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Les inscriptions de Bāb Manṣūr al-‛Ilǧ : déchiffrement et traduction 碑文的ManṣBāBūr al -‘他ǧ:解密和翻译
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2013-12-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2013.009
Lahcen Daaïf
The city of Meknes is identified mainly with a single monument: the gate of Bāb Manṣūr al-‛Ilǧ, which was built by Mawlāy Ismā‛īl and then restored and decorated by his son, Mawlāy ‛Abd Allāh. This article aims to retrace, in their respective historical contexts, the two key stages of the building of this gate, dwelling upon both its architectural presentation and its epigraphic description. It provides a complete deciphering of the engraving found on the upper part of the gate’s exterior facade, followed by a new translation, as well as illustrations.
梅克内斯城主要以一座纪念碑而闻名:Bāb Manṣūr al- ' ilulus城门,它由Mawlāy Ismā ' 建造,然后由他的儿子Mawlāy ' Abd Allāh修复和装饰。这篇文章的目的是追溯,在各自的历史背景下,这扇门的建设的两个关键阶段,停留在它的建筑表现和铭文的描述。它提供了对大门外立面上部雕刻的完整解读,随后是一个新的翻译,以及插图。
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引用次数: 1
Introducción. Taqiyya : disimulo legal 介绍。Taqiyya:法律伪装
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2013-12-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2013.012
Mercedes García-Arenal
This introduction presents the different contributions included in this monographical section and woves it around two basic tenants: that disimulation and its legitimation are necessarily connected with escathological tension and messianic believes, and that it requires a group which considers itself apart and superior, expecting or planning a different future.
这篇引言介绍了这篇专论部分的不同贡献,并围绕着两个基本的租户:伪装和它的合法性必然与末世论的紧张和弥赛亚信仰联系在一起,它需要一个认为自己是分开的和优越的群体,期待或计划一个不同的未来。
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引用次数: 3
Magia en al-Andalus: Rasā’il ijwān al-Ṣafā’, Rutbat al-ḥakīm y Gāyat al-ḥakīm (Picatrix)
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2013-12-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2013.011
G. D. Callatay
This article is concerned with the introduction of the Rasa’il Ikhwan al-Safa’ to al-Andalus, and the implication this question has for the history of Arabic science and philosophy. More specifically, it focuses on the impact of the encyclopaedia of the Brethren of Purity on the Rutbat al-Hakim and the Ghayat al- Hakim, two important works of the literature of al-Andalus in the field of occult sciences. The article revisits the issue of authorship and chronology of the three works, highlighting the fact that the corpus of the Rasa’il is the product of a historically long process of composition and confirming with some new clues the identification of the author of the Rutba and the Ghaya with Maslama al-Qurtubi (d. 964). The textual comparison of these three works and, in particular, the study of the still unedited Rutba enables one to identify Maslama al-Qurtubi as the genuine transmitter of the Ikhwanian corpus to al-Andalus.
这篇文章是关于将Rasa ' il Ikhwan al-Safa '介绍给al-Andalus,以及这个问题对阿拉伯科学和哲学史的影响。更具体地说,它侧重于《纯洁兄弟会百科全书》对《Rutbat al-Hakim》和《Ghayat al-Hakim》的影响,这是安达卢斯文学在神秘科学领域的两部重要作品。这篇文章重新讨论了这三部作品的作者和年代问题,强调了《Rasa’il》的语料库是一个历史上漫长的创作过程的产物,并通过一些新的线索确认了《Rutba》和《Ghaya》的作者是Maslama al-Qurtubi(公元964年)。对这三部作品的文本比较,特别是对尚未编辑的Rutba的研究,使人们能够确定Maslama al-Qurtubi是将Ikhwanian语料库传递给al-Andalus的真正传播者。
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引用次数: 10
La taqiyya et le jeûne du Ramadan : quelques réflexions ismaéliennes sur le sens ésotérique de la charia taqiyya和斋月斋戒:对伊斯兰教法深奥意义的一些思考
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2013-12-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2013.013
D. D. Smet
This article explores the concepts of taqiyya and kitmān as they were developed by Ismā‛īli authors of the 10th and 11th centuries. In the present « cycle of occultation » « true knowledge » is veiled under the wordings of revealed texts and laws. Only the imāms and their disciples have access to this knowledge, but they are supposed to keep it secret. This obligation of secrecy is part of the oath of allegiance that every Ismā‛īli has to take prior to his initiation. But even the imāms were forced to act with care and in secret. At certain moments, they had to go into occultation ( satr, istitār ), hiding their true identity and their abode. The practice of taqiyya and kitmān is presented as the hidden sense of the Qur’ānic prescriptions about fasting during Ramadan. Breaking the fast illegally means transgressing the rules of taqiyya , whereas ‘Id al-fiṭr symbolizes the final abolition of taqiyya . Fatimid authors interpret the rise of ‘Abd Allāh al-Mahdī and the foundation of the Fatimid state in Ifrīqiya as a sign announcing Id al-fiṭr ,which will occur with the advent of the Qā’im on the day of the Great Resurrection. By opening a new « cycle of manifestation » he will abrogate all exoteric religions and laws. Knowledge will be directly accessible, without zāhir nor bāṭin . Hence, there will be no longer a need to observe taqiyya or kitmān . As Ismā‛īlism is a messianic movement with strong political aims, it makes no sense to distinguish prudential and esoteric aspects of secrecy in its theory of taqiyya .
