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Just Price in An Unjust World 在一个不公平的世界里,公平的价格
Pub Date : 1938-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/intejethi.48.2.2989406
E. A. Johnson
I N SPITE of its wonder-working power, the radio has one serious shortcoming. However distressed he may be, the listener cannot challenge or heckle the speaker. He can only turn off an offending argument, even though he feels a strong moral duty to rebuke the pundit whose electrically magnified words spread abroad ambiguous doctrines based on careless reasoning. Particularly during the period preceding the national election-but actually for the last three or four yearsI have listened with enforced, although perhaps foolish patience, to a persuasive doctrine which has formed a very real part of the Rooseveltian political creed. That doctrine is one of just price, although it is designated more often as a "fair" price or "fair" wages. I propose to examine this doctrine in a general way and to raise questions about the possible meanings which this alluring doctrine can have in a political democracy using machine technology in the business of production and characterized by pluralistic interests which defy classification. Although I have been and still am extremely sympathetic toward the Roosevelt administration, I have not yet reached that state of hero worship which saps the critical faculties so completely that adoration replaces appraisal. Jove may be Jove, but even so he needs watching. The doctrine of a just price, which Mr. Roosevelt has chosen to enunciate, cherish, and promote, has a venerable past. In patristic literature it was given classic statement by Augustine "I know a man who, when a manuscript was offered him for purchase, and he saw that the seller was ignorant of its value, gave the man the just price though he did not expect it."'
尽管这台收音机有神奇的工作能力,但它有一个严重的缺点。无论听者多么苦恼,他都不能挑战或诘问说话者。他只能关掉一个令人反感的论点,尽管他觉得自己有强烈的道德责任去谴责那些以电子放大的语言传播基于粗心推理的模糊理论的专家。特别是在全国大选之前的一段时间里,实际上在过去的三四年里,我一直以强迫的,尽管可能是愚蠢的耐心,倾听一种有说服力的学说,这种学说已成为罗斯福政治信条的一个非常真实的组成部分。这一原则是公平价格原则之一,尽管它通常被称为“公平”价格或“公平”工资。我建议以一种一般的方式来研究这一理论,并提出关于这一诱人的理论在一个政治民主中可能具有的意义的问题,这个民主在生产业务中使用机器技术,并以无视分类的多元利益为特征。虽然我过去和现在都非常同情罗斯福政府,但我还没有达到英雄崇拜的地步,这种崇拜完全削弱了我的批判能力,以至于崇拜取代了评价。朱庇特也许是朱庇特,但即便如此,他也需要被关注。罗斯福先生选择阐明、珍惜和提倡的公平价格原则有着令人尊敬的过去。在教父文学中,奥古斯丁给出了一个经典的说法:“我认识一个人,当有人向他出售手稿时,他看到卖家对手稿的价值一无所知,尽管他没有预料到,但他还是给了这个人一个合理的价格。”
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引用次数: 13
Sociology of Law. Apropos Moll's Translation of Eugen Ehrlich's Grundlegung der Soziologie des Rechts 法律社会学说到翻译正义社会学
Pub Date : 1938-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/intejethi.48.2.2989411
Max Rheinstein
HE publication of an English translation of Eugen Ehrlich's Sociology of Law is an event of importance. For years, Ehrlich has exerted a considerable influence upon American jurisprudence. With and through Roscoe Pound, he is among the founders of modern American sociological jurisprudence and among the precursors of its offspring, the realist school. As a matter of fact, his influence has been greater in America than in the countries of his German mother-tongue. This man, who was born and who spent all his life in the old Austrian Empire, was an American at heart, an individualist and pragmatist, a believer in freedom and the free forces of society. He saw the task of his life in combating government by bureaucracy, which was so characteristic of the old Hapsburg monarchy. This political aim permeates his writings and colors his principal book, the Sociology of Law. Ehrlich did not have the gift of his greater contemporary, Max Weber-the gift of detaching himself from ethical and political bias in scientific research. He who undertakes to deal scientifically with "law" must be aware that this word has a multiplicity of meanings. For a judge, at least in our present civilization, law means that body, or, perhaps better, that system of norms, according to which he has to decide the litigations which are brought before him. Norms are contents of the human mind. They exist, but their existence is not, like that of physical objects, in the physical world but, like that of other contents of the mind, in the world of meanings. The norms of law exist in the same sense in which a poem, a symphony, or a simple proposition exists. Norms can be and have been made the subject matter of a "science." Norms for judicial decisions have been made the subject matter of what is usually called the "science of law," which is primarily a classificatory science. Its first aim is to help the mind grasp its objects, the norms for decision, by grouping and classifying them in the same way in which descriptive botany creates order in the mass of its objects of observation, the plants. Such a classificatory science takes the legal norms as it finds them; it does not ask whence they come and what ends they serve, nor does it judge them good or bad.
