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Toronto, the Belfast of Canada: The Orange Order and the Shaping of Municipal Culture by William J. Smyth (review) 《加拿大贝尔法斯特多伦多:橙色秩序与城市文化的塑造》,威廉·J·史密斯著(综述)
4区 社会学 Pub Date : 2017-07-01 DOI: 10.3138/9781442666771-003
E. Worsfold
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引用次数: 0
Immigration Canada: Evolving Realities and Emerging Challenges in a Postnational World by Augie Fleras, and: The Minor Intimacies of Race: Asian Publics in North America by Christine Kim (review) Augie Fleras的《加拿大移民:后国家世界中不断演变的现实和新出现的挑战》和Christine Kim的《种族的小亲密关系:北美的亚洲公众》(评论)
4区 社会学 Pub Date : 2017-07-01 DOI: 10.5860/choice.190161
R. Wong
Augie Fieras, Immigration Canada: Evolving Realities and Emerging Challenges in a Postnational World (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2015), 544 pp. Cased. $95. ISBN 978-0-7748-2679-2. Paper. $39.95. ISBN 978-0-7748-2680-8.Christine Kim, The Minor Intimacies of Race: Asian Publics in North America (Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 2016), 200 pp. Cased. $95. ISBN 978-0-252-04013-9. Paper. $30. ISBN 978-0-252-08162-0.Christine Kim's and Augie Fleras's books enter into the multifarious conversation of Canadian multiculturalism and the possibility of a national identity. Kim examines the internal factors and consequences of immigration to Canada and multiculturalism through her analysis of minor publics, public spaces, and the intimacies they may produce. Fleras considers the current Canadian multicultural paradigm by tracing immigration patterns to Canada and the consequences of Canadian immigration policies and legislation.In The Minor Intimacies of Race, Kim sets up her work with an analysis of the Bank of Canada's attempts to feature an Asian female scientist on the $100 bill. As Kim relays, the Asian-looking scientist was not met with great favour by initial focus groups previewing the design, but rather the response was that an Asian-looking woman could hardly represent Canada or Canadian values (pp. 1-3). Kim uses this response to demonstrate how the politics of multicultural recognition does not necessarily permeate the nation to the degree to which multicultural rhetoric does. That is, although Canada has adopted official multicultural policies since the late 1970s, multicultural recognition in everyday interactions has not yet reached the masses (otherwise the Asian scientist on the bank note would not have been scrutinized for not properly representing Canada).Central to Kim's book is the idea of publics. Kim uses the concept of 'dominant publics' and 'minor publics' to highlight social intimacy and feeling involved in the construction of publics, but especially minor publics. The term 'Asian Canadian' tends to be a catchall term used to describe a variety of ethnic groups or diasporas without noting the many cultural, linguistic, socio-economic, and geographical differences. For Kim, the idea of a 'minor public' represents a group of people that is brought together through shared experiences, feelings, community, and identity (although Kim asserts that this is not inherently tied to notions of race or ethnicity). Drawing further from mainstream YouTube videos, Twitter 'tweets', local Canadian artists, and contemporary Canadian literature, Kim uses media to highlight how Asian publics, many of which are often included in an Asian Canadian diaspora, may indeed be broken down further into minor publics.For Kim, feelings matter because a minor public can only remain in existence as long as their participants are engaged in active dialogue. They are much more ephemeral and momentary than a catchall term such as 'Asian