这篇文章探讨了taqiyya和kitmān的概念,因为它们是由10世纪和11世纪的Ismā ' 利作者发展起来的。在目前的“掩星循环”中,“真正的知识”被隐藏在揭示的文本和法律的措辞之下。只有imāms和他们的门徒才能接触到这些知识,但他们应该保守秘密。这种保密的义务是每一个Ismā ' 利在他入会之前必须宣誓效忠的一部分。但即使是imāms也不得不小心翼翼地秘密行动。在某些时刻,他们不得不进入掩星(satr, istitār),隐藏他们的真实身份和住所。taqiyya和kitmān的实践是古兰经ānic关于斋月期间禁食的处方的隐藏意义。非法打破斋戒意味着违反了塔齐亚的规则,而“Id al-fiṭr”则象征着塔齐亚的最终废除。法蒂玛王朝的作者们将' Abd Allāh al- mahd '的崛起和法蒂玛王朝在伊夫鲁齐亚的建立解释为宣布伊德al-fiṭr的标志,这将在大复活的那一天随着伊德的到来而发生。通过开启一个新的“显化周期”,他将废除所有对外开放的宗教和法律。知识可以直接获取,不需要zāhir和bāṭin。因此,将不再需要遵守taqiyya或kitmān。由于伊斯兰主义是一种具有强烈政治目标的弥赛亚运动,因此在其taqiyya理论中区分谨慎和深奥的秘密方面是没有意义的。
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引用次数: 4
Sakīna : contribución a su estudio
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2013-06-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2013.003
E. Tornero
This article explores the postkoranic evolution of the term sakīna . First, it examines what previous research has said about that. It then presents, translates, and analizes five texts—which had not been taken into consideration previously— pertaining to the Islamic and philosophical fields in which this term occurs. The texts have been taken from Ibn Ḥabīb, al-Tawḥīdī, the Arabic translation of the Golden Verses, and the two Commentaries on the Golden Verses attributed respectively to Iamblichus and Proclus. The article shows how the Koranic sakīna has evolved in these texts: it connotes pacification of violent animals in Ibn Habib, in al-Tawhidi it denotes a state close to Divinity of characters similar to Sufis: in the Golden Verses, the term sakīna is used to translate daimōn , thanks to which evils originating from innate discord among humans are eliminated; finally, the Commentaries on the Golden Verses contain explanations of this term that are both religious and rationalist.
这篇文章探讨了后古兰经时期sakurna一词的演变。首先,它检查了之前的研究对此的说法。然后,它呈现、翻译和分析了五篇以前没有考虑到的关于这个术语出现的伊斯兰和哲学领域的文本。文本取自伊本Ḥabīb, al-Tawḥīdī,黄金诗篇的阿拉伯语翻译,以及分别由Iamblichus和Proclus撰写的《黄金诗篇注释》。这篇文章展示了古兰经sak na在这些文本中是如何演变的:在伊本哈比卜中,它意味着对暴力动物的安抚;在al-Tawhidi中,它表示一种与苏菲派相似的接近神性的状态;在黄金诗篇中,sak na一词被用来翻译daimōn,由于人类天生的不和谐而产生的邪恶被消除了;最后,《金诗注释》包含了对这个术语的宗教和理性主义的解释。
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引用次数: 0
Divine Doctors: The Construction of the Image of Three Greek Physicians in Islamic Biographical Dictionaries of Physicians 神圣的医生:伊斯兰医生传记词典中三位希腊医生形象的建构
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2013-06-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2013.002
Keren Abbou Hershkovits, Z. Hadromi-Allouche
This paper examines the way authors of three medieval Islamic biographical dictionaries portrayed the lives, behavior and characteristics of three key figures of Greco-Roman medicine, Asclepius, Hippocrates and Galen. Particular attention was given to the vocabulary and phrasing used in the biographies, and associations with other literary genres or figures. An analysis of these biographies demonstrates a significant resemblance between the portrayal of these Greco-Roman physicians and the lives of prophetic figures in Islam, and especially that of the Prophet Muḥammad. In addition, these biographies align with features attributed to pious Muslims. This study demonstrates that Muslim biographers constructed these biographies as part of a general tendency to associate medicine with Islam, and the origins of medical knowledge with prophetic wisdom. This study mantains that the connotations and use of this particular terminology allows for a positive view of the science of medicine in these Islamic compositions in which they were included.
