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Wartime Propaganda in the Gazette van Detroit (1914-1918) 《底特律公报》战时宣传(1914-1918)
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-08-12 DOI: 10.1080/03096564.2019.1654196
Tanja Collet
ABSTRACTThe Gazette van Detroit was one of many immigrant newspapers started up in the United States shortly after the outbreak of the First World War. During the war, it kept the Belgian community...
《底特律公报》是第一次世界大战爆发后在美国创办的众多移民报纸之一。在战争期间,它保留了比利时社区……
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引用次数: 0
Jan Van Doesborch and the History of Euryalus and Lucretia 扬·凡·杜斯波奇与欧律亚罗斯和卢克丽霞的历史
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-05-21 DOI: 10.1080/03096564.2019.1617182
Piet Franssen
ABSTRACT Around 1444 Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, the later pope Pius II, wrote De duobus amantibus. Historia Euryalo et Lucretia. In this article I will show that the attribution of the first English edition of the text, the History of Euryalus and Lucretia (c. 1515) to the press of the Antwerp publisher/printer Jan van Doesborch is very plausible. This attribution is based on the analysis of the ‘London fragment’ of the text – which is published here for the first time – in relation to the relationship and characteristics of other publications of the office of Jan van Doesborch.
大约在1444年,后来的教皇庇护二世埃涅阿斯·西尔维乌斯·皮科洛米尼(Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini)写了《论人性》。历史学家尤里亚洛和卢克丽霞。在这篇文章中,我将表明,文本的第一个英文版本,《Euryalus和Lucretia的历史》(约1515年)是由安特卫普出版商/印刷商Jan van Doesborch出版的,这是非常可信的。这种归属是基于对文本的“伦敦片段”的分析-这是第一次在这里发表-与Jan van Doesborch办公室的其他出版物的关系和特征有关。
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引用次数: 1
From ‘Peripheries’ to ‘Centres’, Westwards: On the Influence of Katarzyna Kobro on Georges Vantongerloo 从“边缘”到“中心”,向西:论卡塔日娜·科布罗对乔治·万通格鲁的影响
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-05-09 DOI: 10.1080/03096564.2019.1616142
Michał Wenderski
ABSTRACT The historiography of modern art recognizes numerous cases of influence and impact that artist from the so-called ‘Western centres’ had on their ‘Eastern peripheral’ colleagues. Reverse examples, however, are rarely recognised. This article gives such an example, by demonstrating the influence of Katarzyna Kobro on Georges Vantongerloo, two prominent avant-garde sculptors. Analysis of historical material (e.g. letters and publications) and selected artworks clearly indicates that the pioneering sculptures of Kobro, who lived and worked mostly in Poland, had profound impact on Vantongerloo, a Belgian artist related to the Dutch formation ‘De Stijl’. In time Vantongerloo’s works evolved from compact sculptures-masses to open spatial compositions that came to share the spirit of Kobro’s unique works. This case thus serves as evidence of two-way artistic influences and mobility that took place within the supranational network of the avant-garde, contrarily to historiographical assumptions such as the ‘centre-periphery’ paradigm or the East-West dichotomization.
现代艺术史学认识到,来自所谓“西方中心”的艺术家对他们的“东方边缘”同行产生了许多影响和影响。然而,相反的例子很少被认可。本文就是这样一个例子,通过展示Katarzyna Kobro对两位著名前卫雕塑家Georges Vantongerloo的影响。对历史材料(例如信件和出版物)和选定艺术品的分析清楚地表明,主要生活和工作在波兰的Kobro的开创性雕塑对比利时艺术家Vantongerloo产生了深远的影响,后者与荷兰形成的“风格派”有关。随着时间的推移,Vantongerloo的作品从紧凑的雕塑发展到开放的空间构图,分享了Kobro独特作品的精神。因此,这个案例证明了在前卫艺术的超国家网络中发生的双向艺术影响和流动性,这与“中心-外围”范式或东西方二分法等史学假设相反。
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引用次数: 0
‘I, Who Used to Serve as Jupiter’s Lightning on Earth’: Geeraerdt Brandt’s De Veinzende Torquatus (1645), Providentially Assigned Stadtholders and the Politics of Rational Deception 《我,曾经是木星在地球上的闪电》:勃兰特的《德·维因岑德·托克图斯》(1645),《天意分配的税收人与理性欺骗的政治》
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-05-08 DOI: 10.1080/03096564.2019.1615761
T. Laureys
ABSTRACT This article aims to show that Geeraerdt Brandt’s popular revenge tragedy De veinzende Torquatus (1645) engages with the political debates concerning the rightful succession of monarchs based on primogeniture, and – be it in a grotesque, even parodic way – the Calvinistic belief that the Dutch stadtholders were God’s providential instruments, assigned to guide His chosen people. Subsequently, I show that the play offers a confrontation between two conflicting conceptions of power. The play’s eponymous protagonist holds what I call an intellectual (idealistic) conception of power, in which man's rational faculty, including his capacity for rational deception, is all-decisive. This vision, though, clashes with the more physical (materialistic) conceptualization of power which Torquatus’s antagonist Noron upholds.
