母的词根),语义透明性(从而减少b/v, k/kh, p/f交替)和显著性(例如倾向)。喜欢分析而不喜欢综合);(b)影响语言变化的一般因素:不透明性、一致性、突出性、惰性和读写能力。在这里,拉维德阐述了一种权衡利益与违反标记性等基本原则的代价、对整个系统的损害或对传统的简单蔑视的概念。她的结论是,语言的变化不是由于幼儿,而是由于年龄较大的儿童,幼稚(即文化程度较低)的说话者和幼稚(即没有自我意识)的说话者的偏差。我们可以同意她对所涉及的策略的分析,把希伯来语的学习当作其他语言的学习;但我对作者对现代希伯来语的创造的理解,以及这在某种程度上如何构成了语言变化的一个非常特殊的例子,持强烈的保留意见。很简单,我们对第一代希伯来语口语是什么样子知之甚少。很明显,说阿什肯纳兹语的第一代希伯来人是成年男性(第一代,尤其是第二代阿利亚),他们被动地精通希伯来语,但我们对他们设法制造的希伯来语的形态学特征知之甚少,也不知道他们在欧洲读到或听到的阿什肯纳兹希伯来语的形态学或音韵,以及两者之间的关系。(参见Glinert,“论现代希伯来语口语化的来源”,Leshonenu, 55)。事实上,第一代讲希伯来语的孩子可能从他们的长辈那里获得了一些持久的非规定性形式,拉维德认为这些形式是青少年形成的。事实上,在处境不利的发言者(如西班牙语)中普遍存在的一些非规定性形式可能也是如此;在这里,由于将西班牙裔移民安置在主要是西班牙裔移民的社区的政策,儿童可能特别容易接触到我们所知甚少的散居的西班牙裔希伯来语。总而言之,拉维德认为现代希伯来语直接来自古典希伯来语是不明智的;古代的规范确实有规定,甚至被教师、作家和他们的同类所使用,但这只是口语用法出现的一个因素。因此,虽然一些spirant/plosive变体,如word-initial spirants (fizer)无疑是新的少年形式,但其他的如lid/ok可能在意第绪语欧洲所谓的“腐败”希伯来语中有很长的血统。
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引用次数: 0
General 一般
Pub Date : 1999-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0041977X00019194
Cnc Operator, Mini Certicate
and economy, and incorporating geometric dimensioning and tolerancing (G, D&T). The course includes an overview of types of specialized workholding and tooling devices, including power, modular, welding, inspection, and computer numerical (CNC) jigs and xtures; the identication of the source of design data; the analysis of sample parts for locating and supporting characteristics; and the development of a design plan. Laboratory experience includes design of template, vise-held, plate, angle-plate, channel and box, and vise-jaw jigs and xtures from sample parts
经济,并结合几何尺寸和公差(G, D&T)。该课程包括各种专业工作夹具和工装设备的概述,包括电源,模块化,焊接,检查和计算机数字(CNC)夹具和夹具;设计数据来源的识别;样品零件的定位与支承特性分析;以及设计方案的制定。实验室经验包括设计模板,夹具,板,角板,通道和盒子,以及从样品零件的夹具和夹具
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引用次数: 0
Africa 非洲
Pub Date : 1999-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0041977X00017444
which is still practised—are largely distinguished by the occasion of their use. Thus proverbs, for instance, occur in other genres. Some genres may be signalled by speakers' formulae and fixed audience responses. The skilled bard appears able to use different forms, such as riddles, as part of his art. Other genres, such as curses and invocations addressed to those accused of sorcery deaths, may have supernatural power or on occasion transform status, as in esoteric songs at rites of passage. The author points out that his are superficial sketches, though he clearly assumes that a typology is necessary, if insufficient. Thus 'genres' are grouped descriptively rather than by attention to their performance effects in ways that I have suggested above. The only comprehensive Yaka term for all these activities ' signifie propos des ancetres' (p. 65) and includes visual and tactile techniques. N'soko points out that contemporary topics are frequent, but for the Yaka the original skills of creation derive from ancestors. Power, in English usage, can include the sense of creativity which in African cases is also often an active force. This is not an area developed by the author, though as I have suggested, the examples he gives might suggest a comparable set of Yaka beliefs, as does his comment that bards are like smiths. I wonder also, on the evidence given, if there are indigenous notions of such power, including supernatural power and sorcery, as neutral but active forces which can be deployed for good or bad. The term mvwdala is applied equally to an accompanying instrumentalist, and most of N'soko's exemplars were also skilled thumbpiano players. The verbal root -vwadJmeans 'give birth' and by extension, create or invent (p. 69). Bards pointed out that they were the midwives who brought forth words. Earlier bards would have lived permanently at court. Now they often have other jobs such as working in a store, for example. They say that they have hereditary power, preferably from the mother's side (though descent is patrilineal) and all whose provenance is known to the author came from royal clans; one, indeed, was the son of a king, but was disappointed in the succession contest. Once bound by conditions designed to exclude the non-chiefly, to autochthonous ' owners of the land' they are sycophantic collaborators. Their own verses are realistically sardonic: ' Le [veritable] chef adore les louanges du barde/et le barde adore les cadeaux du chef' (p. 72). Their influence is monitored by the ruler's relatives though N'soko adds that they can be private mediators and are ' parfois de grand conseillers occultes pour le roi' (p. 72). For N'soko, ' pouvoir' is pragmatically coercive, and he stresses that mbiimbi, praises, are supports for the ideology of rulers and social cohesion, which is perhaps better termed social control since the verses proclaim that all should be obedient to their appointed status. The presentation of this analysis is functionali
这在很大程度上是由使用的场合来区分的。因此,谚语,例如,出现在其他体裁。有些类型可能由演讲者的公式和固定的听众反应来表示。熟练的吟游诗人似乎能够使用不同的形式,如谜语,作为他的艺术的一部分。其他类型的歌曲,比如针对那些被指控巫术死亡的人的诅咒和祈祷,可能有超自然的力量,或者有时会改变地位,比如在成人仪式上的深奥歌曲。作者指出他的是肤浅的草图,尽管他清楚地认为类型学是必要的,如果不够的话。因此,“类型”是描述性地分组,而不是按照我上面所建议的方式来关注它们的表现效果。对所有这些活动唯一全面的雅卡术语是“有意义的提议”(第65页),包括视觉和触觉技术。恩索科指出,当代的话题是频繁的,但对于雅卡人来说,原始的创造技能来自祖先。在英语的用法中,Power可以包括创造力,而在非洲,创造力通常也是一种积极的力量。这不是作者开发的领域,尽管正如我所建议的,他给出的例子可能暗示了一套类似的Yaka信仰,就像他评论的那样,吟游诗人就像铁匠。我还想知道,根据所提供的证据,是否有土著对这种力量的概念,包括超自然力量和巫术,作为中立但积极的力量,可以用来做好事或做坏事。mvwdala这个词同样适用于伴奏乐器演奏家,恩索科的大多数例子也是熟练的拇指钢琴演奏家。动词词根- vwadj意为“生育”,引申为创造或发明(第69页)。吟游诗人指出,她们是孕育语言的助产士。早期的吟游诗人会永久居住在宫廷里。现在他们经常有其他的工作,比如在商店工作。他们说他们有世袭的权力,最好是来自母亲一方(尽管血统是父系的),所有作者知道的来源都来自王室;其中一个确实是国王的儿子,但在继承竞争中失望了。一旦受到排除非主要是本地“土地所有者”的条件的约束,他们就成了谄媚的合作者。他们自己的诗句是现实的讽刺:“Le [veritable] chef adore les louanges du barde/ let Le barde adore les cadeaux du chef”(第72页)。他们的影响力受到统治者亲属的监视,尽管N'soko补充说,他们可以是私人调解人,并且是“parfois de grand conillers occultes pour le roi”(第72页)。对N'soko来说,“pouvoir”是实用主义的强制,他强调mbbiimbi,赞美,是对统治者和社会凝聚力的意识形态的支持,这可能更适合称为社会控制,因为经文宣称所有人都应该服从他们指定的地位。这种分析的呈现是功能主义的,而不是表演主义的,但辅以民族志的细节,(有时是诱人的)提到宗教和假面舞会,包括新统治者的政治和象征性选择的历史案例,以及它的仪式布局和发展。N'soko介绍了与当地专家协商后选择的8个文本,这些专家寻找组织权力,知识范围和对交付的掌握。他仔细地阐明了文本的含义,并提供了语言上的分析,而不是音乐上的分析——除了对音调模式及其与内容的关系进行了有趣的讨论外,诗人的声音传递和音乐并没有被处理。他还富有成效地考虑了人名和头衔的重要性,这些名字和头衔在这里经常形成大量的列表。在我看来,他对专业术语(提喻、交错等)的使用似乎并没有推动对维持这一流派的暗指隐喻修辞的研究,但他表明,从业者为每一场表演精心而有技巧地构建了有模式和有意义的材料。这包括公式和历史信息的重复,恩索科指出,这些信息经常证明伦达征服者早期的任意残忍;他认为,这是为了提醒作者要害怕地顺从(这里更多的观众将是有用的)。
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引用次数: 0
Africa 非洲
Pub Date : 1999-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0041977X00017420
R. Pankhurst
Richard Pankhurst's contribution to The Peoples of Africa series will be a useful tool for students and general readers who are new to Ethiopian history. It is written in a readable style and the text is accompanied by illustrations, maps, a serviceable bibliography and a particularly helpful table of dates. It offers a comprehensive account of Ethiopia's past from the earliest times to the victory of the Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) over Mangestu's regime in 1990. In the case of Ethiopia, beginning with the earliest times means just that. The Ethiopian Rift Valley is believed to be the cradle of humanity and the first chapter accordingly