Augie Fieras,《加拿大移民:后国家世界中不断演变的现实和新出现的挑战》(温哥华:不列颠哥伦比亚大学出版社,2015年),544页$95.是978-0-7748-2679-2。纸张$39.95.ISBN 978-0-7748-2680-8.金,《种族的小亲密关系:北美的亚洲公众》(香槟:伊利诺伊大学出版社,2016),200页$95.ISBN 978-0-252-04013-9。纸张$30.ISBN 978-0-252-08162-0。克莉丝汀·金(Christine Kim)和奥吉·弗莱拉斯(Augie Fleras)的书深入探讨了加拿大多元文化和民族认同的可能性。金通过对小公众、公共空间及其可能产生的亲密关系的分析,探讨了移民加拿大和多元文化主义的内部因素和后果。Fleras通过追踪加拿大的移民模式以及加拿大移民政策和立法的后果,思考了当前加拿大的多元文化范式。在《种族的小亲密关系》一书中,金分析了加拿大银行试图在100美元钞票上出现一位亚洲女科学家的行为。正如金所说,这位亚洲长相的科学家并没有得到预览设计的最初焦点小组的大力支持,但得到的回应是,一位亚洲长相的女性很难代表加拿大或加拿大的价值观(第1-3页)。金用这种回应来证明,多元文化认同的政治并不一定像多元文化言论那样渗透到整个国家。也就是说,尽管加拿大自20世纪70年代末以来就采取了官方的多元文化政策,但在日常互动中对多元文化的认可尚未普及(否则,钞票上的亚洲科学家就不会因为没有恰当地代表加拿大而受到审查)。金的书的核心是公众的理念。金使用“主导公众”和“次要公众”的概念来强调社会亲密感和参与公众建设的感觉,尤其是次要公众。“亚裔加拿大人”一词往往是一个包罗万象的术语,用于描述各种种族或散居者,而没有注意到许多文化、语言、社会经济和地理差异。对金来说,“小公众”的概念代表了一群通过共同的经历、感受、社区和身份而聚集在一起的人(尽管金声称这与种族或族裔的概念无关)。金进一步借鉴了YouTube主流视频、推特“推文”、加拿大当地艺术家和加拿大当代文学,利用媒体强调了亚裔公众(其中许多人经常被包括在亚裔加拿大侨民中)如何被进一步细分为小公众。对金来说,感情很重要,因为只有参与者积极对话,小公众才能存在。它们比“亚裔加拿大人”等包罗万象的术语更为短暂和短暂,因此能够以非本质化的方式与参与者一起转变和进步。因此,小公众往往与多元文化言论不一致,这种言论承认但将所有少数群体与占主导地位的(白人)加拿大多数群体对立起来。值得注意的是,金与其说对阅读小公众而不是大公众感兴趣,不如说她转向了这些公众所产生的社会亲密感…
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引用次数: 3
Introduction: Reflections on health and the body at Canadian Indian residential schools 引言:加拿大印第安寄宿学校对健康和身体的思考
4区 社会学 Pub Date : 2017-07-01 DOI: 10.3828/bjcs.2017.8
Evan J. Habkirk, Janice Forsyth
The overall theme of this journal arose some time ago from conversations between many of the contributors about the term 'health' and the different ways researchers have applied it to our understanding of the Indian residential school system in Canada. The more we discussed how the term had been applied, and mulled over the possible implications of those applications, the more we recognised the importance of exploring the boundaries of the term, going beyond its traditional usage referring to hospitalisation and medical treatment. As this special issue demonstrates, health, when used in the context of Canada's Indian residential schools, is linked directly to physical education programming, food and malnutrition, language and intergenerational trauma, extra-curricular programming, military preparedness, and cultural identity. Although this collection represents a small sample of the work being carried out by researchers in Canada, we hope it opens up the possibilities for research and understanding regarding healthrelated matters stemming from the residential school system.All of the contributors to this special issue are also politically engaged in one way or another in their various fields. As such, we paid close attention to the final reports of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission - a federally mandated body that was responsible for collecting and documenting the