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La versión árabe del de Divinatione per somnum de Aristóteles y su impacto en Avicena y su Teoría de la profecía 阿拉伯版本的亚里士多德的占卜及其对阿维森纳和他的预言理论的影响
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-10-04 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2017.002
López Farjeat, Luis Xavier
The Epistle concerning Dreams (Risala al-Manamiyya) is a little known work where Avicenna deals with some relevant considerations regarding the way in which prophecy and veridical dreams take place. The theory contained in this- treatise accurately illustrates how intricate Avicenna’s theory of prophecy is and, at the same time, provides several clues in order to recognize the origin of this theory as it appears in major treatises such as fī al-Nafs and Ilahiyat of the Sifa’. The Risala al-Manamiyya also enables us to recognize the impact of several influences coming from the Ancient Greek tradition—mainly from Aristotle, Galen, Plotinus, and other Neoplatonics. This article explains the theories of divination by means of dreams and the conception of prophecy, as they appear in the Arabic version of the De divinatione per somnum, a treatise where the origins of Avicenna’s theory of prophecy can be found. Furthermore it shows the impact that the theory contained in this treatise had in the Risala al-Manamiyya. Finally, it expounds some remarks regarding the transmission and adaptation of the metaphysical and psychological points of view posed both in the Arabic version of the De divinatione and the Risāla al-Manāmiyya, alluding to the impact they had in the theories of prophecy found both in Avicenna’s major treatises in the Sifā’.
关于梦的书信(Risala al-Manamiyya)是一部鲜为人知的作品,阿维森纳处理了一些有关预言和真实梦发生方式的相关考虑。这篇论文中包含的理论准确地说明了阿维森纳的预言理论是多么复杂,同时,提供了一些线索,以便认识到这一理论的起源,因为它出现在主要的论文中,如f ' al-Nafs和Ilahiyat of The Sifa '。《圣典》也使我们认识到来自古希腊传统的几种影响的影响——主要来自亚里士多德、盖伦、普罗提诺和其他新柏拉图主义。本文通过梦和预言的概念解释了预言的理论,因为它们出现在阿拉伯语版的De divinatione per somnum中,这是一篇可以找到阿维森纳预言理论起源的论文。此外,它还显示了这篇论文中包含的理论对《圣典》(Risala al- manamiya)的影响。最后,它阐述了一些关于形而上学和心理学观点在阿拉伯语版本的De divinationone和Risāla al-Manāmiyya中提出的传播和适应的评论,暗指它们在阿维森纳的主要论文中发现的预言理论的影响。
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引用次数: 0
La Corona, los moriscos granadinos y el servicio de 1603. Pacto fiscal y negociación política 国王,格拉纳达摩尔人和1603年的服务。财政协定和政治谈判
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-10-04 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2017.001
F. M. D. D. Campo
This paper analyses the details that characterized the negotiation and collection of the servicio de los naturales (a tax also named “donativo”) from the year 1603 onwards, the last time of those three in which moriscos of Granada paid to the Hispanic Monarchy after the Alpujarras War, when they were settled in Castile. The author has analysed documents coming from the Archivo General de Simancas, but also those included in notary’s protocols and in local archives. Its main contributions are three: to publish the content of the actual contract signed by the moriscos and the Crown; to contribute to set up a precise spatial distribution of the communities that paid the tax and, finally, to show the amounts delivered by them. Irregularities, problems, and conflicts lived while the precedent servicios were being paid, are analysed too. There are aspects that we know thanks to other previous works. Nevertheless, if they are considered in relation with the situation of the year 1603, they allow observing that all those difficulties were used in order to improve the servicio itself and the agreement between the minority and the King.
本文分析了1603年以来,格拉纳达摩里斯科人在阿尔普贾拉斯战争后定居在卡斯蒂利亚,最后一次向西班牙王室缴纳税款(也称为“donativo”)的谈判和征收的细节。作者分析了来自西曼卡斯总档案馆的文件,也分析了公证人协议和当地档案中包含的文件。它的主要贡献有三:公布摩里斯科人和王室签订的实际合同的内容;帮助建立纳税社区的精确空间分布,并最终显示他们缴纳的税额。还分析了在支付先前服务时存在的违规行为、问题和冲突。有一些方面我们知道要感谢其他以前的作品。然而,如果将它们与1603年的情况联系起来考虑,它们允许观察到所有这些困难都是为了改善服务本身以及少数民族与国王之间的协议。
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引用次数: 1
Novedades sobre la datación de los manuscritos árabes de la Escuela de Estudios Árabes de Granada a partir de su estudio codicológico 关于格拉纳达阿拉伯研究学院阿拉伯手稿年代测定的新闻,从他们的法典研究
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-10-04 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2017.004
Sonsoles González-García, D. Campillo-García, Teresa Espejo-Arias
Dating manuscripts is a difficult task – particularly when these are not expressly datemarked, but even when they are. Factors such as the existence of successive copies that continue and repeat established models and production methods make dating a challenging task. The present work forms part of a much broader, comprehensive, investigation on the material composition of dated and bound manuscripts from the School of arabic Studies– CSIC of Granada. By means of a study protocol, errors in the dating of manuscripts ms6, ms10, ms26 and ms29 are successfully detected and corrected, and alternative dating proposed.
