Pub Date : 2017-03-29DOI: 10.3138/9781442616820-003
Phillip Buckner
Eamon suggests the print community played an important role in the evolution of British North American society. Newspapers were relatively expensive in this period and so it not surprising that he finds that their readership was a small segment of the population disproportionately made up of members of the colonial elite. Newspaper publishing was not especially profitable, so in each of the two colonies appointment as the King’s printer would have been a financially desirable sinecure even if there was a cost in terms of editorial latitude. As well as disseminating news during the late eighteenth century, newspapers in Halifax and Quebec City evolved as print forums which served to mould social discourse and public taste. Eamon shows that members of the print community used the press to promote the coffeehouse as the preferred milieu for the colonial elite to socialise. He also shows that newspapers helped legitimise acceptance of the theatre in polite society. Newspapers and magazines also diffused useful knowledge for the benefit of their readers, in particular agricultural science. Eamon also situates the print community of Halifax and Quebec City in the wider context of the British Empire. Newspapers circulated widely across the empire and editors in Halifax and Quebec City drew upon their content to promote British values. Celebration of the monarchy was considered to be particularly important. Eamon cites for example a report from July 1789 in the Quebec Herald of prayers offered for the speedy restoration of the health of King George III by the numerous congregation of the Jewish synagogue in an unnamed Jamaican town, presumably Kingston. He also notes that such news often did not reach Halifax and Quebec City in a timely fashion. Furthermore when ships carrying print cargo were delayed, and in Quebec City where the harbour closed during the winter months, apologetic editors had to fill their pages with alternative content such as anecdotes and general essays. This is an important addition to the literature on the historical development of Canadian newspapers. Eamon shows that notwithstanding the logistical challenges in disseminating news across the world in this period, the British North American newspapers were an integral part of a British imperial print community. Perhaps he might have explored further the role the Halifax and Quebec City newspapers played in ensuring that both Nova Scotia and Quebec remained loyal to the British Crown during the American Revolution. Richard A. Hawkins, University of Wolverhampton
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Pub Date : 2017-03-29DOI: 10.3138/9781442666498-002
Phillip Buckner
twentieth century, but Morgan insists that Carnochan was set apart by ‘the wider range of her interests, her sustained and close attention to archival detail and her love of research, and her insistence on the centrality of a particular place, not just events, to the past’ (p. 55). Morgan returns to the history of Niagara-on-the-Lake in the fourth chapter, examining how the Niagara Parks Commission, the Ontario Ministry of Tourism, the local government and various residents of the town laboured to establish Niagara-on-theLake as a tourist destination and to create for it ‘an identity that managed and married landscape, history, and culture’ (p. 113). Today, Niagara-on-the-Lake is best known as the site of the Shaw Festival, and Morgan has some interesting material on the controversies that accompanied the establishment of the Festival, although not as much as one would like about how the Festival affected the town’s historical identity. It also seems strange to end the story of Niagara-on-the-Lake in the 1970s, given that the town was one of the places centrally involved in the recent 200th anniversary commemorations of the War of 1812. The middle chapters deal with a very different theme – the efforts to create a historical narrative that established the importance of Indigenous peoples and contested ‘the forms of colonial knowledge that placed them outside of the historical time of the nation’ (p. 61). Chapter 2 focuses on two Six Nations historians, Elliott Moses and Milton Martin, ‘two civilized Indian men’ who approached the history of their people from very different perspectives (p. 175), illustrating the point that debates over history ‘take place between colonized people themselves, not just colonizer and colonized’ (p. 78). Chapter 3 examines the efforts of a sympathetic white woman, Celia B. File, who taught at the Mohawk school at Tyendinaga and produced an insightful memoir of her experiences, to ensure that the history of the Iroquois people in southern Ontario was not forgotten. Morgan’s efforts to link together her four studies in her conclusion are not entirely successful but the book still offers a wealth of new and original insights into the role of place and of the importance of local historians in the construction of history. Phillip Buckner, Professor Emeritus, University of New Brunswick