opens with an overview of hominid evolution. There are also brief sections on the geographical setting, the languages and religions of Ethiopia and early foreign contacts. The next chapter outlines what is known of the region in ancient times and charts the major events of the Aksumite era, including the conversion to Christianity in the fourth century. The eventual decline of the Aksumite state and the rise of a new dynasty, known as the Zagwe, are events so poorly documented that this period is frequently referred to as the Ethiopian Dark Ages. It is not known precisely when or why Aksum ceased to exist as a political entity and the chronology of the Zagwe era is one of the most controversial issues in Ethiopian history. The view presented here is the conventional one, which dates the rise of the Zagwe to the early twelfth century and regards this as a usurpation. The third chapter offers a brief account of the main events and achievements of the Zagwe period and the eventual overthrow of the dynasty in 1270, a turning-point that is still referred to as the Solomonic ' Restoration'. From this time on historical sources for Ethiopia increase and the next four chapters provide more detailed information, including accounts of the growing conflict between Christian Ethiopia and the Muslim states flanking its southern and eastern borders, which culminated in the early sixteenth century in the near destruction of the Christian kingdom; conflict with the Oromo people who began to migrate into Ethiopia at about the same time; the strengthening of diplomatic ties with Portugal, which resulted in a doomed Jesuit mission to convert Ethiopia to Roman Catholicism; and the founding of a new capital at Gondar. Chapter viii deals with the rise of Tewodros II (1855—68), who attempted to unify Ethiopia after the disintegration of centralized government which marked the decline of the Gondarine era in the later eighteenth century. With Tewodros we move into modern times and it is in these later sections that the book is particularly good, outlining clearly and concisely the increasingly convoluted relations between Ethiopia and the colonial powers of Europe. In particular, the account of the struggle to maintain Ethiopian independence against the aggressive encroachments of Italy, first during the re
理查德·潘克赫斯特对《非洲人民》系列的贡献将是对埃塞俄比亚历史不熟悉的学生和普通读者的有用工具。它以一种可读的风格写成,文字附有插图、地图、有用的参考书目和特别有用的日期表。该书全面介绍了埃塞俄比亚的历史,从早期到1990年埃塞俄比亚人民革命民主阵线(EPRDF)战胜曼格斯图政权。以埃塞俄比亚为例,从最早的时代开始就是这个意思。埃塞俄比亚大裂谷被认为是人类的摇篮,因此,本书的第一章以人类进化的概述为开端。书中还简要介绍了埃塞俄比亚的地理环境、语言和宗教以及早期的对外交往。下一章概述了该地区在古代的已知情况,并列出了阿克苏姆派时代的主要事件,包括四世纪皈依基督教。阿克苏米特国家的最终衰落和一个被称为扎格威的新王朝的崛起,这些事件的记录非常少,以至于这一时期经常被称为埃塞俄比亚的黑暗时代。阿克苏姆何时或为何停止作为一个政治实体存在尚不清楚,而扎格威时代的年表是埃塞俄比亚历史上最具争议的问题之一。这里呈现的观点是传统观点,将扎格王朝的崛起追溯到12世纪早期,并将其视为篡夺。第三章简要介绍了萨格威王朝的主要事件和成就,以及1270年萨格威王朝的最终覆灭,这个转折点至今仍被称为所罗门王朝的“复辟”。从这个时候开始,埃塞俄比亚的历史资料增加了,接下来的四章提供了更详细的信息,包括基督教埃塞俄比亚与南部和东部边界两侧的穆斯林国家之间日益增长的冲突,这种冲突在16世纪早期达到顶峰,基督教王国几乎被摧毁;与奥罗莫人的冲突,奥罗莫人大约在同一时间开始迁移到埃塞俄比亚;加强与葡萄牙的外交关系,这导致了一个注定要失败的耶稣会使命,将埃塞俄比亚转变为罗马天主教;并在刚达尔建立了新首都。第八章讨论了Tewodros II(1855-68)的崛起,他试图在中央集权政府解体后统一埃塞俄比亚,这标志着贡达林时代在18世纪后期的衰落。随着Tewodros的出现,我们进入了现代,正是在后面的部分,这本书特别好,清晰而简洁地概述了埃塞俄比亚与欧洲殖民大国之间日益复杂的关系。特别是,在梅尼莱克二世统治时期(1889-1913)和海尔塞拉西统治时期(1930-74)期间,对维护埃塞俄比亚独立对抗意大利侵略的斗争的描述,准确地传达了意大利、英国和法国政府的口是心非,以及埃塞俄比亚在国际事务中的脆弱性。最后两章涉及意大利占领(1936-41),海尔塞拉西的恢复,现代化和对高度集中的帝国政府日益增长的不满,1974年革命导致了曼格斯图政权的建立,反对派的增长以及1990年EPRDF的最终胜利。
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引用次数: 0
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Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies
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