Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.24905/jip.6.1.2021.56-64
Kadir Johnson Rajagukguk, Sofjan Aripin, Heri Wahyudi
This study discusses the implementation of simultaneous elections in 2019 which is the decision of the Constitutional Court No. 14/PUU-11/2013 on simultaneous elections, and the purpose of this study is to examine and analyze whether the 2019 concurrent elections took place democratically and have a success rate to strengthen the consolidation of democracy and institutionalization of political parties in Indonesia. This research was conducted in North Sumatra, Banten, West Java and West Kalimantan. Furthermore, this study uses the theory of the pillars of the democratic system and the Theory of Success of Procedural and Substantive Quality Democracy. The method of research that is used is descriptive method with qualitative approach. With data analysis techniques. The findings show that the democratization of a concurrent election in 2019 is analyzed based on the pillars of a system that gives influence to the quality of the success rate of a democracy both procedural democracy and substantive democracy that measures the success rate of a democracy. Simultaneous elections in 2019 have increased public political participation and the Indonesian Democracy Index (IDI) but a new study is needed to measure the institutionalization of political parties so that comprehensively it can be known the level of democratization, consolidation of democracy and its relation to institutionalization or institutionalization of political parties.
本研究讨论了2019年同步选举的实施情况，即宪法法院第14/ puu / 11/2013号关于同步选举的决定，本研究的目的是检验和分析2019年同步选举是否民主地进行并有成功率，以加强印度尼西亚的民主巩固和政党制度化。这项研究是在北苏门答腊、万丹、西爪哇和西加里曼丹进行的。此外，本研究还运用了民主制度的支柱理论和程序质量民主与实质质量民主的成功理论。所使用的研究方法是描述性方法和定性方法。运用数据分析技术。分析结果显示，2019年并行选举民主化是根据衡量民主主义成功率的程序民主主义和实质民主主义对民主主义成功率质量产生影响的制度支柱进行分析的。2019年的同步选举增加了公众政治参与和印度尼西亚民主指数(IDI)，但需要一项新的研究来衡量政党的制度化，以便全面了解民主化水平，巩固民主及其与制度化或政党制度化的关系。
{"title":"Simultaneous General Election: It Is Fair for Democracy in Indonesia","authors":"Kadir Johnson Rajagukguk, Sofjan Aripin, Heri Wahyudi","doi":"10.24905/jip.6.1.2021.56-64","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24905/jip.6.1.2021.56-64","url":null,"abstract":"This study discusses the implementation of simultaneous elections in 2019 which is the decision of the Constitutional Court No. 14/PUU-11/2013 on simultaneous elections, and the purpose of this study is to examine and analyze whether the 2019 concurrent elections took place democratically and have a success rate to strengthen the consolidation of democracy and institutionalization of political parties in Indonesia. This research was conducted in North Sumatra, Banten, West Java and West Kalimantan. Furthermore, this study uses the theory of the pillars of the democratic system and the Theory of Success of Procedural and Substantive Quality Democracy. The method of research that is used is descriptive method with qualitative approach. With data analysis techniques. The findings show that the democratization of a concurrent election in 2019 is analyzed based on the pillars of a system that gives influence to the quality of the success rate of a democracy both procedural democracy and substantive democracy that measures the success rate of a democracy. Simultaneous elections in 2019 have increased public political participation and the Indonesian Democracy Index (IDI) but a new study is needed to measure the institutionalization of political parties so that comprehensively it can be known the level of democratization, consolidation of democracy and its relation to institutionalization or institutionalization of political parties.","PeriodicalId":40252,"journal":{"name":"Otoritas-Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan","volume":"139 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79860103","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-26DOI: 10.26618/ojip.v10i1.3097
I. Mohammed
Since 9/11 western and non-western governments have implemented counter-counter terrorism and de-radicalisation programs to “inoculate Muslim populations” and de-radicalise those deemed as radicalised through securitization and “moderate Islam”. The Indonesian government and civil society organizations have attempted to address radicalisation by setting up counter-radicalisation and de-radicalisation programs. This paper will critically reflect on the Indonesian de-radicalisation programs. It will first critically discuss the terms radicalisation and de-radicalisation. Then critically assess the Indonesian de-radicalisation programs. In the final section, the author suggests that Indonesia needs to introduce humanitarian activities to make the de-radicalisation programs more effective and overcome labelling and stigmatization.
