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La custodia de los califas durante el Califato omeya y el principio del Califato ‘abbāsí 造的监护权哈里发期间海尔和哈里发’的原则,abbā是的
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-12-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.009
Yaara Perlman
During early Islam, the ḥaras was a government unit that was responsible for the personal security of the caliph. Since the reign of the first Umayyad Caliph, Mu‘āwiya b. Abī Sufyān, the ḥaras , headed by a ḥaras chief, protected all caliphs. This paper will attempt to describe the functions of the ḥaras during the Umayyad and the early Abbasid caliphates by delineating the characteristics of the ḥaras chiefs under the different caliphs. As with other institutions during early Islam, accounts that refer to the ḥaras offer information about the men who headed it rather than about the institution itself, making it necessary to employ the method of prosopography in order to arrive at an adequate description of the institution. The majority of the ḥaras chiefs appear to have been mawālī , often entrusted with administrative offices in addition to heading the ḥaras . It seems that the ḥaras chiefs were responsible not only for protecting the caliphs, but also for carrying out executions. The establishment of the ḥaras , the qualifications of the ḥaras chiefs and the weapons used by members of this body are also discussed. This significant institution has not yet received due attention in the literature. I hope to provide a useful outline and to open up a space for further research.
在早期的伊斯兰教中,ḥaras是一个负责哈里发个人安全的政府单位。自从第一位倭马亚哈里发Mu ' āwiya b. ab' Sufyān统治以来,ḥaras由一位ḥaras酋长领导,保护所有的哈里发。本文将通过描述不同哈里发下ḥaras酋长的特征,试图描述ḥaras在倭马亚和早期阿拔斯哈里发时期的功能。与早期伊斯兰教的其他机构一样,ḥaras提供的信息是关于领导该机构的人,而不是关于该机构本身,这使得有必要采用体貌学的方法,以便对该机构进行充分的描述。大多数ḥaras负责人似乎都是mawālī,除了领导ḥaras之外,他们还经常被委托管理办公室。看起来ḥaras酋长们不仅要保护哈里发,还要执行处决。文中还讨论了ḥaras的设立、ḥaras首领的资格以及该机构成员使用的武器。这一重要机构在文献中尚未得到应有的重视。我希望提供一个有用的大纲,并为进一步的研究开辟一个空间。
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引用次数: 0
Collegium Melitense : Una misión fronteriza en la confluencia entre el mundo cristiano y el musulmán Melitense学院:位于基督教和穆斯林世界交汇处的边境使命
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-12-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.013
Carmel Cassar
In 1554 Ignatius Loyola realized Malta’s great potential as a stepping-stone for building contacts with the Muslim Maghreb. The close association of the Maltese language to Arabic further convinced the Jesuit Curia, and the Holy See, to ‘privilege’ Malta as an ideal base for the evangelization of North Africa and the Levant. However, with time, the
1554年,依纳爵·罗耀拉意识到马耳他作为与穆斯林马格里布建立联系的垫脚石的巨大潜力。马耳他语与阿拉伯语的密切联系进一步说服了耶稣会教廷和罗马教廷,将马耳他“特权”为北非和黎凡特福音传播的理想基地。然而,随着时间的推移,学院越来越关注在马耳他境内的传教和传教活动。目前的研究主要基于对罗马耶稣会教廷档案的研究,研究了16世纪末至1768年耶稣会士被驱逐期间耶稣会士在马耳他的活动。在几乎两个世纪的时间里,马耳他所起的作用在很大程度上与马耳他在地理上靠近北非有关,再加上马耳他人有能力说一种据信与阿拉伯语非常接近的本土闪米特语,同时马耳他是一个狂热的天主教徒居住的地方。耶稣会教廷似乎利用马耳他作为基地,向黎凡特或从黎凡特传教活动。
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引用次数: 0
Toponimia del balad de Pamplona en la campaña de ‘Abd al-Raḥmān III del año 312/924 地名从潘普洛纳运动' Abd al - balad al-Raḥmān年第三312/924
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-12-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.011
J. Lorenzo
In 924 an army headed by the emir ‘Abd al-Raḥmān III crossed the border of the emerging kingdom of Pamplona and devastated its territory. Two chroniclers, ‘Arīb b. Sa‘īd and Ibn Ḥayyān, recorded in their texts the names of several of the places that were attacked. The first edition and translation of ‘Arīb’s text in the late 19th and early 20th centuries probed to be of great importance, since not only provided the basis for the appearance of some studies focused on the identification of the place-names, but it also greatly influenced the edition and translation of the Ibn Ḥayyān’s manuscript, published several decades later. Nonetheless, the comparison between ‘Arīb’s manuscript and its edition has shown important differences between the place-names that appear in both of them. The main purpose of these pages is to restore the place-names to their original handwritten form in order to make possible new hypothesis on their identification.