history of the Indian residential school system from the perspective of the students. Although the six-year investigation ended in 2015, research into the health aspects of the system continues as Indigenous people and Canadians wrestle with complex matters tied to health. All of the articles in this collection refer to some extent to the work of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.Ian Mosby and Tracey Galloway's article, '"The abiding condition was hunger": assessing the long-term biological and health effects of malnutrition and hunger in Canada's residential schools', explores the present-day effects of historical malnutrition on Indigenous people and Indigenous communities. Citing malnutrition studies from around the world, the authors argue that many of the health problems that Indigenous people in Canada face can be traced to the residential schools. It is a groundbreaking study in that it links food deprivation, and the lack of access to healthy foods, to biological and psychological development, thus challenging typical interventions that aim to address health-related issues, such as obesity prevention and diabetes, among Indigenous people. Their use of evidence also highlights the need for researchers to find parallel examples from history and other parts of the world to understand the implications of the Indian residential school system in Canada better.In 'Archival photographs in perspective: Indian residential school images of health', historian and archivist Krista McCracken explores the photographic evidence of sports and recreation at Spanish Indian Residential
不久前,这本杂志的总体主题源于许多撰稿人之间关于“健康”一词的对话,以及研究人员将其应用于我们理解加拿大印度寄宿学校系统的不同方式。我们越是讨论这个词是如何应用的,并仔细考虑这些应用可能带来的影响,我们就越认识到探索这个词的边界的重要性,超越它在住院和医疗方面的传统用法。正如这一特刊所表明的那样,在加拿大的印度寄宿学校中使用健康,与体育规划、食物和营养不良、语言和代际创伤、课外规划、军事准备和文化认同直接相关。尽管这一收集代表了加拿大研究人员正在进行的工作的一小部分样本,但我们希望它能为研究和理解寄宿学校系统中与健康相关的问题开辟可能性。本期特刊的所有撰稿人也都以某种方式参与了各自领域的政治活动。因此,我们密切关注真相与和解委员会的最后报告,该委员会是一个联邦授权机构,负责从学生的角度收集和记录印度寄宿学校系统的历史。尽管为期六年的调查于2015年结束,但随着土著人和加拿大人努力解决与健康相关的复杂问题,对该系统健康方面的研究仍在继续。本集中的所有文章在一定程度上都提到了真相与和解委员会的工作。Ian Mosby和Tracey Galloway的文章“持久的条件是饥饿”:评估加拿大寄宿学校营养不良和饥饿对生物和健康的长期影响”,探讨了历史上营养不良对土著人民和土著社区的影响。作者引用了世界各地的营养不良研究,认为加拿大土著人面临的许多健康问题可以追溯到寄宿学校。这是一项开创性的研究,因为它将食物匮乏和缺乏健康食品与生物和心理发展联系起来,从而挑战了旨在解决土著人肥胖预防和糖尿病等健康相关问题的典型干预措施。他们对证据的使用也突显了研究人员需要从历史和世界其他地区找到类似的例子,以更好地理解加拿大印度寄宿学校系统的影响。历史学家兼档案管理员Krista McCracken在《透视档案照片:印度寄宿学校的健康图像》一书中探讨了安大略省西班牙语的西班牙印第安寄宿学校体育和娱乐的照片证据。正如前学生兼作家巴兹尔·约翰斯顿在其著作《印度学校日》中所指出的那样,西班牙语是拥有非常活跃的体育项目的学校之一。她深入研究了在安大略省索尔特圣玛丽的阿尔戈马大学Shingwauk中心举行的Morice Fonds神父活动,用西班牙语查看体育和娱乐的照片。她的论文重点关注该机构对体育和娱乐的表述,并调查了这些表述对殖民主义和健康的看法,以及存档的实践及其在通过探索体育和娱乐照片帮助土著人找回过去方面的作用。Lorena Sekwan Fontaine的文章《语言灭绝的补救措施:加拿大的寄宿学校和同化》讨论了寄宿学校制度对土著语言丧失的影响和政府缺乏承认…
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引用次数: 1
Margaret Atwood: Crime Fiction Writer: The Reworking of a Popular Genre by Jackie Shead (review) 玛格丽特·阿特伍德:犯罪小说作家:杰基·希德对流行小说类型的改造(评论)
4区 社会学 Pub Date : 2017-03-29 DOI: 10.1353/mlr.2017.0160
C. A. Howells
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引用次数: 0
Your Country, My Country: A Unified History of the United States and Canada by Robert Bothwell (review) 《你的国家,我的国家:美国和加拿大的统一历史》罗伯特·博思韦尔著(书评)
4区 社会学 Pub Date : 2017-03-29 DOI: 10.1163/2468-1733_shafr_sim010210094