{"title":"Critical Reflections on De-Radicalisation in Indonesia","authors":"I. Mohammed","doi":"10.26618/ojip.v10i1.3097","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26618/ojip.v10i1.3097","url":null,"abstract":"Since 9/11 western and non-western governments have implemented counter-counter terrorism and de-radicalisation programs to “inoculate Muslim populations” and de-radicalise those deemed as radicalised through securitization and “moderate Islam”. The Indonesian government and civil society organizations have attempted to address radicalisation by setting up counter-radicalisation and de-radicalisation programs. This paper will critically reflect on the Indonesian de-radicalisation programs. It will first critically discuss the terms radicalisation and de-radicalisation. Then critically assess the Indonesian de-radicalisation programs. In the final section, the author suggests that Indonesia needs to introduce humanitarian activities to make the de-radicalisation programs more effective and overcome labelling and stigmatization. ","PeriodicalId":40252,"journal":{"name":"Otoritas-Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan","volume":"101 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-12-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84066536","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-04-30DOI: 10.26618/ojip.v10i1.2782
Akbikesh Mukhtarova
How fluidity of political party systems affects legislative oversight and worldwide governance indicators? Based on the analyses of 47 Sub-Saharan African countries, this article seeks to explore the correlation between Legislative Oversight and Worldwide Governance Indicators as well as the effects of Party System Fluidity on WGI and legislative oversight. Needless to mention, that the effects of party systems fluidity on governance indicators and legislative oversight have received little systematic scholarly attention. To fill the gap in the existing literature, the article explores how in/stability of party systems affects governance indicators and legislative oversight capacity in Sub-Saharan African countries. Analyzing the data on 47 Sub-Saharan African countries we find that legislative oversight has a strong positive relationship with Worldwide Governance Indicators, however, instability of political party systems expressed in high party systems fluidity has a negative relationship with legislative oversight as well as all six dimensions of WGI. These findings reaffirm that the stability of political party systems is a crucial factor that is essential for the development of democratic institutions and further evolvement of mechanisms of democratic control of Parliaments over the work of national Governments. The article is structured in the following way: The first part analyzes how academic scholarship defines legislative oversight and party system fluidity. The second part presents our data analysis methods. In conclusion, the paper discusses the key findings of the research, namely the effects of party systems fluidity on legislative oversight and WGI, in the context of Sub-Saharan African countries.
{"title":"Effects of Party System Fluidity on Legislative Oversight and Good Governance Indicators in Sub-Saharan African","authors":"Akbikesh Mukhtarova","doi":"10.26618/ojip.v10i1.2782","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26618/ojip.v10i1.2782","url":null,"abstract":"How fluidity of political party systems affects legislative oversight and worldwide governance indicators? Based on the analyses of 47 Sub-Saharan African countries, this article seeks to explore the correlation between Legislative Oversight and Worldwide Governance Indicators as well as the effects of Party System Fluidity on WGI and legislative oversight. Needless to mention, that the effects of party systems fluidity on governance indicators and legislative oversight have received little systematic scholarly attention. To fill the gap in the existing literature, the article explores how in/stability of party systems affects governance indicators and legislative oversight capacity in Sub-Saharan African countries. Analyzing the data on 47 Sub-Saharan African countries we find that legislative oversight has a strong positive relationship with Worldwide Governance Indicators, however, instability of political party systems expressed in high party systems fluidity has a negative relationship with legislative oversight as well as all six dimensions of WGI. These findings reaffirm that the stability of political party systems is a crucial factor that is essential for the development of democratic institutions and further evolvement of mechanisms of democratic control of Parliaments over the work of national Governments. The article is structured in the following way: The first part analyzes how academic scholarship defines legislative oversight and party system fluidity. The second part presents our data analysis methods. In conclusion, the paper discusses the key findings of the research, namely the effects of party systems fluidity on legislative oversight and WGI, in the context of Sub-Saharan African countries. ","PeriodicalId":40252,"journal":{"name":"Otoritas-Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan","volume":"197 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79915896","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-04-30DOI: 10.26618/ojip.v10i1.2931
Andika Wahab
Growing allegation of irregularities in the conduct of migrant workers’ recruitment drives global effort to eliminate unethical practices in the migration industry. As part of the international value chain, palm oil companies in Malaysia are expected to implement ethical recruitment practices. This study is an attempt to assess the employers’ commitment and practices in implementing ethical recruitment in Malaysia. Deriving from four palm oil mills (employers) and further validated through a survey conducted against 92 Nepalese workers – this study argues that while employers have committed to cover certain costs of their migrant workers’ recruitment, they lack a clear policy commitment, due diligence and monitoring against the labour recruiters. Consequently, the labour recruiters (including the intermediaries) mainly in Nepal have imposed another set of recruitment costs which already covered by the employers in Malaysia. Alarmingly, the Nepalese workers have paid even a higher cost of recruitment than the cost borne by the employers. For ethical recruitment to be effectively implemented, the employers’ monetary commitment to cover the cost of their workers’ recruitment must be complemented with efforts to engage and monitor the conduct of the labour recruiters in migrant workers’ origin country.