欧根·埃利希的《法社会学》英译本的出版是一个重要事件。多年来,埃利希对美国法律学产生了相当大的影响。通过罗斯科·庞德,他是现代美国社会学法学的奠基人之一,也是其后代现实主义学派的先驱之一。事实上,他在美国的影响力比在他的德语母语国家更大。这个在旧奥地利帝国出生并度过一生的人,内心深处是一个美国人,一个个人主义者和实用主义者,一个相信自由和社会自由力量的人。他认为自己一生的任务是反对官僚主义政府,这是旧哈布斯堡王朝的典型特征。这一政治目标渗透在他的著作中,并影响了他的主要著作《法律社会学》。埃利希没有他伟大的同时代人马克斯·韦伯那样的天赋——在科学研究中把自己从伦理和政治偏见中分离出来的天赋。那些致力于科学地处理“法律”的人必须意识到这个词有多重含义。对于一个法官来说,至少在我们现在的文明中,法律意味着一个整体,或者更好地说,是一个规范体系,他必须根据它来裁决提交给他的诉讼。规范是人类思想的内容。它们是存在的,但它们的存在不像物理对象那样存在于物理世界中,而像精神的其他内容那样存在于意义世界中。法律规范的存在就像一首诗、一首交响乐或一个简单命题的存在一样。规范可以并且已经成为一门“科学”的主题。司法裁决的规范已经成为通常被称为“法律科学”的主题,这主要是一门分类科学。它的第一个目的是帮助头脑掌握它的对象,即决策的准则,通过对它们进行分组和分类,就像描述植物学在大量的观察对象(植物)中建立秩序一样。这种分类科学是根据它所发现的法律规范来分类的;它不问它们从哪里来,为什么目的服务,也不判断它们是好是坏。
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引用次数: 9
Malraux and the Individual Will 马尔罗与个人意志
Pub Date : 1938-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/intejethi.48.2.2989407
P. Rice
P HILOSOPHERS, on the one hand, and so-called imaginative writers, on the other, are, to a large extent, trying to do two different kinds of things. What their respective functions are is a question that I shall not attempt to answer here; I shall take it for granted that the two types of activity do not wholly coincide, and that each must be judged by its appropriate standards. But there is also a sphere within which philosopher and novelist may be dominated by similar impulses and pursue common ends. Both are trying, through the medium of language, to give order and value to their experience; both are trying to adjust themselves to a world, human and nonhuman, and, sometimes, to adjust that world to them. In the case of the philosopher this activity may lead to the formulation of an ethics; with the novelist or poet it usually results in a scheme that is imaginatively rather than analytically ordered, and expressed in symbols that are capable of becoming abstract concepts but are presented at the concrete and affective level. There may be, furthermore, an exchange between the two: the poetic ethos of today may become the ethics of tomorrow; or, conversely, the poet may nourish a philosophical idea, as a seed, until it grows into a symbol. One of the functions of the philosophical poet or novelist is to test the abstract ideas of the philosopher by applying them to concrete human situations and showing them at work in the human soul. These situations are, of course, largely imaginary; but they must be in some way equivalent to a reality if they are to be accepted. The asset of the novelist is that he usually brings to the test of these ideas a wider, if not always a deeper,
一方面是哲学家,另一方面是所谓富有想象力的作家,在很大程度上,他们试图做两种不同的事情。它们各自的功能是什么,我不想在这里回答这个问题;我理所当然地认为,这两种类型的活动并不完全一致,必须以其适当的标准来判断每一种活动。但也有一个领域,哲学家和小说家可能被类似的冲动所支配,追求共同的目标。两者都试图通过语言的媒介,给他们的经验赋予秩序和价值;两者都在努力使自己适应一个世界,人类的和非人类的,有时,也让这个世界适应他们。就哲学家而言,这种活动可以导致伦理学的形成;对于小说家或诗人来说,它通常会产生一种富有想象力而不是分析有序的方案,并以能够成为抽象概念但又在具体和情感层面上呈现的符号来表达。此外,两者之间可能会有一种交换:今天的诗歌精神可能成为明天的伦理;或者,反过来说,诗人可以把一个哲学思想当作一粒种子来滋养,直到它长成一个象征。哲学诗人或小说家的功能之一是通过将哲学家的抽象思想应用于具体的人类环境并展示它们在人类灵魂中起作用来检验哲学家的抽象思想。当然,这些情况在很大程度上是虚构的;但如果它们要被接受,就必须在某种程度上等同于现实。小说家的可贵之处在于,他通常会以更广泛、甚至更深入的方式来检验这些思想,
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引用次数: 0
Shorter Notices 较短的通知
Pub Date : 1938-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/intejethi.48.2.2989420
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引用次数: 0
What Shall We Do with Economic Science? 我们该如何处理经济科学?