{"title":"Within and Without the Nation: Canadian History as Transnational History ed. by Karen Dubinsky, Adele Perry, Henry Yu (review)","authors":"Phillip Buckner","doi":"10.3138/9781442666498-002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/9781442666498-002","url":null,"abstract":"twentieth century, but Morgan insists that Carnochan was set apart by ‘the wider range of her interests, her sustained and close attention to archival detail and her love of research, and her insistence on the centrality of a particular place, not just events, to the past’ (p. 55). Morgan returns to the history of Niagara-on-the-Lake in the fourth chapter, examining how the Niagara Parks Commission, the Ontario Ministry of Tourism, the local government and various residents of the town laboured to establish Niagara-on-theLake as a tourist destination and to create for it ‘an identity that managed and married landscape, history, and culture’ (p. 113). Today, Niagara-on-the-Lake is best known as the site of the Shaw Festival, and Morgan has some interesting material on the controversies that accompanied the establishment of the Festival, although not as much as one would like about how the Festival affected the town’s historical identity. It also seems strange to end the story of Niagara-on-the-Lake in the 1970s, given that the town was one of the places centrally involved in the recent 200th anniversary commemorations of the War of 1812. The middle chapters deal with a very different theme – the efforts to create a historical narrative that established the importance of Indigenous peoples and contested ‘the forms of colonial knowledge that placed them outside of the historical time of the nation’ (p. 61). Chapter 2 focuses on two Six Nations historians, Elliott Moses and Milton Martin, ‘two civilized Indian men’ who approached the history of their people from very different perspectives (p. 175), illustrating the point that debates over history ‘take place between colonized people themselves, not just colonizer and colonized’ (p. 78). Chapter 3 examines the efforts of a sympathetic white woman, Celia B. File, who taught at the Mohawk school at Tyendinaga and produced an insightful memoir of her experiences, to ensure that the history of the Iroquois people in southern Ontario was not forgotten. Morgan’s efforts to link together her four studies in her conclusion are not entirely successful but the book still offers a wealth of new and original insights into the role of place and of the importance of local historians in the construction of history. Phillip Buckner, Professor Emeritus, University of New Brunswick","PeriodicalId":41591,"journal":{"name":"British Journal of Canadian Studies","volume":"30 1","pages":"120 - 121"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44794369","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Three main challenges for research design of political leadership ranking studies are: (1) reliability of respondents, (2) reliability of measurements, and (3) comparison of subjects over different time periods. The problems presented by all three challenges can lead to respondents relying heavily on subjective reputation. It is easy to assume that overlooked and underrated leaders are repeatedly left behind as they are routinely labelled in ranking exercises as ‘middle of the pack’ or ‘adequate’. To help identify underrated leaders and overlooked measures, this article compares the results of an expert survey to a set of new objective measures on the same group of leaders. Trois défis principaux dans la conception de recherche dans les études de classement d’ascendance politique sont: 1) la fiabilité des sondés; 2) la fiabilité des mesures; et 3) la comparaison de sujets sur différentes périodes de temps. Les problèmes présentés par ces trois défis peuvent impliquer que les sondés se reposent largement sur la réputation subjective. Il est facile de présupposer que les dirigeants ignorés et sous-estimés sont constamment mis de côté car ils sont régulièrement qualifiés dans les exercices de classement comme ‘milieu du lot’ ou ‘acceptables’. Afin d’aider à identifier les dirigeants sous-estimés et les mesures négligées, cet article compare les résultats d’une étude experte visant à définir de nouvelles mesures objectives sur le même groupe de dirigeants.