924年,一支由埃米尔阿卜杜勒al-Raḥmān三世率领的军队越过新兴的潘普洛纳王国的边界,摧毁了它的领土。两位编年史家,' Arīb b. Sa ' īd和伊本Ḥayyān,在他们的文本中记录了几个被攻击的地方的名字。19世纪末和20世纪初,arargurb文本的第一版和翻译被认为是非常重要的,因为它不仅为一些关注地名识别的研究的出现提供了基础,而且还极大地影响了几十年后出版的伊本Ḥayyān手稿的版本和翻译。尽管如此,将arj ā b的手稿与其版本进行比较,可以发现两者中出现的地名之间存在重大差异。这些页面的主要目的是将地名恢复到原来的手写形式,以便对其识别提出新的假设。
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引用次数: 0
Pobreza y perseverancia: La misión jesuita de Isfahán y Shamakhi en el Irán Safaví tardío 贫穷与毅力:伊斯法罕和沙马基在伊朗晚期萨法维的耶稣会使命
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-12-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.014
Rudi Matthee
This essay considers the presence and activities of the Jesuits in early modern Iran, a topic that, to date, has received little attention in English-language scholarship. It examines their motives for wanting to establish a permanent mission in Safavid territory in the mid-seventeenth century—a desire to bring Iran’s Gregorian Armenians under papal jurisdiction and, in part, their search for an overland route to India and China free from Portuguese influence—and discusses these in the context of Iranian concerns and interests. The study’s particular focus is the role of French and Polish Jesuits in the establishment of a mission in Isfahan and the subsequent creation of an outpost in Shamakhi, located in the Safavid-held part of the Caucasus, on the trade route between Iran and Russia. It concludes by evaluating their (meager) accomplishments despite perseverance in the face of poverty and loneliness.
这篇文章考虑了耶稣会士在早期现代伊朗的存在和活动,这是一个迄今为止在英语学术中很少受到关注的话题。它考察了他们在17世纪中叶想要在萨法维领土上建立一个永久使团的动机——希望将伊朗的格列高利亚美尼亚人置于教皇的管辖之下,部分原因是他们寻找一条不受葡萄牙影响的通往印度和中国的陆路——并在伊朗关注和利益的背景下讨论了这些问题。这项研究的特别重点是法国和波兰耶稣会士在伊斯法罕建立一个传教会和随后在沙马基建立一个前哨站方面的作用。沙马基位于萨法维人控制的高加索地区,位于伊朗和俄罗斯之间的贸易路线上。文章最后评价了他们在面对贫穷和孤独时所取得的(微薄的)成就。
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引用次数: 2
El cuerpo musulmán en el imaginario jesuita barroco 巴洛克时期耶稣会想象中的穆斯林身体
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-12-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.016
Paul Shore
Jesuits of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries— even those living relatively closely to Muslim lands— often had no personal knowledge of Muslims, and yet the figure of the Muslim loomed large in the baroque Jesuit imagination. Because Jesuit formation involves the visualization of events and persons never seen, Jesuits of this period were in a special position to construct an imaginary Muslim, which they derived from translations of the Qur’an, from artworks, including book illustrations, and from the patterns and symbolism of Jesuit emblematics. This essay explores how baroque Jesuit visualization of the Muslim body was shaped by these factors, and also by other Europe-wide phenomena such as turcica literature.