Pub Date : 1938-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/intejethi.48.2.2989405
E. Ayres
ROFESSOR Lancelot Hogben in the introductory chapter of his book Mathematics for the Million writes: History shows that superstitions are not manufactured by the plain man. Our studies of mathematics are going to show us that whenever the culture of a people loses contact with the common life of mankind and becomes exclusively the plaything of a leisure class, it is becoming a priestcraft. It is destined to end, as does all priestcraft, in superstition.' This belief has been voiced before, and it is sometimes intended as a piece of advice to ordinary people to inform themselves more fully of what is going on in the world of intellectual specialists. Actually the advice should be good in both directions-to specialists as well as to the uninformed-but in the modern world of endowed schools and official support professors have little incentive to keep in touch with the common life of mankind unless their work is understood and criticized by ordinary people, and, when necessary, challenged. Two interesting attitudes can be observed today among educated people outside the academic or professional traditions. They show, on the one hand, a growing interest in simple and easy popularizations of theories in the natural sciences, and, on the other, a growing disgust with theories of economics and sociology. Perhaps there are dangers in popularizations, but
兰斯洛特·霍格本教授在他的《百万数学》一书的前言中写道:“历史表明,迷信不是普通人制造出来的。”我们对数学的研究将告诉我们,每当一个民族的文化与人类的共同生活失去联系,而完全成为有闲阶级的玩物时,它就会变成一种祭司的技艺。它注定要像所有的祭司一样,以迷信告终。”这种观点以前就有人提出过,有时被当作是给普通人的一条建议,让他们更充分地了解知识专家的世界里正在发生的事情。实际上,忠告应该是双向的——对专家和对不知情的人都是如此——但在由捐赠学校和官方支持组成的现代世界里,除非教授们的工作能被普通人理解和批评,并在必要时受到挑战,否则他们就没有什么动力与人类的日常生活保持联系。今天,在学术或专业传统之外的受过教育的人中,可以观察到两种有趣的态度。一方面,他们对简单易懂的自然科学理论的普及越来越感兴趣,另一方面,他们对经济学和社会学理论越来越反感。也许普及是有危险的,但是
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引用次数: 2
The High Road and the Low Road to Peace 通往和平的大路与大路
Pub Date : 1938-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/intejethi.48.2.2989409
H. Schneider
O N THE first page of his great treatise Hugo Grotius remarks, as though it were an obvious fact, that "war is waged for the sake of peace." And we, with equal complacency, call the end of war a treaty of peace. Such habits of speech and thought are a tribute to the reasonableness of human aims but they raise the larger question of fact. Do wars lead to peace? Are our treaties the bases of peace, or are they but symbols of armistices? There are those who argue a priori that strife cannot breed peace. There are others who argue on the basis of what they call human nature that man does not fight for peace. There are still others who argue from current experience that whether war can lead to peace, it is not doing so now. All these arguments are more convincing to their preachers than to the bewildered hearers of many voices. The chief ground for this bewilderment of the common man is that, in a world where so many different theories may be right, it is useless to choose any. An appeal to facts is indecisive, for in this case it involves an appeal to the future, which is notoriously full of hopes and fears and which never comes. We are never sure that today ought to be the day of judgment, for tomorrow, we think, may possibly prove beyond doubt what today