政治领导排名研究设计的三大挑战是:(1)受访者的可靠性;(2)测量的可靠性;(3)不同时期的受试者比较。这三个挑战所带来的问题可能导致受访者严重依赖主观声誉。人们很容易认为，被忽视和低估的领导人经常被落在后面，因为他们在排名活动中通常被贴上“中等”或“足够”的标签。为了帮助识别被低估的领导者和被忽视的措施，本文将专家调查的结果与同一组领导者的一组新的客观措施进行了比较。三种不同的交换条件是:1)交换条件是不同的交换条件;1)交换条件是:2)措施的可持续性;(3)比较不同的变异体和变异体。三个问题是:三个问题是:三个问题是:三个问题是:三个问题是:三个问题是:三个问题是:三个问题是:三个问题是:三个问题是:一个问题是:三个问题是:一个问题是:这是一种简单的分类方法，它可以将分类方法定义为"环境"或"可接受"或"可接受"，而将分类方法定义为"环境"或"环境"。Afin d 'aider标识符les dirigeants sous-estimes措施还有睡衣,cet(中央东部东京)比较时候一条练习曲experte visant值de新式苏尔le meme groupe de dirigeants措施目标。
{"title":"Can we objectively identify underrated leaders? A case study of Canadian provincial premiers / Peut-on objectivement identifier des dirigeants sous-estimés? Une étude de cas des premiers ministres des provinces canadiennes","authors":"J. Lewis","doi":"10.3828/BJCS.2017.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3828/BJCS.2017.3","url":null,"abstract":"Three main challenges for research design of political leadership ranking studies are: (1) reliability of respondents, (2) reliability of measurements, and (3) comparison of subjects over different time periods. The problems presented by all three challenges can lead to respondents relying heavily on subjective reputation. It is easy to assume that overlooked and underrated leaders are repeatedly left behind as they are routinely labelled in ranking exercises as ‘middle of the pack’ or ‘adequate’. To help identify underrated leaders and overlooked measures, this article compares the results of an expert survey to a set of new objective measures on the same group of leaders. Trois défis principaux dans la conception de recherche dans les études de classement d’ascendance politique sont: 1) la fiabilité des sondés; 2) la fiabilité des mesures; et 3) la comparaison de sujets sur différentes périodes de temps. Les problèmes présentés par ces trois défis peuvent impliquer que les sondés se reposent largement sur la réputation subjective. Il est facile de présupposer que les dirigeants ignorés et sous-estimés sont constamment mis de côté car ils sont régulièrement qualifiés dans les exercices de classement comme ‘milieu du lot’ ou ‘acceptables’. Afin d’aider à identifier les dirigeants sous-estimés et les mesures négligées, cet article compare les résultats d’une étude experte visant à définir de nouvelles mesures objectives sur le même groupe de dirigeants.","PeriodicalId":41591,"journal":{"name":"British Journal of Canadian Studies","volume":"30 1","pages":"45 - 68"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46785070","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During the First World War, 25 Canadian members of the federal Parliament and provincial legislatures recruited infantry battalions from their constituencies. Perceiving themselves to be Canada’s ‘natural leaders’, middle-aged parliamentary colonels believed prominence and success in public life exemplified the qualities of moral leadership and strong character necessary for military command. After landing in England, however, the vast majority of the units were broken up and most of the former commanders were denied front-line positions due to age and unfitness. This article details how the colonels coped with the loss of their battalions, which undermined their self-image as natural military leaders and challenged their masculine authority. Defending their reputations against accusations of cowardice and self-interest, the colonels were forced to reinterpret their sense of duty and manliness, thereby emphasising civic responsibility in place of battlefield service. Pendant la Première Guerre Mondiale, 25 membres canadiens du Parlement fédéral et des législatures provinciales ont recruté des bataillons d’infanterie dans leurs circonscriptions. Se considérant comme les ‘dirigeants naturels’ du Canada, des colonels parlementaires d’âge moyen pensaient que la notoriété et la réussite politique illustraient les qualités de direction morale et de force de caractère nécessaires au commandement militaire. Une fois arrivés en Angleterre, pourtant, la grande majorité des unités ont été démantelées et la plupart des anciens commandants se sont vus refuser les positions de front en raison de leur âge et de leur inaptitude. Cet article examine comment les colonels ont fait face à la perte de leurs bataillons, ce qui a eu pour conséquence de saper leur confiance en eux en tant que dirigeants militaires naturels et défié leur autorité masculine. En défendant leur réputation contre les accusations de lâcheté et d’intérêt personnel, ces colonels ont dû réinterpréter leur sens du devoir et leur virilité, soulignant ainsi la responsabilité civique au lieu du service sur le champ de bataille.
