Pub Date : 2015-12-30DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.009
Yaara Perlman
During early Islam, the ḥaras was a government unit that was responsible for the personal security of the caliph. Since the reign of the first Umayyad Caliph, Mu‘āwiya b. Abī Sufyān, the ḥaras , headed by a ḥaras chief, protected all caliphs. This paper will attempt to describe the functions of the ḥaras during the Umayyad and the early Abbasid caliphates by delineating the characteristics of the ḥaras chiefs under the different caliphs. As with other institutions during early Islam, accounts that refer to the ḥaras offer information about the men who headed it rather than about the institution itself, making it necessary to employ the method of prosopography in order to arrive at an adequate description of the institution. The majority of the ḥaras chiefs appear to have been mawālī , often entrusted with administrative offices in addition to heading the ḥaras . It seems that the ḥaras chiefs were responsible not only for protecting the caliphs, but also for carrying out executions. The establishment of the ḥaras , the qualifications of the ḥaras chiefs and the weapons used by members of this body are also discussed. This significant institution has not yet received due attention in the literature. I hope to provide a useful outline and to open up a space for further research.
在早期的伊斯兰教中，ḥaras是一个负责哈里发个人安全的政府单位。自从第一位倭马亚哈里发Mu ' āwiya b. ab' Sufyān统治以来，ḥaras由一位ḥaras酋长领导，保护所有的哈里发。本文将通过描述不同哈里发下ḥaras酋长的特征，试图描述ḥaras在倭马亚和早期阿拔斯哈里发时期的功能。与早期伊斯兰教的其他机构一样，ḥaras提供的信息是关于领导该机构的人，而不是关于该机构本身，这使得有必要采用体貌学的方法，以便对该机构进行充分的描述。大多数ḥaras负责人似乎都是mawālī，除了领导ḥaras之外，他们还经常被委托管理办公室。看起来ḥaras酋长们不仅要保护哈里发，还要执行处决。文中还讨论了ḥaras的设立、ḥaras首领的资格以及该机构成员使用的武器。这一重要机构在文献中尚未得到应有的重视。我希望提供一个有用的大纲，并为进一步的研究开辟一个空间。
{"title":"La custodia de los califas durante el Califato omeya y el principio del Califato ‘abbāsí","authors":"Yaara Perlman","doi":"10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.009","url":null,"abstract":"During early Islam, the ḥaras was a government unit that was responsible for the personal security of the caliph. Since the reign of the first Umayyad Caliph, Mu‘āwiya b. Abī Sufyān, the ḥaras , headed by a ḥaras chief, protected all caliphs. This paper will attempt to describe the functions of the ḥaras during the Umayyad and the early Abbasid caliphates by delineating the characteristics of the ḥaras chiefs under the different caliphs. As with other institutions during early Islam, accounts that refer to the ḥaras offer information about the men who headed it rather than about the institution itself, making it necessary to employ the method of prosopography in order to arrive at an adequate description of the institution. The majority of the ḥaras chiefs appear to have been mawālī , often entrusted with administrative offices in addition to heading the ḥaras . It seems that the ḥaras chiefs were responsible not only for protecting the caliphs, but also for carrying out executions. The establishment of the ḥaras , the qualifications of the ḥaras chiefs and the weapons used by members of this body are also discussed. This significant institution has not yet received due attention in the literature. I hope to provide a useful outline and to open up a space for further research.","PeriodicalId":44299,"journal":{"name":"AL-QANTARA","volume":"1 1","pages":"315-340"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2015-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82458681","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-12-30DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.013
Carmel Cassar
In 1554 Ignatius Loyola realized Malta’s great potential as a stepping-stone for building contacts with the Muslim Maghreb. The close association of the Maltese language to Arabic further convinced the Jesuit Curia, and the Holy See, to ‘privilege’ Malta as an ideal base for the evangelization of North Africa and the Levant. However, with time, the