is hopelessly debatable. Thus we stumble from day to day, from generation to generation, from empire to empire, still hoping to learn from experience what we cannot prove from knowledge. For this blindness in human affairs I can propose no remedy. I do not know whether we are making peace or enduring an armistice. And I doubt even if time will tell, for history throws less light on such general questions than we think it does. History can teach anything and is continually being re-written for that very purpose. I conclude, therefore, that as a general proposition the question whether or not war is waged for the sake of peace is unanswerable. What particular persons gain or lose from particular wars, whether or not these persons anticipated the results, and whether they are satisfied or discontented with the outcome
雨果·格劳秀斯在其伟大著作的第一页写道,“战争是为了和平”,这似乎是一个显而易见的事实。我们也同样洋洋自得地把战争的结束称为和平条约。这种说话和思考的习惯是对人类目标的合理性的赞扬,但它们提出了一个更大的事实问题。战争能带来和平吗?我们的条约是和平的基础,还是停战的象征?有些人先验地认为冲突不能孕育和平。还有一些人根据他们所谓的人性,认为人类不会为和平而战。还有一些人根据目前的经验认为,战争是否能带来和平,但现在并不是这样。所有这些论点对他们的传道者来说,比对困惑的许多声音的听众更有说服力。使普通人感到困惑的主要原因是,在一个有那么多不同的理论可能是正确的世界里,选择任何一种都是无用的。诉诸事实是优柔寡断的,因为在这种情况下,它涉及到诉诸未来,而未来是出了名地充满了希望和恐惧,而且永远不会到来。我们从不确定今天应该是审判的日子,因为我们认为明天可能会毫无疑问地证明今天无可争辩的事情。就这样,我们日复一日,一代又一代,从一个帝国到另一个帝国,步履蹒跚,仍然希望从经验中学到我们无法从知识中证明的东西。对于人类事务中的这种盲目,我无法提出补救办法。我不知道我们是在缔造和平还是在维持停战。我甚至怀疑时间是否会告诉我们答案,因为历史对这些普遍问题的解释比我们想象的要少。历史可以教给我们任何东西,而且正为此目的不断地被重写。因此,我的结论是,作为一个普遍命题,战争是否为和平而进行的问题是无法回答的。特定的人在特定的战争中得到或失去了什么,这些人是否预料到了结果,他们对结果是满意还是不满意
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引用次数: 2
Progress and Justice: Four Crises in the History of Values 进步与正义:价值观史上的四次危机
Pub Date : 1938-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/intejethi.48.2.2989408
H. Myers
INTEREST in theory of value as a separate study in philosophy has been a distinguished intellectual movement of recent years. Much has been done toward establishing an independent point of view, a method, and a survey of the data of values. Much more remains untouched. Too many of the pioneers in the new work have dissipated their energies in clearing the ground, in defending the value of their work, in wandering in "thickets abounding in monstrous doubts and difficulties." Few of the explorers have arrived at the heart of the problem, and the reason may be that no one apparently has fully called upon the services of the two competent guides in the realm of values, namely, art and history. The purpose of this paper is to set forth briefly a few of the workings of history relevant to theory of values. To anticipate, history presents two propositions and one probability concerning values: (i) At all times in Western culture men have believed in or sought a principle of control, a law of values. (2) The story of these principles of control reflects an intelligible process, each epoch or crisis in theory of value following historical causes. (3) The conditions and terms of three of these revolutions in thought are sufficiently clear to make possible an understanding of the conditions and terms of the next crisis. In order to reveal the evidence for these propositions I have chosen, as a point of attack, the idea of progress, the theory of control in the realm of values which has most affected our own times and which, through an analysis of its component elements, leads us back to every crisis in the history of values.