在第一次世界大战期间，25名加拿大联邦议会和省立法机构的成员从他们的选区招募步兵营。中年议会上校认为自己是加拿大的“天生领袖”，他们认为在公共生活中的突出和成功体现了军事指挥所必需的道德领导品质和坚强性格。然而，登陆英国后，绝大多数部队被解散，大多数前指挥官由于年龄和身体不适而被剥夺了前线职位。这篇文章详细描述了上校们是如何应对营的损失的，这破坏了他们作为天生军事领袖的自我形象，挑战了他们的男性权威。为了捍卫自己的声誉，上校们被迫重新诠释他们的责任感和男子气概，从而强调公民责任，而不是战场上的服务。由25名成员组成的加拿大人组成的议会，由加拿大人组成的议会，由加拿大人组成的议会，由加拿大人组成的议会，由加拿大人组成的议会，由加拿大人组成的议会，由加拿大人组成的议会，由加拿大人组成的议会，由加拿大人组成。在加拿大，有3个主要的薪金薪金是由“自然管理人员”、“行政管理人员”、“政治管理人员”和“质量管理人员”、“士气管理人员”和“军事管理人员”组成的。一次到达为了昂格勒泰酒店,然而,la grande majorite单位位于安大略省demantelees et那儿学生des旧诫se是vus开头拒绝者les职位德面前en存在为了年龄等为了不适当。这篇文章审查了以下评论:“上校们不公平面对(la perte de leurs bataillons)”，“上校们不公平面对(fafait face)”，“上校们不公平面对(fafaire face)”，“上校们不公平面对(fafaire face)”，“上校们不公平面对(fafaire face)”。在武装人员和'intérêt人员的指控中，在武装人员和'intérêt人员的指控中，在武装人员和医务人员的指控中，在武装人员和医务人员的指控中，在军事人员和医务人员的指控中，在军事人员和医务人员的指控中，在军事人员和医务人员的指控中，都是有责任的。
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With the exception of First Nations, Métis, and Inuit people, most Canadians enjoy water security. Indigenous people are ninety times more likely than other Canadians to lack piped water. These disparities result from and maintain the colonial relationship between Canada and Indigenous peoples. As displaced people with values often in opposition to neo-liberalism, Indigenous people present an existential threat to Canadian identity, this identity having been created around possession of a vast land that extends to the North Pole, and subsequent heavy resource extraction throughout this land. To maintain Canada’s national identity and the activities that support it, Indigenous people have to be pushed to the figurative and literal fringes and rendered invisible. Five short case studies of water insecurity demonstrate how neo-liberalism props up and legitimises decentralised water governance in Canada, which in turn promotes and maintains environmental inequality, Indigenous marginalisation and, ultimately, the Canadian identity. A l’exception des peuples des Premières Nations, des Métis et des Inuits, la plupart des Canadiens bénéficient de la sécurité de l’eau. Les peuples indigènes ont quatre-vingt-dix fois plus de chances que les autres Canadiens de manquer d’eau courante. Ces disparités sont le résultat et maintiennent la relation coloniale entre le Canada et les peuples indigènes. En tant que populations déplacées ayant des valeurs souvent en opposition au néolibéralisme, les peuples indigènes présentent une menace existentielle à l’identité canadienne, cette identité ayant été créée autour de la possession d’un vaste pays qui s’étend jusqu’au Pôle Nord, et la forte extraction ultérieure de ressources à travers tout le pays. Afin de maintenir l’identité nationale du Canada et les activités qui la soutiennent, les peuples indigènes ont été repoussés vers les marges figurées et littérales et ont étés rendus invisibles. Cinq courtes études de cas d’insécurité de l’eau démontrent comment le néolibéralisme soutient et légitime la gouvernance décentralisée de l’eau au Canada, qui à son tour promeut et maintient l’inégalité environnementale, la marginalisation indigène, et, finalement, l’identité canadienne.