Greg Donaghy
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引用次数: 0
Creating Colonial Pasts: History, Memory, and Commemoration in Southern Ontario, 1860–1980 by Cecilia Morgan (review) 创建殖民地牧场:安大略省南部的历史、记忆和纪念,1860–1980,Cecilia Morgan(综述)
4区 社会学 Pub Date : 2017-03-29 DOI: 10.3138/9781442616820-003
Phillip Buckner
Eamon suggests the print community played an important role in the evolution of British North American society. Newspapers were relatively expensive in this period and so it not surprising that he finds that their readership was a small segment of the population disproportionately made up of members of the colonial elite. Newspaper publishing was not especially profitable, so in each of the two colonies appointment as the King’s printer would have been a financially desirable sinecure even if there was a cost in terms of editorial latitude. As well as disseminating news during the late eighteenth century, newspapers in Halifax and Quebec City evolved as print forums which served to mould social discourse and public taste. Eamon shows that members of the print community used the press to promote the coffeehouse as the preferred milieu for the colonial elite to socialise. He also shows that newspapers helped legitimise acceptance of the theatre in polite society. Newspapers and magazines also diffused useful knowledge for the benefit of their readers, in particular agricultural science. Eamon also situates the print community of Halifax and Quebec City in the wider context of the British Empire. Newspapers circulated widely across the empire and editors in Halifax and Quebec City drew upon their content to promote British values. Celebration of the monarchy was considered to be particularly important. Eamon cites for example a report from July 1789 in the Quebec Herald of prayers offered for the speedy restoration of the health of King George III by the numerous congregation of the Jewish synagogue in an unnamed Jamaican town, presumably Kingston. He also notes that such news often did not reach Halifax and Quebec City in a timely fashion. Furthermore when ships carrying print cargo were delayed, and in Quebec City where the harbour closed during the winter months, apologetic editors had to fill their pages with alternative content such as anecdotes and general essays. This is an important addition to the literature on the historical development of Canadian newspapers. Eamon shows that notwithstanding the logistical challenges in disseminating news across the world in this period, the British North American newspapers were an integral part of a British imperial print community. Perhaps he might have explored further the role the Halifax and Quebec City newspapers played in ensuring that both Nova Scotia and Quebec remained loyal to the British Crown during the American Revolution. Richard A. Hawkins, University of Wolverhampton