对价值理论作为哲学中一个独立研究的兴趣是近年来一个杰出的智力运动。在建立独立的观点、方法和价值数据调查方面已经做了很多工作。更多的东西仍未被触及。太多从事新工作的先驱者把精力浪费在清理地面上,浪费在捍卫自己工作的价值上,浪费在“充满巨大疑虑和困难的丛林中”徘徊上。很少有探索者触及问题的核心,原因可能是显然没有人充分利用这两位在价值领域,即艺术和历史领域的称职向导的服务。本文的目的是简要地阐述一些与价值理论相关的历史运作。可以预见,历史提出了关于价值的两个命题和一个可能性:(1)在西方文化的任何时代,人们都相信或寻求一种控制原则,一种价值法则。(2)这些控制原则的故事反映了一个可理解的过程,价值理论的每个时代或危机都遵循历史原因。(3)这三场思想革命的条件和条件已经足够清楚,足以使我们理解下一次危机的条件和条件。为了揭示这些主张的证据,我选择了进步的概念作为攻击点,这是价值领域的控制理论,它对我们自己的时代影响最大,通过对其组成要素的分析,它把我们带回到价值历史上的每一次危机。
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引用次数: 1
Some Philosophical Implications of Max Weber's Methodology 马克思·韦伯方法论的哲学意蕴
Pub Date : 1938-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/intejethi.48.2.2989410
Heinrich P. Jordan
SINCE Max Weber died seventeen years ago, the fundamental problematics of the social sciences have moved more and more into the LO focus of philosophical discussion. This, no doubt, is partly due to the ever widening interest in sociology and related fields. But seldom, if ever, has the discussion regained the depth of Max Weber's profound insights into the foundations of our historical and social knowledge. Although all of his work on this subject was cast in the same mold of thought, much of it is scattered in various polemics against contemporary authors-mostly writers productive in the fields whose principles were under discussion. These polemic essays, and some of original systematic purpose, were collected in the Gesammelte Aufsdtze zur Wissenschaftslehre' and published in this form posthumously. Only slowly and hesitatingly has the guild of professional philosophers entered into the treasure of Weber's methodological views contained in this volume and his other writings. Often enough it seems that what is still being said on such issues as the evaluating procedure and causal imputation in the social sciences would hardly be said if Max Weber's penetrating analyses were more generally known and understood. From this viewpoint a work such as Max Webers Wissenschaftslehre by Alexander von Schelting2 must be highly welcomed. For this author undertakes to interpret Max Weber's epistemological and methodological views in a more systematic and concentrated form than they are presented in Weber's own work. Thus the essential problems subsisting in Weber's position are set in relief as explicitly as may be desired, and the discussion is opened up for the further analysis of their philosophical bearings. This venture appears to be justified in the light of Weber's own view of the nature of all scientific enterprise, which, according to him, is just this: to be forever revisable and at the same time responsible for its own realignment with new discoveries in method and fact. Von Schelting's work, however, reaches beyond a mere interpretation of Weber's methodology. Indeed, the problem of causal imputation in history, as seen by Weber, and an exposition of the categories of "understanding," or knowledge of the subjective modes of human behavior and experience (including the
自从马克斯•韦伯17年前去世以来,社会科学的基本问题越来越多地成为哲学讨论的焦点。毫无疑问,这部分是由于人们对社会学和相关领域的兴趣不断扩大。但是,这种讨论很少,如果有的话,重新回到马克斯·韦伯对我们的历史和社会知识基础的深刻见解的深度。尽管他在这个主题上的所有著作都是按照同样的思想模式进行的,但其中的大部分都分散在针对当代作家的各种论战中——这些作家大多是在其原则被讨论的领域里卓有成效的作家。这些论辩文章,以及一些原始的系统目的,被收集在《科学研究纪要》中,并在他死后以这种形式出版。专业哲学家协会只是缓慢而犹豫地进入了韦伯方法论观点的宝库,这些观点包含在这本书和他的其他著作中。通常情况下,如果马克斯·韦伯的精辟分析能被更广泛地了解和理解,那么在社会科学的评估程序和因果归因等问题上仍在讨论的内容似乎就很难被说出来了。从这个观点来看,像亚历山大·冯·舍尔廷的《马克斯·韦伯的生命》这样的作品一定会受到高度欢迎。因为作者承诺以比韦伯自己的著作更系统、更集中的形式解释马克斯·韦伯的认识论和方法论观点。因此,存在于韦伯立场中的基本问题被尽可能明确地置于救济之中,并为进一步分析其哲学意义而展开讨论。根据韦伯自己对所有科学事业本质的看法,这种冒险似乎是合理的,根据他的观点,科学事业就是这样:永远可以修正,同时对自己在方法和事实上的新发现负责。然而,冯·谢林的工作超越了对韦伯方法论的简单解释。事实上,历史上的因果归因问题,正如韦伯所看到的,以及对“理解”类别的阐述,或对人类行为和经验的主观模式的知识(包括人类行为和经验)