除了第一民族、姆萨姆蒂斯人和因纽特人，大多数加拿大人都享有水安全。土著居民缺乏自来水的可能性是其他加拿大人的90倍。这些差异源于加拿大和土著人民之间的殖民关系，并维持着这种关系。作为与新自由主义价值观相悖的流离失所者，原住民对加拿大的身份构成了生存威胁，这种身份是在拥有延伸到北极的大片土地以及随后在这片土地上进行大量资源开采的情况下建立起来的。为了保持加拿大的民族特性和支持它的活动，土著人民必须被推到象征性和字面上的边缘，并被忽视。五个关于水不安全的简短案例研究表明，新自由主义是如何支持和合法化加拿大分散的水治理的，这反过来又促进和维持了环境不平等、土著边缘化，并最终影响了加拿大的身份认同。各国人民例外、加拿大人与因纽特人的交换、加拿大人与其他国家的交换、加拿大人与其他国家的交换。法国人不喜欢四分之一的法国人，而加拿大人不喜欢四分之一的法国人。这些不平等的薪金是指维持加拿大殖民地与土著人民之间的关系的薪金。En的证物,人口deplacees ayant值可是在反对派盟neoliberalisme les peuples indigene presentent一个威胁existentielle一l 'identite法裔加拿大女子,这个identite ayant高频账户autour de la占有用品vaste支付qui s 'etend一直'au极北部,然后拉的强项提取ulterieure de ressources travers全部支付。在“维持加拿大国民身份”一词之后，“所有的活动”、“所有的人”、“所有的人”、“所有的人”、“所有的人”、“所有的人”、“所有的人”、“所有的人”、“所有的人”、“所有的人”、“所有的人”、“所有的人”、“所有的人”都是无形的。五国法院对加拿大的加拿大的加拿大的;加拿大的加拿大的;加拿大的加拿大的;加拿大的;加拿大的;加拿大的;加拿大的;加拿大的;
{"title":"Water (in)security in Canada: national identity and the exclusion of Indigenous peoples / L’ (in)sécurité de l’eau au Canada: l’identité nationale et l’exclusion des peuples indigènes","authors":"M. Hanrahan","doi":"10.3828/BJCS.2017.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3828/BJCS.2017.4","url":null,"abstract":"With the exception of First Nations, Métis, and Inuit people, most Canadians enjoy water security. Indigenous people are ninety times more likely than other Canadians to lack piped water. These disparities result from and maintain the colonial relationship between Canada and Indigenous peoples. As displaced people with values often in opposition to neo-liberalism, Indigenous people present an existential threat to Canadian identity, this identity having been created around possession of a vast land that extends to the North Pole, and subsequent heavy resource extraction throughout this land. To maintain Canada’s national identity and the activities that support it, Indigenous people have to be pushed to the figurative and literal fringes and rendered invisible. Five short case studies of water insecurity demonstrate how neo-liberalism props up and legitimises decentralised water governance in Canada, which in turn promotes and maintains environmental inequality, Indigenous marginalisation and, ultimately, the Canadian identity. A l’exception des peuples des Premières Nations, des Métis et des Inuits, la plupart des Canadiens bénéficient de la sécurité de l’eau. Les peuples indigènes ont quatre-vingt-dix fois plus de chances que les autres Canadiens de manquer d’eau courante. Ces disparités sont le résultat et maintiennent la relation coloniale entre le Canada et les peuples indigènes. En tant que populations déplacées ayant des valeurs souvent en opposition au néolibéralisme, les peuples indigènes présentent une menace existentielle à l’identité canadienne, cette identité ayant été créée autour de la possession d’un vaste pays qui s’étend jusqu’au Pôle Nord, et la forte extraction ultérieure de ressources à travers tout le pays. Afin de maintenir l’identité nationale du Canada et les activités qui la soutiennent, les peuples indigènes ont été repoussés vers les marges figurées et littérales et ont étés rendus invisibles. Cinq courtes études de cas d’insécurité de l’eau démontrent comment le néolibéralisme soutient et légitime la gouvernance décentralisée de l’eau au Canada, qui à son tour promeut et maintient l’inégalité environnementale, la marginalisation indigène, et, finalement, l’identité canadienne.","PeriodicalId":41591,"journal":{"name":"British Journal of Canadian Studies","volume":"30 1","pages":"69 - 89"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.3828/BJCS.2017.4","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47642197","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article discusses the establishment of governance networks related to animal welfare and rights. Situating the animal welfare movement relative to processes of nation-building in British North America and Canada during the nineteenth century, it shows how the movement’s proponents struggled and failed repeatedly to translate the considerable interest that was expressed locally in cities across that nation into a national institution that might better represent the movement at that level and on the international stage. Employing sources including state legislation, federal political debates, newspapers, and published and archival materials generated by a wide range of civil society institutions, it examines the multiple tensions that informed these efforts, and balances them against the considerable headway that the movement made in other contexts during the latter decades of the century. In doing so, the article complements well-developed discussions of state formation in Canada by underscoring the importance of civil society institutions to that process. Cet article discute de l’établissement de réseaux de gouvernance liés à la protection et aux droits des animaux. En situant le mouvement de protection des animaux par rapport aux processus de construction de la nation en Amérique du nord britannique et au Canada pendant le dix-neuvième siècle, il montre comment les partisans du mouvements ont essayé et en plusieurs fois échoué à traduire l’intérêt considérable exprimé localement dans les villes à travers la nation en une institution nationale qui pourrait mieux représenter le mouvement à ce niveau et sur la scène internationale. En employant des sources comprenant la législation étatique, des débats politiques fédéraux, des journaux et des articles publiés et archivés générés par un grand choix d’institutions de société civile, il étudie les multiples tensions qui informent ces efforts et les positionne contre les avancées considérables que le mouvement a connu dans d’autres contextes au cours des dernières décennies du siècle. Ainsi, l’article s’ajoute aux discussions déjà bien développées de la formation de l’état au Canada en soulignant l’importance des institutions de société civile dans ce processus.