埃蒙认为,印刷界在英属北美社会的演变中发挥了重要作用。这一时期的报纸相对昂贵,因此他发现报纸的读者只是人口中的一小部分,其中殖民精英的比例过高也就不足为奇了。报纸出版并不是特别有利可图,因此在这两个殖民地的每一个殖民地,即使在编辑自由度方面有成本,任命国王的印刷师在经济上也是一种理想的闲职。18世纪末,哈利法克斯和魁北克市的报纸除了传播新闻外,还发展成为印刷论坛,塑造社会话语和公众品味。Eamon展示了印刷界成员利用媒体宣传咖啡馆是殖民精英社交的首选环境。他还表明,报纸有助于使上流社会对戏剧的接受合法化。报纸和杂志也传播有益于读者的知识,特别是农业科学。Eamon还将哈利法克斯和魁北克市的印刷社区置于大英帝国的更广泛背景下。报纸在帝国各地广为流传,哈利法克斯和魁北克市的编辑利用其内容来宣传英国的价值观。庆祝君主制被认为是特别重要的。例如,埃蒙引用了1789年7月《魁北克先驱报》的一篇报道,该报道称,在一个未命名的牙买加小镇,可能是金斯敦,犹太犹太犹太会堂的众多会众为迅速恢复乔治三世国王的健康而祈祷。他还指出,这样的消息往往没有及时到达哈利法克斯和魁北克市。此外,当运载印刷货物的船只延误时,以及在魁北克市,港口在冬季关闭时,道歉的编辑们不得不在页面上填写其他内容,如轶事和一般文章。这是对加拿大报纸历史发展文献的重要补充。Eamon表明,尽管这一时期在世界各地传播新闻面临后勤挑战,但英属北美报纸是英国帝国印刷界不可或缺的一部分。也许他可能会进一步探讨哈利法克斯和魁北克市报纸在确保新斯科舍和魁北克在美国革命期间仍然忠于英国王室方面所起的作用。Richard A.Hawkins,伍尔弗汉普顿大学
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引用次数: 0
Within and Without the Nation: Canadian History as Transnational History ed. by Karen Dubinsky, Adele Perry, Henry Yu (review) 《国家内部与外部:作为跨国历史的加拿大历史》,Karen Dubinsky,Adele Perry,Henry Yu主编(评论)
4区 社会学 Pub Date : 2017-03-29 DOI: 10.3138/9781442666498-002
Phillip Buckner
twentieth century, but Morgan insists that Carnochan was set apart by ‘the wider range of her interests, her sustained and close attention to archival detail and her love of research, and her insistence on the centrality of a particular place, not just events, to the past’ (p. 55). Morgan returns to the history of Niagara-on-the-Lake in the fourth chapter, examining how the Niagara Parks Commission, the Ontario Ministry of Tourism, the local government and various residents of the town laboured to establish Niagara-on-theLake as a tourist destination and to create for it ‘an identity that managed and married landscape, history, and culture’ (p. 113). Today, Niagara-on-the-Lake is best known as the site of the Shaw Festival, and Morgan has some interesting material on the controversies that accompanied the establishment of the Festival, although not as much as one would like about how the Festival affected the town’s historical identity. It also seems strange to end the story of Niagara-on-the-Lake in the 1970s, given that the town was one of the places centrally involved in the recent 200th anniversary commemorations of the War of 1812. The middle chapters deal with a very different theme – the efforts to create a historical narrative that established the importance of Indigenous peoples and contested ‘the forms of colonial knowledge that placed them outside of the historical time of the nation’ (p. 61). Chapter 2 focuses on two Six Nations historians, Elliott Moses and Milton Martin, ‘two civilized Indian men’ who approached the history of their people from very different perspectives (p. 175), illustrating the point that debates over history ‘take place between colonized people themselves, not just colonizer and colonized’ (p. 78). Chapter 3 examines the efforts of a sympathetic white woman, Celia B. File, who taught at the Mohawk school at Tyendinaga and produced an insightful memoir of her experiences, to ensure that the history of the Iroquois people in southern Ontario was not forgotten. Morgan’s efforts to link together her four studies in her conclusion are not entirely successful but the book still offers a wealth of new and original insights into the role of place and of the importance of local historians in the construction of history. Phillip Buckner, Professor Emeritus, University of New Brunswick