本文旨在展示勃兰特(Geeraerdt Brandt)的复仇悲剧De veinzende Torquatus(1645)与基于长子继承制的君主合法继承的政治辩论,以及加尔文主义的信仰,即荷兰执政官是上帝的天命工具,被指定来指导他的选民。随后,我指出,该剧提供了两种相互冲突的权力观念之间的对抗。该剧的同名主人公持有我称之为智力(理想主义)的权力观念,在这种观念中,人的理性能力,包括理性欺骗的能力,是决定性的。然而,这一观点与托尔奎图斯的对手诺伦所坚持的更物质(唯物主义)的权力概念相冲突。
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引用次数: 0
Centenary of Low Countries Studies in the Anglophone World (1919–2019) 英语世界低国家研究百年纪念(1919-2019)
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/03096564.2019.1605655
Ulrich Tiedau
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引用次数: 0
Why Sir Philip Sidney Chose the Dutch National Anthem as the Tune for a Song 为什么菲利普·西德尼爵士选择荷兰国歌作为歌曲的旋律
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-02-17 DOI: 10.1080/03096564.2019.1576009
C. W. Schoneveld
ABSTRACT This article provides internal arguments, based on a close reading of the poem, proving that the poem is an elegy, and external arguments based on historical reseach, which lead to a rejection of the traditonally supposed identity of the person who is the subject of the poem, and provides the real identity of that person.
本文通过对这首诗的细读,提供了内部论证,证明这首诗是一首挽歌;通过历史研究,提供了外部论证,从而否定了传统上对诗的主体身份的假设,并提供了这个人的真实身份。
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引用次数: 0
Burgundian Afterlives. Appropriating the Dynastic Past(s) in the Habsburg Netherlands 勃艮第的死后。哈布斯堡尼德兰王朝历史的挪用
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03096564.2019.1559497
Steven Thiry, Anne-Laure Van Bruaene
Plagued by discord and violence, the subjects of the late sixteenth-century Netherlands looked back upon the reign of the Burgundian dukes with ‘tears in their eyes’. They recalled their former overlords as the ‘founders and benefactors of [their] beautiful trading cities [merctyen] and free privileges’. Recent oppression, resulting in rebellion against princely authority, made people long for the return of what had been more prosperous times. At least, by invoking this rather emotional vision, an anonymous pamphleteer tried to justify in 1579 the rebels’ appeal for aid to the Duke of Anjou, the French king’s youngest brother, at the height of the Dutch Revolt. Hailed as a direct descendant of the Valois dukes who had ruled most of the Low Countries in the fifteenth century, the text urged Anjou to emulate the political virtues of his Burgundian ancestors, as opposed to the divisive actions of the Spanish king. Obviously, not everyone in the rebellious provinces subscribed to a dynastic re-creation in the figure of Anjou. Many opposed the French overtures, which in 1582 resulted in the formal, yet ultimately unsuccessful, appointment of Anjou as new lord of the Netherlands, and royal supporters still advocated the ancestral rights of the Spanish king. What the pamphlet’s claim reveals, however, is a topical reinterpretation of the Burgundian dynasty. Its idealized appraisal of a once ‘native’ rule upholding the liberties of the political community reflected present disagreements about the extent of princely authority. A Burgundian golden age, built upon the combination of princely virtue and civic consent, became the touchstone of equitable government. Since Philip the Bold, son of the French king and the first Valois Duke of Burgundy, had married the Flemish