{"title":"National aspirations, governance networks and the development of Canada’s animal welfare movement / Aspirations nationales, réseaux de gouvernance et le développement du mouvement de protection des animaux au Canada","authors":"Darcy Ingram","doi":"10.3828/BJCS.2017.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3828/BJCS.2017.5","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses the establishment of governance networks related to animal welfare and rights. Situating the animal welfare movement relative to processes of nation-building in British North America and Canada during the nineteenth century, it shows how the movement’s proponents struggled and failed repeatedly to translate the considerable interest that was expressed locally in cities across that nation into a national institution that might better represent the movement at that level and on the international stage. Employing sources including state legislation, federal political debates, newspapers, and published and archival materials generated by a wide range of civil society institutions, it examines the multiple tensions that informed these efforts, and balances them against the considerable headway that the movement made in other contexts during the latter decades of the century. In doing so, the article complements well-developed discussions of state formation in Canada by underscoring the importance of civil society institutions to that process. Cet article discute de l’établissement de réseaux de gouvernance liés à la protection et aux droits des animaux. En situant le mouvement de protection des animaux par rapport aux processus de construction de la nation en Amérique du nord britannique et au Canada pendant le dix-neuvième siècle, il montre comment les partisans du mouvements ont essayé et en plusieurs fois échoué à traduire l’intérêt considérable exprimé localement dans les villes à travers la nation en une institution nationale qui pourrait mieux représenter le mouvement à ce niveau et sur la scène internationale. En employant des sources comprenant la législation étatique, des débats politiques fédéraux, des journaux et des articles publiés et archivés générés par un grand choix d’institutions de société civile, il étudie les multiples tensions qui informent ces efforts et les positionne contre les avancées considérables que le mouvement a connu dans d’autres contextes au cours des dernières décennies du siècle. Ainsi, l’article s’ajoute aux discussions déjà bien développées de la formation de l’état au Canada en soulignant l’importance des institutions de société civile dans ce processus.","PeriodicalId":41591,"journal":{"name":"British Journal of Canadian Studies","volume":"30 1","pages":"113 - 91"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.3828/BJCS.2017.5","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45041523","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the influence of the Waffle movement, a short-lived attempt by members of the New Democratic Party (NDP) to shift the party to the left, on discussions about Quebec separatism. The Waffle pushed the NDP on policies related to Quebec nationalism in the late 1960s and early 1970s at a time when nationalist sentiment was growing among Quebeckers. Waffle members argued that the NDP should recognise that Canada comprised two distinct nations and that alliances could be created among socialists in English and French Canada that could advance Canadian nationalism. However, they also insisted that Quebec had the right to self-determination and should be allowed to separate if it was the will of the people. The NDP has long struggled with the national question and, while the Waffle existed for only a short time, it made an important contribution to ongoing debates within the party around this issue. Cet article étudie l’influence du mouvement du Waffle, l’éphémère tentative de la part de certains membres du Nouveau Parti Démocrate (NPD) de faire pencher le parti vers la gauche, sur les discussions touchant au séparatisme québécois. Le Waffle a poussé le NPD sur des politiques liées au nationalisme québécois vers la fin des années soixante et au début des années soixante-dix, à une époque où le sentiment nationaliste se développait parmi les Québécois. Les membres du Waffle soutenaient que le NPD devait reconnaître que le Canada comprenait deux nations distinctes et que des alliances pouvaient être créées entre le Canada francophone et anglophone afin de faire avancer le nationalisme canadien. Ils insistaient cependant que le Québec avait le droit à l’autodétermination et devrait pouvoir se séparer, si c’était la volonté du peuple. Le NPD se bat depuis longtemps avec la question nationale, et, bien que le Waffle n’a existé que pendant peu de temps, il a fortement marqué les débats continus au sein de parti sur cette question.