但Morgan坚持认为,Carnochan的与众不同之处在于“她更广泛的兴趣,她对档案细节的持续和密切关注,她对研究的热爱,以及她对特定地点(而不仅仅是事件)对过去的中心地位的坚持”(第55页)。Morgan在第四章中回到了湖上尼亚加拉的历史,考察了尼亚加拉公园委员会、安大略省旅游部、当地政府和该镇的各种居民是如何努力将湖上尼亚加拉打造成一个旅游目的地,并为其创造“一种管理和结合景观、历史和文化的身份”(第113页)。如今,湖上的尼亚加拉以肖氏节的举办地而闻名,Morgan有一些关于肖氏节成立时争议的有趣材料,尽管人们对肖氏节如何影响该镇的历史身份并没有那么了解。20世纪70年代结束尼亚加拉湖上的故事似乎也很奇怪,因为该镇是最近1812年战争200周年纪念活动的中心地点之一。中间章节涉及一个非常不同的主题——努力创造一种历史叙事,确立土著人民的重要性,并质疑“将他们置于国家历史时间之外的殖民知识形式”(第61页)。第2章聚焦于两位六国历史学家,Elliott Moses和Milton Martin,他们是“两位文明的印度人”,他们从非常不同的角度看待自己人民的历史(第175页),说明了关于历史的辩论“发生在被殖民者自己之间,而不仅仅是殖民者和被殖民者之间”(第78页)。第三章考察了一位富有同情心的白人女性西莉亚·B·File为确保安大略省南部易洛魁人的历史不会被遗忘所做的努力。摩根在结论中将她的四项研究联系在一起的努力并不完全成功,但这本书仍然对地方的作用以及当地历史学家在历史建构中的重要性提供了丰富的新的和独创的见解。菲利普·巴克纳,新不伦瑞克大学名誉教授
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引用次数: 8
Can we objectively identify underrated leaders? A case study of Canadian provincial premiers / Peut-on objectivement identifier des dirigeants sous-estimés? Une étude de cas des premiers ministres des provinces canadiennes 我们能客观地识别被低估的领导者吗?加拿大省级总理案例研究/我们能否客观地确定被低估的领导人?加拿大各省总理的案例研究
4区 社会学 Pub Date : 2017-03-21 DOI: 10.3828/BJCS.2017.3
J. Lewis
Three main challenges for research design of political leadership ranking studies are: (1) reliability of respondents, (2) reliability of measurements, and (3) comparison of subjects over different time periods. The problems presented by all three challenges can lead to respondents relying heavily on subjective reputation. It is easy to assume that overlooked and underrated leaders are repeatedly left behind as they are routinely labelled in ranking exercises as ‘middle of the pack’ or ‘adequate’. To help identify underrated leaders and overlooked measures, this article compares the results of an expert survey to a set of new objective measures on the same group of leaders. Trois défis principaux dans la conception de recherche dans les études de classement d’ascendance politique sont: 1) la fiabilité des sondés; 2) la fiabilité des mesures; et 3) la comparaison de sujets sur différentes périodes de temps. Les problèmes présentés par ces trois défis peuvent impliquer que les sondés se reposent largement sur la réputation subjective. Il est facile de présupposer que les dirigeants ignorés et sous-estimés sont constamment mis de côté car ils sont régulièrement qualifiés dans les exercices de classement comme ‘milieu du lot’ ou ‘acceptables’. Afin d’aider à identifier les dirigeants sous-estimés et les mesures négligées, cet article compare les résultats d’une étude experte visant à définir de nouvelles mesures objectives sur le même groupe de dirigeants.
政治领导排名研究设计的三大挑战是:(1)受访者的可靠性;(2)测量的可靠性;(3)不同时期的受试者比较。这三个挑战所带来的问题可能导致受访者严重依赖主观声誉。人们很容易认为,被忽视和低估的领导人经常被落在后面,因为他们在排名活动中通常被贴上“中等”或“足够”的标签。为了帮助识别被低估的领导者和被忽视的措施,本文将专家调查的结果与同一组领导者的一组新的客观措施进行了比较。三种不同的交换条件是:1)交换条件是不同的交换条件;1)交换条件是:2)措施的可持续性;(3)比较不同的变异体和变异体。三个问题是:三个问题是:三个问题是:三个问题是:三个问题是:三个问题是:三个问题是:三个问题是:三个问题是:三个问题是:一个问题是:三个问题是:一个问题是:这是一种简单的分类方法,它可以将分类方法定义为"环境"或"可接受"或"可接受",而将分类方法定义为"环境"或"环境"。Afin d 'aider标识符les dirigeants sous-estimes措施还有睡衣,cet(中央东部东京)比较时候一条练习曲experte visant值de新式苏尔le meme groupe de dirigeants措施目标。
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引用次数: 0
‘Natural leaders of a democratic army’: Parliament goes to war / ‘Les dirigeants naturels d’une armée démocratique’: Le Parlement s’en va t’en guerre “民主军队的自然领导人”:议会开战
4区 社会学 Pub Date : 2017-03-21 DOI: 10.3828/BJCS.2017.2
Matthew W. Barrett