{"title":"Implementing Ethical Recruitment of Migrant Workers: Evidence from the Palm Oil Sector in Malaysia","authors":"Andika Wahab","doi":"10.26618/ojip.v10i1.2931","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26618/ojip.v10i1.2931","url":null,"abstract":"Growing allegation of irregularities in the conduct of migrant workers’ recruitment drives global effort to eliminate unethical practices in the migration industry. As part of the international value chain, palm oil companies in Malaysia are expected to implement ethical recruitment practices. This study is an attempt to assess the employers’ commitment and practices in implementing ethical recruitment in Malaysia. Deriving from four palm oil mills (employers) and further validated through a survey conducted against 92 Nepalese workers – this study argues that while employers have committed to cover certain costs of their migrant workers’ recruitment, they lack a clear policy commitment, due diligence and monitoring against the labour recruiters. Consequently, the labour recruiters (including the intermediaries) mainly in Nepal have imposed another set of recruitment costs which already covered by the employers in Malaysia. Alarmingly, the Nepalese workers have paid even a higher cost of recruitment than the cost borne by the employers. For ethical recruitment to be effectively implemented, the employers’ monetary commitment to cover the cost of their workers’ recruitment must be complemented with efforts to engage and monitor the conduct of the labour recruiters in migrant workers’ origin country.","PeriodicalId":40252,"journal":{"name":"Otoritas-Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan","volume":"39 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80922009","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Delly Maulana, Endang Larasati, S. Suwitri, K. Kismartini
In actualizing the Regional Government Budget (APBD) as an instrument for the desired social changes and in accordance to the purpose for decentralization, there needs to be the involvement of the civil society, community groups, and other stakeholders in public management to influence the policy formulation process and policy implementation which could improve public services and public accountability. The purpose of the current study was to describe the process of formulating the budgeting policy and identifying and plotting the participation of a number of actors, both formal actors and informal actors, in the process of formulating the budgeting policy in the Banten Province Regional Government. The research method employed was a qualitative research method using the NVivo 12 Pro software application. A number of the current study’s findings which were related to the budgeting process were clearly linked to the actors’ political relation which would give rise to demands and requests in the form of actvity proposals. This process would also give rise to various compromises and bargaining between the actors involved, including the value system which influences it. Moreover, the process of formulating the budgeting policy in Banten Province Regional Government in 2018, both in planning and budgeting, were done only as a procedure but not yet substantively. Therefore, budgeting policy formulation process needs to prioritize more widespread public participation, especially in discussions and collecting input or information for the government, both directly or indirectly so that a transparent and accountable process is created.