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引用次数: 5
Economists on Economic Ethics 经济学家论经济伦理
Pub Date : 1937-10-01 DOI: 10.1086/intejethi.48.1.2989303
F. Knight
UDGED by reasonable standards, Getting and Earning, by Professors J Bye and Blodgett of the Department of Economics in the University of Pennsylvania, is an excellent book, and one to be strongly commended to students of economics as well as to that larger public to whom, in form and style, it is primarily addressed. It is well writtenbut not too well-and logically arranged. And it contains much penetrating and sound economic analysis, and in particular avoids many of the fallacies which an economist expects to find in a book dealing with this subject, if written from the standpoint of a more or less "advanced" position, in program as well as sympathies. Especially good, in the reviewer's judgment, is the chapter on wages (ethical significance of differences in money wages [chap. iii]). The repeated emphasis on the necessity of a price system as the only feasible mechanism for comparing and adjusting the innumerable conflicts of individual interest involved in any largescale economic co-operation is also a notably superior feature (cf., e.g., p. 48). The present note, however, is not intended as a book review in the conventional sense' but as an examination of issues. Hence, admittedly at the cost of seeming somewhat ungracious, it is proposed to judge the book by unreasonable standards-even to make of it a sort of bad example. The main impression which reading it has left on the present writer's mind is one of acute realization of the difficulties of the problem of criticizing the economic system in ethical terms or proposing ideals to guide efforts to improve it, and the long, long way we have to go before even the foundations are laid for anything like a satisfactory treatment of the issues. Such a treatment would, of course, presuppose and build upon "sound" economic analysis, and even in this preliminary task it is clear that very much remains to be done before there is general agreement on essentials among the presumptive competent. Economic principles and social policy.-Following two chapters on the statistical facts of inequality and their implications and on the meaning of earned and unearned income-more broadly the problem of economic justice and desert-the authors devote the main body of their book (chaps. iii-vi, pp. 59-2I7) to a critical examination of the four distributive shares traditional in economic discussion-interest, rent, wages, and profit. The main effort in each case is to discover the degree in which the respective
宾西法尼亚大学经济系J拜教授和布洛杰特教授所著的《获得与收入》,以合理的标准来评判,是一本优秀的书,值得经济学专业的学生以及主要针对其形式和风格的广大公众强烈推荐。它写得很好,但不太好,而且安排得很有逻辑。它包含了许多深刻而合理的经济分析,特别是避免了经济学家期望在处理这个主题的书中发现的许多谬误,如果从一个或多或少“先进”的立场出发,在纲领和同情方面。在审稿人看来,关于工资的那一章(货币工资差异的伦理意义[第三章])尤为出色。反复强调价格制度的必要性是比较和调整任何大规模经济合作中涉及的无数个人利益冲突的唯一可行机制,这也是一个显著的优点(例如,第48页)。然而,本说明的目的不是作为传统意义上的书评,而是作为对问题的审查。因此,有人建议用不合理的标准来评判这本书——甚至把它当作一种坏榜样,这固然显得有些不礼貌。阅读此书给笔者留下的主要印象是,我敏锐地意识到,从伦理学的角度来批评经济体系,或者提出理想来指导改进经济体系的努力,这些问题是多么困难,我们甚至要为令人满意地处理这些问题奠定基础,还有很长的路要走。当然,这样的处理将以“健全的”经济分析为前提和基础,即使在这项初步任务中,很明显,在假定的主管人员就要点达成普遍协议之前,还有很多工作要做。经济原则和社会政策。在两章关于不平等的统计事实及其影响,以及关于挣得收入和非挣得收入的意义——更广泛地说,是经济公正和应得的问题——之后,作者将他们的书的主体(第11章)奉献出来。iii-vi,第59- 27页),对经济讨论中传统的四种分配份额——利息、租金、工资和利润——进行批判性考察。在每种情况下,主要的努力是发现各自的程度