{"title":"Collegium Melitense : Una misión fronteriza en la confluencia entre el mundo cristiano y el musulmán","authors":"Carmel Cassar","doi":"10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.013","url":null,"abstract":"In 1554 Ignatius Loyola realized Malta’s great potential as a stepping-stone for building contacts with the Muslim Maghreb. The close association of the Maltese language to Arabic further convinced the Jesuit Curia, and the Holy See, to ‘privilege’ Malta as an ideal base for the evangelization of North Africa and the Levant. However, with time, the <College became more concerned with preaching and missionary activities within Malta itself. The present study, largely based on research at the Jesuit Curia archives in Rome, looks at Jesuit activities in Malta from the end of the sixteenth century to 1768, when the Jesuits were expelled. During the span of almost two centuries, the role played by Malta had much to do with Malta’s geographical proximity to North Africa, coupled with the ability of the Maltese to speak a native Semitic language which was believed to be very close to Arabic, while at the same time being a place inhabited by a fervently Catholic population. The Jesuit Curia appears to have used Malta as a base for missionary activities to, or, from the Levant.","PeriodicalId":44299,"journal":{"name":"AL-QANTARA","volume":"52 1","pages":"443-462"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2015-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83795394","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-12-30DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.011
J. Lorenzo
In 924 an army headed by the emir ‘Abd al-Raḥmān III crossed the border of the emerging kingdom of Pamplona and devastated its territory. Two chroniclers, ‘Arīb b. Sa‘īd and Ibn Ḥayyān, recorded in their texts the names of several of the places that were attacked. The first edition and translation of ‘Arīb’s text in the late 19th and early 20th centuries probed to be of great importance, since not only provided the basis for the appearance of some studies focused on the identification of the place-names, but it also greatly influenced the edition and translation of the Ibn Ḥayyān’s manuscript, published several decades later. Nonetheless, the comparison between ‘Arīb’s manuscript and its edition has shown important differences between the place-names that appear in both of them. The main purpose of these pages is to restore the place-names to their original handwritten form in order to make possible new hypothesis on their identification.
924年，一支由埃米尔阿卜杜勒al-Raḥmān三世率领的军队越过新兴的潘普洛纳王国的边界，摧毁了它的领土。两位编年史家，' Arīb b. Sa ' īd和伊本Ḥayyān，在他们的文本中记录了几个被攻击的地方的名字。19世纪末和20世纪初，arargurb文本的第一版和翻译被认为是非常重要的，因为它不仅为一些关注地名识别的研究的出现提供了基础，而且还极大地影响了几十年后出版的伊本Ḥayyān手稿的版本和翻译。尽管如此，将arj ā b的手稿与其版本进行比较，可以发现两者中出现的地名之间存在重大差异。这些页面的主要目的是将地名恢复到原来的手写形式，以便对其识别提出新的假设。
{"title":"Toponimia del balad de Pamplona en la campaña de ‘Abd al-Raḥmān III del año 312/924","authors":"J. Lorenzo","doi":"10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.011","url":null,"abstract":"In 924 an army headed by the emir ‘Abd al-Raḥmān III crossed the border of the emerging kingdom of Pamplona and devastated its territory. Two chroniclers, ‘Arīb b. Sa‘īd and Ibn Ḥayyān, recorded in their texts the names of several of the places that were attacked. The first edition and translation of ‘Arīb’s text in the late 19th and early 20th centuries probed to be of great importance, since not only provided the basis for the appearance of some studies focused on the identification of the place-names, but it also greatly influenced the edition and translation of the Ibn Ḥayyān’s manuscript, published several decades later. Nonetheless, the comparison between ‘Arīb’s manuscript and its edition has shown important differences between the place-names that appear in both of them. The main purpose of these pages is to restore the place-names to their original handwritten form in order to make possible new hypothesis on their identification.","PeriodicalId":44299,"journal":{"name":"AL-QANTARA","volume":"60 1","pages":"403-427"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2015-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88754645","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-12-30DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.014
Rudi Matthee
This essay considers the presence and activities of the Jesuits in early modern Iran, a topic that, to date, has received little attention in English-language scholarship. It examines their motives for wanting to establish a permanent mission in Safavid territory in the mid-seventeenth century—a desire to bring Iran’s Gregorian Armenians under papal jurisdiction and, in part, their search for an overland route to India and China free from Portuguese influence—and discusses these in the context of Iranian concerns and interests. The study’s particular focus is the role of French and Polish Jesuits in the establishment of a mission in Isfahan and the subsequent creation of an outpost in Shamakhi, located in the Safavid-held part of the Caucasus, on the trade route between Iran and Russia. It concludes by evaluating their (meager) accomplishments despite perseverance in the face of poverty and loneliness.