{"title":"Two nations in Canada: the New Democratic Party, the Waffle movement and nationalism in Quebec / Deux nations au Canada: le Nouveau Parti Démocrate, le ‘Waffle’ et le nationalisme au Québec","authors":"R. Lexier","doi":"10.3828/BJCS.2017.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3828/BJCS.2017.1","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the influence of the Waffle movement, a short-lived attempt by members of the New Democratic Party (NDP) to shift the party to the left, on discussions about Quebec separatism. The Waffle pushed the NDP on policies related to Quebec nationalism in the late 1960s and early 1970s at a time when nationalist sentiment was growing among Quebeckers. Waffle members argued that the NDP should recognise that Canada comprised two distinct nations and that alliances could be created among socialists in English and French Canada that could advance Canadian nationalism. However, they also insisted that Quebec had the right to self-determination and should be allowed to separate if it was the will of the people. The NDP has long struggled with the national question and, while the Waffle existed for only a short time, it made an important contribution to ongoing debates within the party around this issue. Cet article étudie l’influence du mouvement du Waffle, l’éphémère tentative de la part de certains membres du Nouveau Parti Démocrate (NPD) de faire pencher le parti vers la gauche, sur les discussions touchant au séparatisme québécois. Le Waffle a poussé le NPD sur des politiques liées au nationalisme québécois vers la fin des années soixante et au début des années soixante-dix, à une époque où le sentiment nationaliste se développait parmi les Québécois. Les membres du Waffle soutenaient que le NPD devait reconnaître que le Canada comprenait deux nations distinctes et que des alliances pouvaient être créées entre le Canada francophone et anglophone afin de faire avancer le nationalisme canadien. Ils insistaient cependant que le Québec avait le droit à l’autodétermination et devrait pouvoir se séparer, si c’était la volonté du peuple. Le NPD se bat depuis longtemps avec la question nationale, et, bien que le Waffle n’a existé que pendant peu de temps, il a fortement marqué les débats continus au sein de parti sur cette question.","PeriodicalId":41591,"journal":{"name":"British Journal of Canadian Studies","volume":"30 1","pages":"1 - 22"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.3828/BJCS.2017.1","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44713179","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Twenty-first-century Toronto recapitulates its early twentieth-century self in one important respect: the automobilism of present-day Toronto injures and kills pedestrians in the same way – in the city’s crowded streets – and at roughly the same rate. The difference between the two eras lies in the types of injury and causes of death among children. Interwar Toronto endangered its children on increasingly crowded and automobilising streets, with virtually no municipal policy to protect them, especially those aged four and younger. The Toronto Globe determined that the next best thing to a policy option was to advance child self-protection. The newspaper’s ‘Just Kids Safety Club’ trained young pedestrians ‘to look up and down’ before crossing the street. In this, the Globe and the Torontonians who supported the paper contradicted decades of child protection discourse, which required all adults to protect all children.
{"title":"Contradictory mobility: child self-protection and automobiles in interwar Toronto’s Globe (Mobilité contradictoire: L’autoprotection des enfants et les automobiles dans le Globe de Toronto de l’entre-deux guerres)","authors":"Phillip Gordon Mackintosh","doi":"10.3828/BJCS.2016.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3828/BJCS.2016.10","url":null,"abstract":"Twenty-first-century Toronto recapitulates its early twentieth-century self in one important respect: the automobilism of present-day Toronto injures and kills pedestrians in the same way – in the city’s crowded streets – and at roughly the same rate. The difference between the two eras lies in the types of injury and causes of death among children. Interwar Toronto endangered its children on increasingly crowded and automobilising streets, with virtually no municipal policy to protect them, especially those aged four and younger. The Toronto Globe determined that the next best thing to a policy option was to advance child self-protection. The newspaper’s ‘Just Kids Safety Club’ trained young pedestrians ‘to look up and down’ before crossing the street. In this, the Globe and the Torontonians who supported the paper contradicted decades of child protection discourse, which required all adults to protect all children.","PeriodicalId":41591,"journal":{"name":"British Journal of Canadian Studies","volume":"32 1","pages":"199 - 224"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.3828/BJCS.2016.10","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70388367","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Modern literature frequently evokes Toronto. The city is prominent in the poetry of Dennis Lee and Dionne Brand, and the novels of Michael Ondaatje, Anne Michaels, Margaret Atwood, or Emily St. John Mandel. A boom in Canadian literary criticism focusing on the city reflects this prominence. However, only recently has critical attention turned to the Canadian city’s literary past. This article reopens the history of Toronto’s literary histories, re-examining moments in the twentieth century when the city’s literature has been appraised. Drawing on the work of Tony Kilgallin, Isabelle Hughes, William Kilbourn, book reviews, and archival papers from the Toronto Book Awards, it looks at the critical evolution of how Toronto has been represented in both national and civic literature. It also examines literary figures once championed but now out of print and seldom read, considering how and why certain literary evocations of Toronto have endured.