During the First World War, 25 Canadian members of the federal Parliament and provincial legislatures recruited infantry battalions from their constituencies. Perceiving themselves to be Canada’s ‘natural leaders’, middle-aged parliamentary colonels believed prominence and success in public life exemplified the qualities of moral leadership and strong character necessary for military command. After landing in England, however, the vast majority of the units were broken up and most of the former commanders were denied front-line positions due to age and unfitness. This article details how the colonels coped with the loss of their battalions, which undermined their self-image as natural military leaders and challenged their masculine authority. Defending their reputations against accusations of cowardice and self-interest, the colonels were forced to reinterpret their sense of duty and manliness, thereby emphasising civic responsibility in place of battlefield service. Pendant la Première Guerre Mondiale, 25 membres canadiens du Parlement fédéral et des législatures provinciales ont recruté des bataillons d’infanterie dans leurs circonscriptions. Se considérant comme les ‘dirigeants naturels’ du Canada, des colonels parlementaires d’âge moyen pensaient que la notoriété et la réussite politique illustraient les qualités de direction morale et de force de caractère nécessaires au commandement militaire. Une fois arrivés en Angleterre, pourtant, la grande majorité des unités ont été démantelées et la plupart des anciens commandants se sont vus refuser les positions de front en raison de leur âge et de leur inaptitude. Cet article examine comment les colonels ont fait face à la perte de leurs bataillons, ce qui a eu pour conséquence de saper leur confiance en eux en tant que dirigeants militaires naturels et défié leur autorité masculine. En défendant leur réputation contre les accusations de lâcheté et d’intérêt personnel, ces colonels ont dû réinterpréter leur sens du devoir et leur virilité, soulignant ainsi la responsabilité civique au lieu du service sur le champ de bataille.
在第一次世界大战期间,25名加拿大联邦议会和省立法机构的成员从他们的选区招募步兵营。中年议会上校认为自己是加拿大的“天生领袖”,他们认为在公共生活中的突出和成功体现了军事指挥所必需的道德领导品质和坚强性格。然而,登陆英国后,绝大多数部队被解散,大多数前指挥官由于年龄和身体不适而被剥夺了前线职位。这篇文章详细描述了上校们是如何应对营的损失的,这破坏了他们作为天生军事领袖的自我形象,挑战了他们的男性权威。为了捍卫自己的声誉,上校们被迫重新诠释他们的责任感和男子气概,从而强调公民责任,而不是战场上的服务。由25名成员组成的加拿大人组成的议会,由加拿大人组成的议会,由加拿大人组成的议会,由加拿大人组成的议会,由加拿大人组成的议会,由加拿大人组成的议会,由加拿大人组成的议会,由加拿大人组成的议会,由加拿大人组成。在加拿大,有3个主要的薪金薪金是由“自然管理人员”、“行政管理人员”、“政治管理人员”和“质量管理人员”、“士气管理人员”和“军事管理人员”组成的。一次到达为了昂格勒泰酒店,然而,la grande majorite单位位于安大略省demantelees et那儿学生des旧诫se是vus开头拒绝者les职位德面前en存在为了年龄等为了不适当。这篇文章审查了以下评论:“上校们不公平面对(la perte de leurs bataillons)”,“上校们不公平面对(fafait face)”,“上校们不公平面对(fafaire face)”,“上校们不公平面对(fafaire face)”,“上校们不公平面对(fafaire face)”。在武装人员和'intérêt人员的指控中,在武装人员和'intérêt人员的指控中,在武装人员和医务人员的指控中,在武装人员和医务人员的指控中,在军事人员和医务人员的指控中,在军事人员和医务人员的指控中,在军事人员和医务人员的指控中,都是有责任的。
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引用次数: 2
Water (in)security in Canada: national identity and the exclusion of Indigenous peoples / L’ (in)sécurité de l’eau au Canada: l’identité nationale et l’exclusion des peuples indigènes 加拿大的水(in)安全:土著人民的民族特性和排斥
4区 社会学 Pub Date : 2017-03-21 DOI: 10.3828/BJCS.2017.4
M. Hanrahan