heiress Margaret of Male in 1369, the rapid expansion of ducal power had transformed the Low Countries. Gradually, his successors acquired most of the semi-autonomous principalities situated on the fringe of the French kingdom and the Holy Roman Empire. By the 1470s the ducal patrimony – aside from the duchy and free county of Burgundy in the east of France − comprised most parts of what is now presentday Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxemburg, and the north of France. After the French annexation of the duchy of Burgundy during the succession crisis of 1477, the remaining lands passed into the hands of the Habsburgs through the marriage of Duchess Mary of Burgundy with the emperor’s son Maximilian of Austria. Yet, despite the subsequent integration of these regions into a much larger composite state, the ‘Burgundian’ identity proved particularly resilient. As the contributions in this special issue point out, the chronological divide between a Burgundian and Habsburg era was less clear-cut than it appears to be today, although identification with the Burgundian dynasty took on different shapes from the sixteenth century to the early twentieth century. DUTCH CROSSING 2019, VOL. 43, NO. 1, 1–6 ht
16世纪晚期,饱受纷争和暴力困扰的荷兰人民“热泪盈眶”地回顾勃艮第公爵的统治。他们回忆说,他们的前任统治者是“(他们)美丽的贸易城市(仁慈)和自由特权的创始人和恩人”。最近的压迫导致了对王公权威的反抗,这使得人们渴望回到曾经更加繁荣的时代。至少,在1579年荷兰起义达到高潮时,一位匿名的小册子作者试图通过援引这一相当情绪化的愿景,为叛军请求法国国王最小的弟弟安茹公爵(Duke of Anjou)援助的请求辩护。作为15世纪统治大部分低地国家的瓦卢瓦公爵的直系后裔,这本书敦促安茹效仿他的勃艮第祖先的政治美德,而不是西班牙国王的分裂行为。显然,并不是所有反叛省份的人都认同安茹的王朝再现。许多人反对法国的提议,1582年,法国正式任命安茹为尼德兰的新领主,但最终以失败告终,王室支持者仍然主张西班牙国王的祖传权利。然而,这本小册子所揭示的是对勃艮第王朝的重新诠释。它对曾经“本土”统治的理想化评价维护了政治共同体的自由,反映了当时对王公权威程度的分歧。勃艮第黄金时代建立在君主美德和公民同意的结合之上,成为公平政府的试金石。自从1369年法国国王之子、第一任勃艮第瓦卢瓦公爵大胆的菲利普迎娶了佛兰德女继承人马勒的玛格丽特以来,公爵权力的迅速扩张改变了低地国家。渐渐地,他的继任者获得了位于法兰西王国和神圣罗马帝国边缘的大部分半自治公国。到1470年代,公爵的遗产——除了法国东部的公国和自由的勃艮第郡——包括今天的比利时、荷兰、卢森堡和法国北部的大部分地区。在1477年继承危机中法国吞并了勃艮第公国之后,通过勃艮第公爵夫人玛丽与皇帝的儿子奥地利的马克西米利安的婚姻,剩余的土地落入了哈布斯堡家族的手中。然而,尽管这些地区后来整合成一个更大的综合国家,“勃艮第”的身份被证明是特别有弹性的。正如本期特刊的投稿所指出的那样,勃艮第王朝和哈布斯堡王朝之间的年代划分并不像今天看起来那么明确,尽管从16世纪到20世纪初,对勃艮第王朝的认同有不同的形式。《荷兰穿越2019》,第43卷,第2期。1,1 - 6 https://doi.org/10.1080/03096564.2019.1559497
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引用次数: 1
Chivalric Solidarity or Royal Supremacy? The Symbolic Revival of the Order of the Golden Fleece (1566–1598) 骑士团结还是王权至上?金羊毛勋章的象征性复兴(1566-1598)
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03096564.2018.1559505
Steven Thiry
ABSTRACT Founded in 1430, the Order of the Golden Fleece was perhaps the most iconic dynastic institution in the Low Countries. It bound together a selective group of high nobles, promoting shared values and loyalty, and was an inexhaustible storehouse of political imagery. The Dutch Revolt seriously disrupted this venerable company. Its officers became estranged, the numbers of knights rapidly declined, and original objectives were questioned. Nevertheless, the Order’s Burgundian heritage and its enduring material memory retained a strong political potential. This article explores how both royalists and dissidents exploited the signs and codes of old to criticize − and even redress − royal policy. As such the (sometimes contradictory) use of the Order’s symbolism ensured the Netherlands’ status as ritualistic nerve centre.