{"title":"Pobreza y perseverancia: La misión jesuita de Isfahán y Shamakhi en el Irán Safaví tardío","authors":"Rudi Matthee","doi":"10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.014","url":null,"abstract":"This essay considers the presence and activities of the Jesuits in early modern Iran, a topic that, to date, has received little attention in English-language scholarship. It examines their motives for wanting to establish a permanent mission in Safavid territory in the mid-seventeenth century—a desire to bring Iran’s Gregorian Armenians under papal jurisdiction and, in part, their search for an overland route to India and China free from Portuguese influence—and discusses these in the context of Iranian concerns and interests. The study’s particular focus is the role of French and Polish Jesuits in the establishment of a mission in Isfahan and the subsequent creation of an outpost in Shamakhi, located in the Safavid-held part of the Caucasus, on the trade route between Iran and Russia. It concludes by evaluating their (meager) accomplishments despite perseverance in the face of poverty and loneliness.","PeriodicalId":44299,"journal":{"name":"AL-QANTARA","volume":"26 1","pages":"463-501"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2015-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81227207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-12-30DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.016
Paul Shore
Jesuits of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries— even those living relatively closely to Muslim lands— often had no personal knowledge of Muslims, and yet the figure of the Muslim loomed large in the baroque Jesuit imagination. Because Jesuit formation involves the visualization of events and persons never seen, Jesuits of this period were in a special position to construct an imaginary Muslim, which they derived from translations of the Qur’an, from artworks, including book illustrations, and from the patterns and symbolism of Jesuit emblematics. This essay explores how baroque Jesuit visualization of the Muslim body was shaped by these factors, and also by other Europe-wide phenomena such as turcica literature.
{"title":"El cuerpo musulmán en el imaginario jesuita barroco","authors":"Paul Shore","doi":"10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.016","url":null,"abstract":"Jesuits of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries— even those living relatively closely to Muslim lands— often had no personal knowledge of Muslims, and yet the figure of the Muslim loomed large in the baroque Jesuit imagination. Because Jesuit formation involves the visualization of events and persons never seen, Jesuits of this period were in a special position to construct an imaginary Muslim, which they derived from translations of the Qur’an, from artworks, including book illustrations, and from the patterns and symbolism of Jesuit emblematics. This essay explores how baroque Jesuit visualization of the Muslim body was shaped by these factors, and also by other Europe-wide phenomena such as turcica literature.","PeriodicalId":44299,"journal":{"name":"AL-QANTARA","volume":"85 1","pages":"531-561"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2015-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89127244","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-12-30DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.015
Zvi Ben-Dor Benite
This essay is concerned with the possibility of cultural change in the writings of Matteo Ricci. In order to elucidate this question, this essay discusses aspects of Matteo Ricci’s perception of Islam and Muslims in China and identifies the moments when they changed. I show that over time Ricci developed a much more nuanced perception of Islam in China, but argue still that his views remained quite limited because of lack of dialogue with Muslims he saw in China. These limitations, I also argue, reflect the limitations of European views of Islam in the early modern Euro-Mediterranean world. Recognizing these limitations, I suggest, might help us to develop new approaches to questions of religion in early modern China.
