Nature Human Behaviour最新文献

How good are people at judging the veracity of news? We conducted a systematic literature review and pre-registered meta-analysis of 303 effect sizes from 67 experimental articles evaluating accuracy ratings of true and fact-checked false news (N_Participants = 194,438 from 40 countries across 6 continents). We found that people rated true news as more accurate than false news (Cohen’s d = 1.12 [1.01, 1.22]) and were better at rating false news as false than at rating true news as true (Cohen’s d = 0.32 [0.24, 0.39]). In other words, participants were able to discern true from false news and erred on the side of skepticism rather than credulity. We found no evidence that the political concordance of the news had an effect on discernment, but participants were more skeptical of politically discordant news (Cohen’s d = 0.78 [0.62, 0.94]). These findings lend support to crowdsourced fact-checking initiatives and suggest that, to improve discernment, there is more room to increase the acceptance of true news than to reduce the acceptance of fact-checked false news.

Adolescence (ages 10–24) is characterized by cognitive, behavioural and social development. Childhood environments are typically centred on home and care settings, whereas adolescents increasingly engage with peer and community environments. These changing environments confer risks of experiencing specific adversities at different ages. Despite the unique characteristics of adversities in adolescence and potential associations with lifespan outcomes, few frameworks exist to systematize adversities in adolescents. Here we review current research and propose an approach specific to this developmental period: the adverse adolescent experiences (AAEs) framework. Building on existing models (for example, the adverse childhood experiences framework), the AAEs focus on potentially traumatizing experiences during adolescence. The framework builds on Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory to conceptualize adversities at intrapersonal, interpersonal, community and societal levels. We argue that this approach can enhance our understanding of adolescent adversity, facilitate the study of its potential effects, and guide prevention and intervention efforts.

Although measures that have previously been suggested — such as the more intense and efficient monitoring of abuse, with the parallel application of more and stricter penalties³ — are necessary, they are not sufficient.

Modern universities evolved from monastic schools^4,5, and the academic hierarchy originates in religious hierarchy. The elementary cell of this structure is the master–disciple relationship⁴. Such structures I argue are not only obsolete, but also implicitly psychologically abusive.

The lived experience of urban life is shaped by personal mobility through dynamic relationships and resources, marked not only by access and opportunity, but also inequality and segregation. The recent availability of fine-grained mobility data and context attributes ranging from venue type to demographic mixture offer researchers a deeper understanding of experienced inequalities at scale, and pose many new questions. Here we review emerging uses of urban mobility behaviour data, and propose an analytic framework to represent mobility patterns as a temporal bipartite network between people and places. As this network reconfigures over time, analysts can track experienced inequality along three critical dimensions: social mixing with others from specific demographic backgrounds, access to different types of facilities, and spontaneous adaptation to unexpected events, such as epidemics, conflicts or disasters. This framework traces the dynamic, lived experiences of urban inequality and complements prior work on static inequalities experience at home and work.

We conducted a genome-wide association study on income among individuals of European descent (N = 668,288) to investigate the relationship between socio-economic status and health disparities. We identified 162 genomic loci associated with a common genetic factor underlying various income measures, all with small effect sizes (the Income Factor). Our polygenic index captures 1–5% of income variance, with only one fourth due to direct genetic effects. A phenome-wide association study using this index showed reduced risks for diseases including hypertension, obesity, type 2 diabetes, depression, asthma and back pain. The Income Factor had a substantial genetic correlation (0.92, s.e. = 0.006) with educational attainment. Accounting for the genetic overlap of educational attainment with income revealed that the remaining genetic signal was linked to better mental health but reduced physical health and increased risky behaviours such as drinking and smoking. These findings highlight the complex genetic influences on income and health.

Understanding whether risk preference represents a stable, coherent trait is central to efforts aimed at explaining, predicting and preventing risk-related behaviours. We help characterize the nature of the construct by adopting a systematic review and individual participant data meta-analytic approach to summarize the temporal stability of 358 risk preference measures (33 panels, 57 samples, 579,114 respondents). Our findings reveal noteworthy heterogeneity across and within measure categories (propensity, frequency and behaviour), domains (for example, investment, occupational and alcohol consumption) and sample characteristics (for example, age). Specifically, while self-reported propensity and frequency measures of risk preference show a higher degree of stability than behavioural measures, these patterns are moderated by domain and age. Crucially, an analysis of convergent validity reveals a low agreement across measures, questioning the idea that they capture the same underlying phenomena. Our results raise concerns about the coherence and measurement of the risk preference construct.