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引用次数: 0
Traditionalism in American Political Thought 美国政治思想中的传统主义
Pub Date : 1937-10-01 DOI: 10.1086/intejethi.48.1.2989302
B. Wright
T THE simultaneous appearance of a constitutional anniversary and of a new book on recent American political thought' furnishes an excuse for discussing once more the dependence of Americans upon the political thinking of their sesquicentennial ancestors. During one short generation, from about I76i to I788, there was a flowering of political theory in this country which has not often been equaled and very rarely surpassed in any comparable period. The controversial literature of the time occupies a position of hardly less importance than the literature of the English civil wars, upon which it so heavily drew. The institutional products, and especially the written constitutions, have not only continued to serve as patterns here but they have also been widely imitated-in France, in the British Empire, in Latin America, and even in post-war Europe. Nor did the age fail to produce its great political treatise, for the Federalist is a far more significant work on politics than many a book more generally studied from that point of view. It has suffered from 'an excess of oratorical praise and an almost total absence of analysis. To most students of American history it is simply the longest argument in favor of the ratification of the Constitution, and the depth and originality of its theoretical analysis is rarely considered. Even the famous No. IO is well known only for a paragraph or so which, wrested out of its context, gives aid and comfort to the exponents of the economic interpretation of history. Because to an extent unparalleled among modern peoples we have been living upon the ideas of our forebears we have at least had a relatively stable political tradition. Changes there have been-in constitutional institutions and in ideas about them-but the changes have been in terms of the ideas of the founding-fathers. There is no safety in prophecy, but at present it appears that for a long time to come further changes will be in those same terms. I shall have more to say on the subject later in this essay, but it may be remarked in passing that this traditionalism is certainly one of the main reasons why the Marxian philosophy has had so little success in this country. This political tradition is not to be defined by the use of a single word. Not democratic, nor revolutionary, nor conservative, nor constitutional,
立宪纪念日和一本关于美国近代政治思想的新书同时出现,为再次讨论美国人对其建国50周年的祖先的政治思想的依赖提供了借口。在大约1876年至1888年的短短一代人时间里,这个国家的政治理论出现了繁盛时期,这在任何可比时期都是罕见的,也很少被超越。当时有争议的文学作品所占据的重要地位,几乎不逊于英国内战的文学作品,而英国内战是英国文学的重要题材。制度的产物,尤其是成文的宪法,不仅在这里继续作为一种模式,而且在法国、大英帝国、拉丁美洲,甚至在战后的欧洲,都被广泛地模仿。这个时代也不是没有产生伟大的政治论文,因为《联邦党人文集》是一部关于政治的重要著作,远远超过许多从这个角度进行广泛研究的书籍。它遭受了“过多的夸夸其谈的赞扬和几乎完全缺乏分析”。对大多数研究美国历史的学生来说,这只是支持批准宪法的最长的论据,而其理论分析的深度和独创性很少被考虑。即使是著名的No。《IO》之所以为人所知,只是因为它有一段左右的文字,如果把这段文字从它的背景中剥离出来,就会给那些主张用经济学解释历史的人以帮助和安慰。因为我们一直生活在我们祖先的思想之上,这在现代民族中是无与伦比的,我们至少有一个相对稳定的政治传统。在宪法制度和对它们的看法方面发生了变化,但这些变化是在开国元勋们的观念方面发生的。在预言中没有安全,但目前看来,在很长一段时间内,进一步的变化将以同样的方式出现。关于这个问题,我将在这篇文章的后面多说一些,但是可以顺便说一下,这种传统主义当然是马克思主义哲学在这个国家很少取得成功的主要原因之一。这种政治传统不能用一个词来定义。不民主,不革命,不保守,也不立宪,
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引用次数: 1
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The International Journal of Ethics
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