{"title":"Actor Participation of Budgeting Policy Process in Banten, Indonesia","authors":"Delly Maulana, Endang Larasati, S. Suwitri, K. Kismartini","doi":"10.26618/ojip.v9i2.2068","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26618/ojip.v9i2.2068","url":null,"abstract":"In actualizing the Regional Government Budget (APBD) as an instrument for the desired social changes and in accordance to the purpose for decentralization, there needs to be the involvement of the civil society, community groups, and other stakeholders in public management to influence the policy formulation process and policy implementation which could improve public services and public accountability. The purpose of the current study was to describe the process of formulating the budgeting policy and identifying and plotting the participation of a number of actors, both formal actors and informal actors, in the process of formulating the budgeting policy in the Banten Province Regional Government. The research method employed was a qualitative research method using the NVivo 12 Pro software application. A number of the current study’s findings which were related to the budgeting process were clearly linked to the actors’ political relation which would give rise to demands and requests in the form of actvity proposals. This process would also give rise to various compromises and bargaining between the actors involved, including the value system which influences it. Moreover, the process of formulating the budgeting policy in Banten Province Regional Government in 2018, both in planning and budgeting, were done only as a procedure but not yet substantively. Therefore, budgeting policy formulation process needs to prioritize more widespread public participation, especially in discussions and collecting input or information for the government, both directly or indirectly so that a transparent and accountable process is created. ","PeriodicalId":40252,"journal":{"name":"Otoritas-Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan","volume":"7 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75030036","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ardli Johan Kusuma, T. Warsito, S. Surwandono, Ali Muhammad, Mega Hidayati, Muhlis Madani
The Indonesian government has made a counter-terrorism legal instrument starting in 2001. And the making of counter-terrorism policies in Indonesia was carried out after the 9/11 event. Even though the phenomenon of terrorism that occurred in Indonesia existed before 2001. Even since Indonesia became an independent state, there have been many events that can be classified into the phenomenon of terrorism. But the Indonesian government responded by making legal instruments after 2001. In overcoming terrorism, the Indonesian government prefers a repressive approach. Detachment 88 as a special anti-terrorist force, allegedly has committed many human rights violations. Even in the last 10 years, at least 120 suspected terrorists were killed in the arrest process and 40 people were victims of wrongful arrests. In addition, more than 80% of them were subjected to torture. However, the repressive approach has not been able to reduce the number of terrorist attacks in Indonesia. Therefore, this research seeks to find what factors that influencing the Indonesian government to make repressive counter-terrorism policies in Indonesia. The findings revealed the existence of several factors including the persuasion of the international community, the influence of international norms, and the perception of the Indonesian government in understanding the threat of terrorism which is influenced by past experience.
{"title":"The Construction of the Indonesian Government's Repressive Counter-Terrorism Policy","authors":"Ardli Johan Kusuma, T. Warsito, S. Surwandono, Ali Muhammad, Mega Hidayati, Muhlis Madani","doi":"10.26618/ojip.v9i2.1845","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26618/ojip.v9i2.1845","url":null,"abstract":"The Indonesian government has made a counter-terrorism legal instrument starting in 2001. And the making of counter-terrorism policies in Indonesia was carried out after the 9/11 event. Even though the phenomenon of terrorism that occurred in Indonesia existed before 2001. Even since Indonesia became an independent state, there have been many events that can be classified into the phenomenon of terrorism. But the Indonesian government responded by making legal instruments after 2001. In overcoming terrorism, the Indonesian government prefers a repressive approach. Detachment 88 as a special anti-terrorist force, allegedly has committed many human rights violations. Even in the last 10 years, at least 120 suspected terrorists were killed in the arrest process and 40 people were victims of wrongful arrests. In addition, more than 80% of them were subjected to torture. However, the repressive approach has not been able to reduce the number of terrorist attacks in Indonesia. Therefore, this research seeks to find what factors that influencing the Indonesian government to make repressive counter-terrorism policies in Indonesia. The findings revealed the existence of several factors including the persuasion of the international community, the influence of international norms, and the perception of the Indonesian government in understanding the threat of terrorism which is influenced by past experience.","PeriodicalId":40252,"journal":{"name":"Otoritas-Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74334134","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
N. Mustari, Lukmanul Hakim, Erni Erni, Maharanny Puspaningrum
This article analyze about policy influence of Family Hope Program toward reduce the poverty in Bontolebang Village, North Galesong Subdistrict. The methodology of this research is mix methods that combine quantitative and qualitative approach with questionnaire and interview instrument. The determination of sample in this research uses probability sampling techniques, the category of sample is beneficiary participant of the Family Hope Program but because the spectrum of population is too large so it just takes 80 people and 3 informants. Data collection technique are observation, questionnaire, interview, and documentation. Data analysis technique use regression analysis. Data validity technique are validity and reability testing. The result of this research indicate that policy influence of Family Hope Program in Bontolebang Village, North Galesong Subdistrict went very well. This is based on the average score obtained from statement item amounts 266,9 or 83,41% which indicate that implementation of Family Hope Program occupies on the very good category. Afterwards, this research indicate that policy of Family Hope Program has positive and significant effect on poverty reduction amounts 62,7% and the rest amounts 37,3% caused by other programs from the government.