成立于1430年的金羊毛骑士团可能是低地国家最具代表性的王朝机构。它将一群精选的高级贵族联系在一起,促进共同的价值观和忠诚,是一个取之不尽的政治形象宝库。荷兰起义严重破坏了这个古老的公司。它的官员变得疏远,骑士的数量迅速下降,最初的目标受到质疑。然而,骑士团的勃艮第遗产及其持久的物质记忆保留了强大的政治潜力。本文探讨了保皇党和持不同政见者是如何利用旧的标志和准则来批评甚至纠正皇室政策的。因此,骑士团象征主义的使用(有时是相互矛盾的)确保了荷兰作为仪式神经中枢的地位。
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引用次数: 0
The Gold of the Vanquished. Belgian Claims on the Order of the Golden Fleece’s Treasure in the Aftermath of the First World War 被征服者的黄金。第一次世界大战后比利时对金羊毛宝藏的要求
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03096564.2018.1559528
Gilles Docquier
ABSTRACT One of the most brilliant symbols of the splendour of the Burgundian period remains the Order of the Golden Fleece and the ornaments which constitute its ‘treasure’, preserved since the end of the eighteenth century in Viennese museums. With the defeat of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in 1918, some politicians and opinion makers in Belgium saw the perfect opportunity to reclaim this prestigious ensemble as a national artefact inherent to the Belgian territory. By virtue of the Treaty of Saint-Germain, the Belgian government was authorized to set up a committee in charge of demonstrating property rights to ‘national’ works of art that could be claimed as a compensation for war damages. The present contribution aims to explain who, in Belgium, militated for the restitution of the treasure of the Golden Fleece. This judicial case, abundantly covered by the contemporary press and revealing a national identity that drew upon an idealized Burgundian past, was nevertheless doomed to failure.
作为勃艮第辉煌时期最辉煌的象征之一,金羊毛勋章和构成其“宝藏”的装饰品自18世纪末以来一直保存在维也纳的博物馆里。随着1918年奥匈帝国的战败,比利时的一些政治家和舆论制造者看到了一个完美的机会,让这个享有盛誉的乐团重新成为比利时领土固有的国家文物。根据《圣日耳曼条约》,比利时政府被授权成立一个委员会,负责展示“国家”艺术品的产权,这些艺术品可以作为战争损失的赔偿。本报告的目的是解释是谁在比利时为归还金羊毛宝藏而奔走。这一司法案件被当代媒体大量报道,并揭示了一个利用理想化的勃艮第历史的国家身份,然而注定要失败。
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引用次数: 0
The Last Chapter of the Golden Fleece (Ghent, 1559). Burgundian Ritual, Church Space and Urban Lieux de Mémoire 《金羊毛的最后一章》(根特,1559)。勃艮第仪式,教堂空间和城市副区
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03096564.2019.1559499
Anne-Laure Van Bruaene
ABSTRACT In 1559 the twenty-third chapter of the Golden Fleece was held in Ghent, presided over by its grandmaster King Philip II. The meeting concluded the chivalric order’s venerable tradition of organising large public ceremonies in the primary cities of the Burgundian-Habsburg lands. This contribution foregrounds the spatial arrangements for this chapter within Ghent’s collegiate church of St Bavo and discusses the positions not only of the court but also of important local players such as the church chapter, the urban magistracy, local chroniclers, and iconoclasts. The essay shows how the Habsburg dynasty systematically appropriated the interiors of the main urban churches in the Low Countries in order to highlight the continuity of Burgundian rule but at the same time broadcast a new imperial ideology. Despite these efforts, however, local audiences reinvented these spaces as important lieux de mémoire of what they perceived as traditional Burgundian rule.
1559年,金羊毛协会第二十三届会议在根特举行,由其大师菲利普二世主持。这次会议结束了骑士骑士团在勃艮第-哈布斯堡领地的主要城市组织大型公共仪式的古老传统。这一贡献突出了这一章在根特大学圣巴沃教堂内的空间安排,不仅讨论了法院的位置,还讨论了重要的当地参与者的位置,如教堂章节、城市行政长官、当地编年史家和反传统者。这篇文章展示了哈布斯堡王朝如何系统地占用低地国家主要城市教堂的内部,以突出勃艮第统治的连续性,同时传播一种新的帝国意识形态。然而,尽管有这些努力,当地的观众将这些空间重新改造为他们所认为的传统勃艮第统治的重要中尉。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Dutch Crossing-Journal of Low Countries Studies
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