{"title":"‘You might understand Toronto’: tracing the histories of writing on Toronto writing (‘You might understand Toronto’: retracer les histoires de l’écriture sur l’écriture de Toronto)","authors":"W. L. Smith","doi":"10.3828/BJCS.2016.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3828/BJCS.2016.8","url":null,"abstract":"Modern literature frequently evokes Toronto. The city is prominent in the poetry of Dennis Lee and Dionne Brand, and the novels of Michael Ondaatje, Anne Michaels, Margaret Atwood, or Emily St. John Mandel. A boom in Canadian literary criticism focusing on the city reflects this prominence. However, only recently has critical attention turned to the Canadian city’s literary past. This article reopens the history of Toronto’s literary histories, re-examining moments in the twentieth century when the city’s literature has been appraised. Drawing on the work of Tony Kilgallin, Isabelle Hughes, William Kilbourn, book reviews, and archival papers from the Toronto Book Awards, it looks at the critical evolution of how Toronto has been represented in both national and civic literature. It also examines literary figures once championed but now out of print and seldom read, considering how and why certain literary evocations of Toronto have endured.","PeriodicalId":41591,"journal":{"name":"British Journal of Canadian Studies","volume":"8 1","pages":"153 - 173"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70388789","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Vancouver has long enjoyed a widespread reputation as a young and forward-looking city, where the quality of life is high and the possibilities for prosperity and enjoyment are endless. This image has been crafted by generations of municipal politicians, real estate developers, and tourism boosters who present Vancouver as a city without a history, ever prepared to seize the opportunities of a globalised consumer economy. But as municipal officials and private investors continue to market this image, critics have denounced the encroachment of luxury housing and amenities in neighbourhoods long inhabited by working-class, Indigenous, immigrant, and otherwise precarious populations. Vancouver does have a history, they point out, and it is one of dispossession, exclusion, and discrimination. This article analyses the terms on which Vancouver’s past has been alternately papered over and mobilised in competing visions of urban development and planning, and suggests that historical awareness is a necessary condition for a more inclusive urban form on Canada’s Pacific coast.
{"title":"Forgotten pasts and contested futures in Vancouver (Passés oubliés et futurs contestés à Vancouver)","authors":"Nicolas Kenny","doi":"10.3828/BJCS.2016.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3828/BJCS.2016.9","url":null,"abstract":"Vancouver has long enjoyed a widespread reputation as a young and forward-looking city, where the quality of life is high and the possibilities for prosperity and enjoyment are endless. This image has been crafted by generations of municipal politicians, real estate developers, and tourism boosters who present Vancouver as a city without a history, ever prepared to seize the opportunities of a globalised consumer economy. But as municipal officials and private investors continue to market this image, critics have denounced the encroachment of luxury housing and amenities in neighbourhoods long inhabited by working-class, Indigenous, immigrant, and otherwise precarious populations. Vancouver does have a history, they point out, and it is one of dispossession, exclusion, and discrimination. This article analyses the terms on which Vancouver’s past has been alternately papered over and mobilised in competing visions of urban development and planning, and suggests that historical awareness is a necessary condition for a more inclusive urban form on Canada’s Pacific coast.","PeriodicalId":41591,"journal":{"name":"British Journal of Canadian Studies","volume":"29 1","pages":"175 - 197"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.3828/BJCS.2016.9","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70388871","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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