With the exception of First Nations, Métis, and Inuit people, most Canadians enjoy water security. Indigenous people are ninety times more likely than other Canadians to lack piped water. These disparities result from and maintain the colonial relationship between Canada and Indigenous peoples. As displaced people with values often in opposition to neo-liberalism, Indigenous people present an existential threat to Canadian identity, this identity having been created around possession of a vast land that extends to the North Pole, and subsequent heavy resource extraction throughout this land. To maintain Canada’s national identity and the activities that support it, Indigenous people have to be pushed to the figurative and literal fringes and rendered invisible. Five short case studies of water insecurity demonstrate how neo-liberalism props up and legitimises decentralised water governance in Canada, which in turn promotes and maintains environmental inequality, Indigenous marginalisation and, ultimately, the Canadian identity. A l’exception des peuples des Premières Nations, des Métis et des Inuits, la plupart des Canadiens bénéficient de la sécurité de l’eau. Les peuples indigènes ont quatre-vingt-dix fois plus de chances que les autres Canadiens de manquer d’eau courante. Ces disparités sont le résultat et maintiennent la relation coloniale entre le Canada et les peuples indigènes. En tant que populations déplacées ayant des valeurs souvent en opposition au néolibéralisme, les peuples indigènes présentent une menace existentielle à l’identité canadienne, cette identité ayant été créée autour de la possession d’un vaste pays qui s’étend jusqu’au Pôle Nord, et la forte extraction ultérieure de ressources à travers tout le pays. Afin de maintenir l’identité nationale du Canada et les activités qui la soutiennent, les peuples indigènes ont été repoussés vers les marges figurées et littérales et ont étés rendus invisibles. Cinq courtes études de cas d’insécurité de l’eau démontrent comment le néolibéralisme soutient et légitime la gouvernance décentralisée de l’eau au Canada, qui à son tour promeut et maintient l’inégalité environnementale, la marginalisation indigène, et, finalement, l’identité canadienne.
除了第一民族、姆萨姆蒂斯人和因纽特人,大多数加拿大人都享有水安全。土著居民缺乏自来水的可能性是其他加拿大人的90倍。这些差异源于加拿大和土著人民之间的殖民关系,并维持着这种关系。作为与新自由主义价值观相悖的流离失所者,原住民对加拿大的身份构成了生存威胁,这种身份是在拥有延伸到北极的大片土地以及随后在这片土地上进行大量资源开采的情况下建立起来的。为了保持加拿大的民族特性和支持它的活动,土著人民必须被推到象征性和字面上的边缘,并被忽视。五个关于水不安全的简短案例研究表明,新自由主义是如何支持和合法化加拿大分散的水治理的,这反过来又促进和维持了环境不平等、土著边缘化,并最终影响了加拿大的身份认同。各国人民例外、加拿大人与因纽特人的交换、加拿大人与其他国家的交换、加拿大人与其他国家的交换。法国人不喜欢四分之一的法国人,而加拿大人不喜欢四分之一的法国人。这些不平等的薪金是指维持加拿大殖民地与土著人民之间的关系的薪金。En的证物,人口deplacees ayant值可是在反对派盟neoliberalisme les peuples indigene presentent一个威胁existentielle一l 'identite法裔加拿大女子,这个identite ayant高频账户autour de la占有用品vaste支付qui s 'etend一直'au极北部,然后拉的强项提取ulterieure de ressources travers全部支付。在“维持加拿大国民身份”一词之后,“所有的活动”、“所有的人”、“所有的人”、“所有的人”、“所有的人”、“所有的人”、“所有的人”、“所有的人”、“所有的人”、“所有的人”、“所有的人”、“所有的人”、“所有的人”都是无形的。五国法院对加拿大的 加拿大的 加拿大的;加拿大的 加拿大的;加拿大的 加拿大的;加拿大的;加拿大的;加拿大的;加拿大的;加拿大的;
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引用次数: 18
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British Journal of Canadian Studies
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