本文考察了三个中世纪伊斯兰传记词典的作者如何描述希腊罗马医学的三位关键人物,阿斯克勒庇俄斯、希波克拉底和盖伦的生活、行为和特征。特别注意的是传记中使用的词汇和措辞,以及与其他文学流派或人物的联系。对这些传记的分析表明,这些希腊罗马医生的形象与伊斯兰教先知人物的生活有着显著的相似之处,尤其是先知Muḥammad。此外,这些传记符合虔诚穆斯林的特征。这项研究表明,穆斯林传记作者将这些传记作为一种将医学与伊斯兰联系起来的普遍趋势的一部分,并将医学知识的起源与先知智慧联系起来。这项研究认为,这一特殊术语的内涵和使用使人们对这些伊斯兰教作品中的医学科学有了积极的看法。
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引用次数: 1
Les innovations de Naffāṯ b. Naṣr ou le troisième schisme chez les ibadites 创新-¿āNaṣṯb。r或第三个分裂教派中
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2013-06-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2013.005
Virginie Prevost
Besides the secession of the Nukkāriyya and the Ḥalafiyya, the Rustamid imam Aflaḥ (c. 823-871) had to face Naffāṯ b. Naṣr’s dissidence. After he was refused the function of Qanṭrāra’s governor, Naffāṯ publicly slandered Aflaḥ whom he mostly blamed for his expensive tastes and his lack of combativeness towards the Aġlabids. The anti-Rustamid propaganda of Naffāṯ quickly attracted a lot of Ibāḍīs to the Jarīd as well as to the Jabal Nafūsa. That enthusiasm just shows how, already during Aflaḥ’s reign, the Rustamid authority was a subject of controversy among the Ibāḍīs. Although it never caused an armed revolt, that schism really worried the Rustamid leaders. This article gathers all the facts concerning Naffāṯ in the Ibāḍī sources and tries to reconstruct his life and to draw up the list of the new opinions he proposed. The Naffāṯiyya movement is very interesting, on account of both its longevity and its geographical expansion, as well as for the great number of documents dealing with it. Those documents that appear throughout the centuries in the Ibāḍī sources allow to understand better the personality of Naffāṯ b. Naṣr, who was an intellectual rather than the leader of an organized movement.
除了Nukkāriyya和Ḥalafiyya的分裂之外,Rustamid伊玛目aflaama(约823-871)还必须面对Naffāṯ b. Naṣr的异议。在他被拒绝担任Qanṭrāra的州长后,Naffāṯ公开诽谤aflazai,他主要指责aflazai品味昂贵,对Aġlabids缺乏斗志。Naffāṯ的反鲁斯塔德宣传迅速吸引了许多Ibāḍīs到jarjard和Jabal Nafūsa。这种热情恰恰表明,早在阿夫拉罕统治时期,鲁斯塔德王朝的权威就已经成为Ibāḍīs争议的主题。虽然它从未引起武装叛乱,但这种分裂确实让鲁斯塔米德领导人感到担忧。本文收集了Ibāḍī资料中有关Naffāṯ的所有事实,并试图重建他的生活,并列出他提出的新观点清单。Naffāṯiyya运动非常有趣,因为它的持续时间长,地理范围广,还有大量与之相关的文件。几个世纪以来出现在Ibāḍī资料中的那些文件使我们能够更好地了解Naffāṯ b. Naṣr的个性,他是一个知识分子,而不是一个有组织运动的领导人。
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引用次数: 0
Rhetorical Muslims: Islam as Witness in Western Christian Anti-Jewish Polemic 修辞上的穆斯林:伊斯兰教在西方基督教反犹太论战中的见证
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2013-06-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2013.006
R. Szpiech
Although twelfth-century writers such as Petrus Alfonsi and Peter the Venerable of Cluny attacked Muslim ideas about Jesus and Mary, polemical authors of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries sometimes presented the same ideas in a positive light, describing the Muslim as a “witness” to the Jews of the truth of Christian ideas. In texts by the Dominican Ramon Marti, the Qur ān itself serves as a “proof” of Christian doctrines about Jesus and Mary and in texts such as the Mostrador de justicia of Abner de Burgos/Alfonso de Valladolid, Muslims are described as “Nazarenes.” The study of these images allows us to distinguish between the representation of Muslims in anti-Jewish and anti-Islamic texts. This article proposes that the representation in anti-Jewish texts was more determined by the norms of those texts than by the ideas about Islamic sources contemporary anti-Muslim writing itself.