{"title":"“Como los hebreos en España”: El encuentro de los jesuitas con los musulmanes y el problema del cambio cultural","authors":"Zvi Ben-Dor Benite","doi":"10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.015","url":null,"abstract":"This essay is concerned with the possibility of cultural change in the writings of Matteo Ricci. In order to elucidate this question, this essay discusses aspects of Matteo Ricci’s perception of Islam and Muslims in China and identifies the moments when they changed. I show that over time Ricci developed a much more nuanced perception of Islam in China, but argue still that his views remained quite limited because of lack of dialogue with Muslims he saw in China. These limitations, I also argue, reflect the limitations of European views of Islam in the early modern Euro-Mediterranean world. Recognizing these limitations, I suggest, might help us to develop new approaches to questions of religion in early modern China.","PeriodicalId":44299,"journal":{"name":"AL-QANTARA","volume":"114 1","pages":"503-529"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2015-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83984888","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-12-30DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.017
David J. Wasserstein
The story of Ṭālūt and the Jew (known from our sources for the Revolt of the Suburb, in the early third/ninth century), has been studied recently by Luis Molina (Al-Qanṭara, 32, 2011), who argues that the Jew is an invention. Here it is argued that the entire story, including also the character of Ṭālūt himself, is an invention, created probably in the fourth/tenth century. Our apparent evidence is extremely weak: the sources for Ṭālūt’s existence are shown to be thin and unreliable; severe chronological problems make it almost impossible for him to have existed; the story has all the character of invention. Its aim, far from being to say something about Jews in al-Andalus or about a participant – Ṭālūt or any other – in the revolt – seems to be to glorify the ruler, al-Ḥakam I.
{"title":"Un hombre que nunca existió: otra vez Ṭālūt y el judío","authors":"David J. Wasserstein","doi":"10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.017","url":null,"abstract":"The story of Ṭālūt and the Jew (known from our sources for the Revolt of the Suburb, in the early third/ninth century), has been studied recently by Luis Molina (Al-Qanṭara, 32, 2011), who argues that the Jew is an invention. Here it is argued that the entire story, including also the character of Ṭālūt himself, is an invention, created probably in the fourth/tenth century. Our apparent evidence is extremely weak: the sources for Ṭālūt’s existence are shown to be thin and unreliable; severe chronological problems make it almost impossible for him to have existed; the story has all the character of invention. Its aim, far from being to say something about Jews in al-Andalus or about a participant – Ṭālūt or any other – in the revolt – seems to be to glorify the ruler, al-Ḥakam I.","PeriodicalId":44299,"journal":{"name":"AL-QANTARA","volume":"99 1","pages":"563-574"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2015-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76863061","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-12-30DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.010
Tijana Krstić
In 1604, a charismatic Sufi sheikh from Tunis commissioned the translation into Ottoman Turkish of Abdallāh b. Abdallāh al-Tarjumān’s polemical text entitled Tuḥfat al-Adīb fī alradd ʿalā ahl al-ṣalīb (1420), with the intention of presenting it to Ottoman Sultan Ahmed I. Soon after, this text became one of the most widely known and disseminated anti-Christian polemical texts in the Islamic world, and by the late ninteenth century, in Europe as well. The article examines the circumstances of Tuḥfa’s translation from Arabic into Ottoman Turkish, the actors involved, the narrative’s trajectory from Tunis to Istanbul, its reception by the Ottoman reading public, as well as impact on the development of an Ottoman polemical genre of self-narrative of conversion to Islam. Transcription and translation of such an Ottoman narrative, which appears to have been directly influenced by Tuḥfa, is featured in the article’s appendix. By focusing on the trajectory of a single text belonging to the genre of religious polemics, the article bridges the traditionally disconnected academic discussions pertaining to the early modern Iberian, North African and Ottoman history and demonstrates their inherent connectivity in the age of confessional polarization (16th-17th centuries).