17和18世纪的耶稣会士——即使是那些生活在相对靠近穆斯林土地的地方的人——通常对穆斯林没有个人的了解,然而,穆斯林的形象在巴洛克式的耶稣会士的想象中隐约可见。因为耶稣会的形成涉及到从未见过的事件和人物的可视化,这一时期的耶稣会士处于一个特殊的地位,他们从古兰经的翻译中,从艺术品中,包括书籍插图,从耶稣会象征的图案和象征中,构建了一个想象中的穆斯林。这篇文章探讨了巴洛克耶稣会对穆斯林身体的可视化是如何被这些因素塑造的,以及其他欧洲范围内的现象,如土耳其文学。
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引用次数: 0
“Como los hebreos en España”: El encuentro de los jesuitas con los musulmanes y el problema del cambio cultural “就像西班牙的希伯来人”:耶稣会士与穆斯林的相遇和文化变革的问题
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-12-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.015
Zvi Ben-Dor Benite
This essay is concerned with the possibility of cultural change in the writings of Matteo Ricci. In order to elucidate this question, this essay discusses aspects of Matteo Ricci’s perception of Islam and Muslims in China and identifies the moments when they changed. I show that over time Ricci developed a much more nuanced perception of Islam in China, but argue still that his views remained quite limited because of lack of dialogue with Muslims he saw in China. These limitations, I also argue, reflect the limitations of European views of Islam in the early modern Euro-Mediterranean world. Recognizing these limitations, I suggest, might help us to develop new approaches to questions of religion in early modern China.
本文探讨利玛窦作品中文化变迁的可能性。为了阐明这个问题,本文讨论了利玛窦对伊斯兰教和中国穆斯林的看法,并确定了他们改变的时刻。我指出,随着时间的推移,利玛窦对中国的伊斯兰教有了更细致入微的看法,但我仍然认为,由于他在中国看到的穆斯林缺乏对话,他的观点仍然相当有限。我还认为,这些局限性反映了欧洲人对伊斯兰教的看法在现代早期欧洲-地中海世界中的局限性。认识到这些局限性,我认为,可能有助于我们开发新的方法来研究近代早期中国的宗教问题。
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引用次数: 3
Un hombre que nunca existió: otra vez Ṭālūt y el judío 又一个人从未存在过:Ṭālūt的犹太人
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-12-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.017
David J. Wasserstein
The story of Ṭālūt and the Jew (known from our sources for the Revolt of the Suburb, in the early third/ninth century), has been studied recently by Luis Molina (Al-Qanṭara, 32, 2011), who argues that the Jew is an invention. Here it is argued that the entire story, including also the character of Ṭālūt himself, is an invention, created probably in the fourth/tenth century. Our apparent evidence is extremely weak: the sources for Ṭālūt’s existence are shown to be thin and unreliable; severe chronological problems make it almost impossible for him to have existed; the story has all the character of invention. Its aim, far from being to say something about Jews in al-Andalus or about a participant – Ṭālūt or any other – in the revolt – seems to be to glorify the ruler, al-Ḥakam I.
最近,路易斯·莫利纳(Al-Qanṭara, 32,2011)研究了Ṭālūt和犹太人的故事(从我们的资料中得知,发生在3 / 9世纪早期的郊区起义),他认为犹太人是一个虚构的人物。在这里,有人认为整个故事,包括Ṭālūt这个角色本身,都是一个虚构的故事,可能是在四世纪/十世纪创作的。我们表面上的证据是极其薄弱的:Ṭālūt存在的来源被证明是单薄和不可靠的;严重的时间问题使他几乎不可能存在;这个故事完全是虚构的。它的目的,远不是要谈论安达卢斯的犹太人,或是反抗的参与者(Ṭālūt或任何其他人),而是要赞美统治者(al-Ḥakam I)。
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引用次数: 0
Leyendo la Tuḥfa de Abdallāh b. Abdallāh al-Tarŷumān (1420) en el Imperio Otomano: Polémica Cristiano-Musulmana e Intertextualidad en la época de la “Confesionalización”
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-12-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.010
Tijana Krstić
In 1604, a charismatic Sufi sheikh from Tunis commissioned the translation into Ottoman Turkish of Abdallāh b. Abdallāh al-Tarjumān’s polemical text entitled Tuḥfat al-Adīb fī alradd ʿalā ahl al-ṣalīb (1420), with the intention of presenting it to Ottoman Sultan Ahmed I. Soon after, this text became one of the most widely known and disseminated anti-Christian polemical texts in the Islamic world, and by the late ninteenth century, in Europe as well. The article examines the circumstances of Tuḥfa’s translation from Arabic into Ottoman Turkish, the actors involved, the narrative’s trajectory from Tunis to Istanbul, its reception by the Ottoman reading public, as well as impact on the development of an Ottoman polemical genre of self-narrative of conversion to Islam. Transcription and translation of such an Ottoman narrative, which appears to have been directly influenced by Tuḥfa, is featured in the article’s appendix. By focusing on the trajectory of a single text belonging to the genre of religious polemics, the article bridges the traditionally disconnected academic discussions pertaining to the early modern Iberian, North African and Ottoman history and demonstrates their inherent connectivity in the age of confessional polarization (16th-17th centuries).