虽然12世纪的作家,如彼得·阿方西和克吕尼的彼得长老攻击穆斯林关于耶稣和玛丽的观点,但13世纪和14世纪的争论作家有时以积极的眼光提出同样的观点,将穆斯林描述为犹太人对基督教思想真理的“见证人”。在多米尼加人拉蒙·马蒂的著作中,古兰经ān本身就是基督教关于耶稣和玛利亚教义的“证据”,在阿布纳·德·布尔戈斯/阿方索·德·巴利亚多利德的司法部长等著作中,穆斯林被描述为“拿撒勒人”。对这些图像的研究使我们能够区分反犹太和反伊斯兰文本中穆斯林的表现。本文提出,反犹太文本中的表现更多地是由这些文本的规范决定的,而不是由当代反穆斯林作品本身对伊斯兰来源的看法决定的。
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引用次数: 5
Las encuadernaciones mudéjares de lacerías, tipo «toledano» y «salmantino», en la Catedral de Toledo 托莱多大教堂的mudejar花边装订,类型为“toledano”和“salmantino”
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2013-02-11 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2011.007
A. Carpallo-Bautista, Esther Burgos-Bordonau
In the history of Spanish bookbinding the Mudejar style of the thirteenth to sixteenth centuries stands out, particularly in works produced in cities like Toledo. The Capitular Library of the Cathedral of Toledo contains one of the most important collections in Spain in both size and quality, although many volumes are not in the best state of preservation. The present work will study and analyze the different kinds of Mudejar bookbindings with interlaces, a style of decoration typical of cities like Toledo, Salamanca and Barcelona. We have studied the decorative structures and their artistic elements, the techniques of decoration and construction, and the materials employed; through them we have established the origin or provenance of each bookbinding based on its decorative structure, its individual decorative motifs, the watermarks of its original flyleaves, and the style of its cabezada
在西班牙装帧史上,13至16世纪的穆德哈尔风格尤为突出,尤其是在托莱多等城市制作的作品中。托莱多大教堂的首都图书馆在规模和质量上都是西班牙最重要的藏书之一,尽管许多卷并没有处于最好的保存状态。目前的工作将研究和分析不同种类的带有交错的Mudejar装订,这是托莱多、萨拉曼卡和巴塞罗那等城市典型的装饰风格。我们学习了装饰结构及其艺术元素,装饰和施工技术,以及所使用的材料;通过它们,我们根据其装饰结构,单个装饰图案,原始飞叶的水印以及其cabezada的风格确定了每种装订的起源或出处
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引用次数: 3
Melquitas y musulmanes: el Corán, cristología y ortodoxia árabe 麦尔基派和穆斯林:可兰经,基督论和阿拉伯东正教
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2013-02-11 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2012.004
Sidney H. Griffith
The earliest Chalcedonian writers to take notice of the religious ideas of the invading Arabs at the time of the Islamic conquest of the Middle East already highlighted what they viewed as wrong or confused notions about Christ on the part of the invaders. Then in the mid-eighth century, Arabic-speaking Chalcedonians in Syria/Palestine, whose adversaries would soon be calling them ‘Melkites’, were quoting the Qur’ān with a view to exploiting the probative potential of its language for apologetic purposes, especially in Christology. This article traces the continued focus on Christology and the Qur’ān in the development of Chalcedonian theology in Arabic in the works of the major writers in the early ‘Melkite’ tradition, suggesting that the ‘Melkite’ community’s engagement with the religious challenge of Islam over time issued in the emergence of a recognizeable Arab Christian Orthodoxy, which the term ‘Melkite’ came to designate.
在伊斯兰征服中东的时期,最早注意到入侵阿拉伯人的宗教观念的迦克顿作家已经强调了他们认为入侵者对基督的错误或混淆的观念。然后在8世纪中期,叙利亚/巴勒斯坦讲阿拉伯语的迦克墩人,他们的对手很快就会称他们为“Melkites”,他们引用古兰经“ān”,以期利用其语言的证明潜力来为辩护目的,特别是在基督论中。本文追溯了早期“梅尔基特”传统的主要作家的作品中,迦克顿阿拉伯神学发展中对基督论和古兰经ān的持续关注,表明随着时间的推移,“梅尔基特”社区与伊斯兰教的宗教挑战的接触出现了一个可识别的阿拉伯基督教东正教,“梅尔基特”一词开始被指定。
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引用次数: 2
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