1604年，一位来自突尼斯的有魅力的苏菲派谢赫委托将Abdallāh b. Abdallāh al-Tarjumān的论战文本Tuḥfat al- ad b. f . alradd al . al . -ṣalīb(1420)翻译成奥斯曼土耳其语，目的是将其提交给奥斯曼苏丹艾哈迈德一世。不久之后，该文本成为伊斯兰世界最广为人知和传播最广的反基督教论战文本之一，到19世纪后期，在欧洲也是如此。本文考察了Tuḥfa从阿拉伯语翻译成奥斯曼土耳其语的情况、涉及的演员、从突尼斯到伊斯坦布尔的叙事轨迹、奥斯曼读者对它的接受程度，以及对奥斯曼人皈依伊斯兰教的自我叙事的论战类型发展的影响。这种奥斯曼叙事的抄录和翻译，似乎直接受到Tuḥfa的影响，在文章的附录中有特色。通过关注属于宗教论战类型的单一文本的轨迹，本文将传统上不相关的关于早期现代伊比利亚、北非和奥斯曼历史的学术讨论联系起来，并展示了它们在忏悔两极分化时代(16 -17世纪)的内在联系。
{"title":"Leyendo la Tuḥfa de Abdallāh b. Abdallāh al-Tarŷumān (1420) en el Imperio Otomano: Polémica Cristiano-Musulmana e Intertextualidad en la época de la “Confesionalización”","authors":"Tijana Krstić","doi":"10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.010","url":null,"abstract":"In 1604, a charismatic Sufi sheikh from Tunis commissioned the translation into Ottoman Turkish of Abdallāh b. Abdallāh al-Tarjumān’s polemical text entitled Tuḥfat al-Adīb fī alradd ʿalā ahl al-ṣalīb (1420), with the intention of presenting it to Ottoman Sultan Ahmed I. Soon after, this text became one of the most widely known and disseminated anti-Christian polemical texts in the Islamic world, and by the late ninteenth century, in Europe as well. The article examines the circumstances of Tuḥfa’s translation from Arabic into Ottoman Turkish, the actors involved, the narrative’s trajectory from Tunis to Istanbul, its reception by the Ottoman reading public, as well as impact on the development of an Ottoman polemical genre of self-narrative of conversion to Islam. Transcription and translation of such an Ottoman narrative, which appears to have been directly influenced by Tuḥfa, is featured in the article’s appendix. By focusing on the trajectory of a single text belonging to the genre of religious polemics, the article bridges the traditionally disconnected academic discussions pertaining to the early modern Iberian, North African and Ottoman history and demonstrates their inherent connectivity in the age of confessional polarization (16th-17th centuries).","PeriodicalId":44299,"journal":{"name":"AL-QANTARA","volume":"12 1","pages":"341-401"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2015-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84800877","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-06-30DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.007
A. Almagro
The aim of this article is to study some aspects of the Great Mosque of Tlemcen based on a planimetrical survey that has recently been carried out on its most outstanding features, particularly the area of the miḥrāb and the maqṣūra . It provides observations on this significant monument from Almoravid times that relate to its analysis by means of drawings. In spite of the fact that it is considered to be one of the most emblematic buildings of Western Islamic art of the 12th Century, only general ground plans have been published up until now, mostly schematic ones, and a few detailed drawings. The plans that we are publishing enable us to comprehend to a greater extent this remarkable building that is set out in comparison with other examples, and especially with regard to the vaults of intertwined arches.
{"title":"The Great Mosque of Tlemcen and the dome of its maqṣūra","authors":"A. Almagro","doi":"10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.007","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this article is to study some aspects of the Great Mosque of Tlemcen based on a planimetrical survey that has recently been carried out on its most outstanding features, particularly the area of the miḥrāb and the maqṣūra . It provides observations on this significant monument from Almoravid times that relate to its analysis by means of drawings. In spite of the fact that it is considered to be one of the most emblematic buildings of Western Islamic art of the 12th Century, only general ground plans have been published up until now, mostly schematic ones, and a few detailed drawings. The plans that we are publishing enable us to comprehend to a greater extent this remarkable building that is set out in comparison with other examples, and especially with regard to the vaults of intertwined arches.","PeriodicalId":44299,"journal":{"name":"AL-QANTARA","volume":"17 1","pages":"199-257"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2015-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84507003","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-06-30DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.002
Diego R. Sarrio
This essay argues that, underlying the legal framework of Averroes’s Faṣl al-maqāl , there appears to be a genuine desire to reconcile the claims of reason with the demands of faith; then, that Averroes based this reconciliation on the acceptance of a hermeneutical theory that sees the divine Word as addressing all human beings according to their intellectual capacities and that, consequently, he did not exclude the learned from the religious duty of assenting to revealed truth. Finally, and contrary to overstated secularist interpretations of his rationalism, it is suggested that there are grounds to defend the view that Averroes conceived of philosophy in quasi-religious terms, as the noblest work to be carried out in the presence of God, making its practitioners the rightful ‘heirs of the prophets’.
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