{"title":"Policy Influence of Family Hope Program to Reduce the Poverty in Takalar, Indonesia","authors":"N. Mustari, Lukmanul Hakim, Erni Erni, Maharanny Puspaningrum","doi":"10.26618/ojip.v9i2.2449","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26618/ojip.v9i2.2449","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyze about policy influence of Family Hope Program toward reduce the poverty in Bontolebang Village, North Galesong Subdistrict. The methodology of this research is mix methods that combine quantitative and qualitative approach with questionnaire and interview instrument. The determination of sample in this research uses probability sampling techniques, the category of sample is beneficiary participant of the Family Hope Program but because the spectrum of population is too large so it just takes 80 people and 3 informants. Data collection technique are observation, questionnaire, interview, and documentation. Data analysis technique use regression analysis. Data validity technique are validity and reability testing. The result of this research indicate that policy influence of Family Hope Program in Bontolebang Village, North Galesong Subdistrict went very well. This is based on the average score obtained from statement item amounts 266,9 or 83,41% which indicate that implementation of Family Hope Program occupies on the very good category. Afterwards, this research indicate that policy of Family Hope Program has positive and significant effect on poverty reduction amounts 62,7% and the rest amounts 37,3% caused by other programs from the government.","PeriodicalId":40252,"journal":{"name":"Otoritas-Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan","volume":"79 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79289909","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
For the first time in the history of mankind several powers emerge simultaneously in different latitudes and can interact intensively. The Contemporary Global Order has presented significant changes among which highlight the absolute and relative decline of American power, and the emergence of new actors who have greater agency power in their international relations. One of these actors is the so-called BRICS that brings together Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. For this reason the aim of this investigation is to analyzing the effective and potential power of the BRICS in the Contemporary Global Order. The methodology is it is situated inside the analytical eclecticism which is characterized by explaining a certain phenomenon without using a block of explanations sustained in a single tradition, but it takes and re-means the elements that it considers most pertinent for the case study. The article states that the BRICS do not claim or have the capacity to become hegemons. The objectives and capabilities of the BRICS have been especially notable in terms of international political economy, especially in the financial architecture, where China has its greatest power. The BRICS can promote an alternative to the existing game rules in the international system and promote a more plural world. They have the capacity to reform and build international economic institutions that allow a fairer distribution of material resources. They can curb unilateral global power interventions in regional affairs, framing interventions for humanitarian causes within multilateralism and the Responsibility to Protect. In terms of democracy and human rights, they will not make any contribution since their main actors, such as China and Russia, are examples of disrespect for these values.
{"title":"The BRICS in the Contemporary Global Order: Objectives, Capabilities, and Limitations","authors":"Alberto Varela, Rafael Gustavo Miranda Delgado","doi":"10.26618/ojip.v9i2.2106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26618/ojip.v9i2.2106","url":null,"abstract":"For the first time in the history of mankind several powers emerge simultaneously in different latitudes and can interact intensively. The Contemporary Global Order has presented significant changes among which highlight the absolute and relative decline of American power, and the emergence of new actors who have greater agency power in their international relations. One of these actors is the so-called BRICS that brings together Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. For this reason the aim of this investigation is to analyzing the effective and potential power of the BRICS in the Contemporary Global Order. The methodology is it is situated inside the analytical eclecticism which is characterized by explaining a certain phenomenon without using a block of explanations sustained in a single tradition, but it takes and re-means the elements that it considers most pertinent for the case study. The article states that the BRICS do not claim or have the capacity to become hegemons. The objectives and capabilities of the BRICS have been especially notable in terms of international political economy, especially in the financial architecture, where China has its greatest power. The BRICS can promote an alternative to the existing game rules in the international system and promote a more plural world. They have the capacity to reform and build international economic institutions that allow a fairer distribution of material resources. They can curb unilateral global power interventions in regional affairs, framing interventions for humanitarian causes within multilateralism and the Responsibility to Protect. In terms of democracy and human rights, they will not make any contribution since their main actors, such as China and Russia, are examples of disrespect for these values.","PeriodicalId":40252,"journal":{"name":"Otoritas-Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan","volume":"65 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88957113","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Public service motivation is an emerging topic in the study of public administration, but no study has adequately investigated how it affects employee service orientation through job satisfaction and organizational commitment. The present study is ultimately aimed to fill the research gap by examing whether public service motivation influences service orientation and if so, whether the effect is mediated by job satisfaction and organizational commitment. Data were analyzed by using WarpPLS 6.0. Using a sample of 160 public servants in the city government of Tanjungpinang, the results indicate that employee service orientation is directly and positively affected by PSM. In addition, public service motivation also has an indirect impact on employee service orientation through job satisfaction and organizational commitment. Furthermore, the theoretical and practical implications of the study for human resources management in the public sector are discussed.