1604年,一位来自突尼斯的有魅力的苏菲派谢赫委托将Abdallāh b. Abdallāh al-Tarjumān的论战文本Tuḥfat al- ad b. f . alradd al . al . -ṣalīb(1420)翻译成奥斯曼土耳其语,目的是将其提交给奥斯曼苏丹艾哈迈德一世。不久之后,该文本成为伊斯兰世界最广为人知和传播最广的反基督教论战文本之一,到19世纪后期,在欧洲也是如此。本文考察了Tuḥfa从阿拉伯语翻译成奥斯曼土耳其语的情况、涉及的演员、从突尼斯到伊斯坦布尔的叙事轨迹、奥斯曼读者对它的接受程度,以及对奥斯曼人皈依伊斯兰教的自我叙事的论战类型发展的影响。这种奥斯曼叙事的抄录和翻译,似乎直接受到Tuḥfa的影响,在文章的附录中有特色。通过关注属于宗教论战类型的单一文本的轨迹,本文将传统上不相关的关于早期现代伊比利亚、北非和奥斯曼历史的学术讨论联系起来,并展示了它们在忏悔两极分化时代(16 -17世纪)的内在联系。
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引用次数: 0
The Great Mosque of Tlemcen and the dome of its maqṣūra 特莱姆森大清真寺和它的圆顶maqṣūra
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-06-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.007
A. Almagro
The aim of this article is to study some aspects of the Great Mosque of Tlemcen based on a planimetrical survey that has recently been carried out on its most outstanding features, particularly the area of the miḥrāb and the maqṣūra . It provides observations on this significant monument from Almoravid times that relate to its analysis by means of drawings. In spite of the fact that it is considered to be one of the most emblematic buildings of Western Islamic art of the 12th Century, only general ground plans have been published up until now, mostly schematic ones, and a few detailed drawings. The plans that we are publishing enable us to comprehend to a greater extent this remarkable building that is set out in comparison with other examples, and especially with regard to the vaults of intertwined arches.
本文的目的是研究特莱姆森大清真寺的一些方面,基于最近对其最突出的特征进行的平面测量调查,特别是miḥrāb和maqṣūra的区域。它提供了对阿尔摩拉维德时代这座重要纪念碑的观察,并通过绘图进行了分析。尽管它被认为是12世纪西方伊斯兰艺术最具代表性的建筑之一,但到目前为止,只有总体平面图被公布,大部分是示意图,还有一些详细的图纸。我们公布的计划使我们能够在更大程度上理解这座非凡的建筑,与其他例子相比,特别是关于交织拱门的拱顶。
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引用次数: 3
El filósofo como heredero de los profetas: el racionalismo islámico de Averroes 作为先知继承人的哲学家:阿威罗伊的伊斯兰理性主义
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-06-30 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2015.002
Diego R. Sarrio
This essay argues that, underlying the legal framework of Averroes’s Faṣl al-maqāl , there appears to be a genuine desire to reconcile the claims of reason with the demands of faith; then, that Averroes based this reconciliation on the acceptance of a hermeneutical theory that sees the divine Word as addressing all human beings according to their intellectual capacities and that, consequently, he did not exclude the learned from the religious duty of assenting to revealed truth. Finally, and contrary to overstated secularist interpretations of his rationalism, it is suggested that there are grounds to defend the view that Averroes conceived of philosophy in quasi-religious terms, as the noblest work to be carried out in the presence of God, making its practitioners the rightful ‘heirs of the prophets’.
本文认为,在阿威罗伊Faṣl al-maqāl的法律框架的基础上,似乎有一种真正的愿望来调和理性的要求与信仰的要求;然后,阿威罗伊将这种和解建立在接受一种解释学理论的基础上,这种理论认为,神圣的话语是根据人类的智力能力向所有人发表讲话的,因此,他并没有排除有学问的人同意揭示真理的宗教义务。最后,与过分夸大的世俗主义者对他的理性主义的解释相反,有人建议有理由捍卫阿威罗伊在准宗教术语中构想哲学的观点,作为在上帝面前进行的最高尚的工作,使其实践者成为合法的“先知的继承人”。
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引用次数: 0
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