{"title":"How Does Public Service Motivation Contribute to Service Orientation? Testing Mediation Models","authors":"W. E. Yudiatmaja","doi":"10.26618/ojip.v9i2.2180","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26618/ojip.v9i2.2180","url":null,"abstract":"Public service motivation is an emerging topic in the study of public administration, but no study has adequately investigated how it affects employee service orientation through job satisfaction and organizational commitment. The present study is ultimately aimed to fill the research gap by examing whether public service motivation influences service orientation and if so, whether the effect is mediated by job satisfaction and organizational commitment. Data were analyzed by using WarpPLS 6.0. Using a sample of 160 public servants in the city government of Tanjungpinang, the results indicate that employee service orientation is directly and positively affected by PSM. In addition, public service motivation also has an indirect impact on employee service orientation through job satisfaction and organizational commitment. Furthermore, the theoretical and practical implications of the study for human resources management in the public sector are discussed.","PeriodicalId":40252,"journal":{"name":"Otoritas-Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan","volume":"75 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86411082","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The literature has repeatedly emphasized that citizen participation is requisite for good governance. Indeed, when citizens participate in various public activities, they can voice their demands, they can invite the government to respond to their demands, and they can keep government accountable. In other words, in the presence of citizen engagement activities, voices can be raised to governments accountable. While the literature has clearly established this link, less is known about the levels of citizen engagement in rural areas in developing countries like Tanzania; precisely areas where good governance is most needed to secure some progress along the developmental path and take the population out of poverty. Using an original dataset comprising of 1,265 respondents, we find that citizen participation in rural Tanzania varies across various types of activities. We also find that that the participation rate for men is higher than that of women and that the participation rate for older people is higher than it is for younger ones. Given the fact that Tanzania’s population is largely youthful, and women are slightly more than men, we recommend for the removal of barriers that women and youths face as far as their civic rights to participate in developmental activities is concerned.
{"title":"Enhancing Citizen Participation for Development in Tanzania","authors":"A. Kinyondo, Riccardo Pelizzo","doi":"10.26618/OJIP.V9I1.1461","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26618/OJIP.V9I1.1461","url":null,"abstract":"The literature has repeatedly emphasized that citizen participation is requisite for good governance. Indeed, when citizens participate in various public activities, they can voice their demands, they can invite the government to respond to their demands, and they can keep government accountable. In other words, in the presence of citizen engagement activities, voices can be raised to governments accountable. While the literature has clearly established this link, less is known about the levels of citizen engagement in rural areas in developing countries like Tanzania; precisely areas where good governance is most needed to secure some progress along the developmental path and take the population out of poverty. Using an original dataset comprising of 1,265 respondents, we find that citizen participation in rural Tanzania varies across various types of activities. We also find that that the participation rate for men is higher than that of women and that the participation rate for older people is higher than it is for younger ones. Given the fact that Tanzania’s population is largely youthful, and women are slightly more than men, we recommend for the removal of barriers that women and youths face as far as their civic rights to participate in developmental activities is concerned.","PeriodicalId":40252,"journal":{"name":"Otoritas-Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan","volume":"91 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80440281","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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