确定手稿的年代是一项艰巨的任务——尤其是当这些手稿没有明确标注日期的时候,但即使它们标注了日期。诸如存在延续和重复已建立的模型和生产方法的连续副本等因素使得确定年代成为一项具有挑战性的任务。目前的工作是对格拉纳达阿拉伯研究学院- CSIC的日期和装订手稿的材料组成进行更广泛,全面的调查的一部分。通过研究方案,成功地发现和纠正了手稿ms6、ms10、ms26和ms29的年代错误,并提出了替代的年代测定方法。
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引用次数: 3
The transmission of secret knowledge: three Arabic dialogues on alchemy 秘密知识的传递:关于炼金术的三个阿拉伯对话
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-03-24 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2016.013
Regula Forster
Arabo-Islamic alchemy enjoyed considerable popularity until well into the 19th and 20th centuries. It can be considered both as a predecessor of modern chemistry and as a natural philosophy whose purpose is to explain the world. Yet one of the unresolved questions concerning alchemy is how one was supposed to learn it, since it was an art that was meant to be kept secret and only revealed to a few select individuals. While the practicalities of the learning experience remain obscure, it is noteworthy that Arabic alchemical literature often makes use of the literary form of the dialogue, a genre strongly associated with teaching and learning. This paper focuses on three Arabic dialogues on alchemy; namely, Masāʼil Khālid li-Maryānus al-rāhib (“Khālid’s questions to the monk Maryānus”), Kitāb Mihrārīs al-ḥakīm (“The book of the wise Mihrārīs”) and Risālat al-ḥakīm Qaydarūs (“The epistle of the wise Qaydarūs”), and discusses how the transfer of secret knowledge is represented. I will focus on the literary frames of these texts, their mise-enscene, the master-disciple relation as represented within them, and the question of interaction between unequal partners.
阿拉伯-伊斯兰炼金术在进入19世纪和20世纪之前相当受欢迎。它既可以被认为是现代化学的前身,也可以被认为是一种旨在解释世界的自然哲学。然而,关于炼金术的一个未解决的问题是人们应该如何学习它,因为它是一门注定要保密的艺术,只向少数经过挑选的人展示。虽然学习经验的实用性仍然模糊不清,但值得注意的是,阿拉伯炼金术文学经常使用对话的文学形式,这是一种与教学密切相关的类型。本文着重于三个阿拉伯语的炼金术对话;即Masāʼil Khā盖子li-Maryā新加坡国立大学al-rāhib(“Khā盖子的问题和尚玛丽ā新加坡国立大学”),装备āb英里小时ārīs al -ḥakīm(“智慧人的书英里小时ārīs”)和Risālat al -ḥakīm Qaydarū年代(“智慧人的书信Qaydarūs”),并讨论了如何代表秘密知识的转移。我将集中讨论这些文本的文学框架,它们的场景,其中所代表的师徒关系,以及不平等伙伴之间的互动问题。
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引用次数: 3
Elixir, alquimia y las metamorfosis de dos sinónimos 长生不老药,炼金术和两个同义词的变形
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-03-24 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2016.014
Gotthard Strohmaier
The history of the terms ‘elixir’ and ‘alchemy’ seems paradoxical; derived from Greek, the Arabic al-iksīr signified a dry powder capable of transforming base metals into gold or silver. Evolving through the European languages, elixir has come to mean a magic liquid that can be ingested to cure illness. The second term, al-kīmiyāʼ, which was in its Arabic beginnings almost synonymous with elixir, took a different turn and changed its meaning from a miraculous substance into an abstract noun connoting the art of alchemy. This article intends to show that these changes of meaning are linked to inevitable interrelations between the two synonyms and, consequently, the generally assumed etymology of the Arabic alkīmiyāʼ from the seemingly corresponding Greek expression χυμeία must be questioned. Of particular interest is the hitherto overlooked fact that al-kīmiyāʼ ends in a glottal stop, indicated by the hamza and being a consonant in its own right, which ultimately points to a non-Greek origin.
“长生不老药”和“炼金术”这两个词的历史似乎是矛盾的;源自希腊语的阿拉伯语al- iks r表示能将贱金属转化为金或银的干粉。在欧洲语言中,elixir的意思是一种神奇的液体,可以被摄入来治疗疾病。第二个词al- k miyha ',在阿拉伯语中几乎是elixir的同义词,它的含义发生了不同的变化,从一种神奇的物质变成了一个抽象的名词,蕴含着炼金术的艺术。本文试图表明,这些意义的变化与两个同义词之间不可避免的相互关系有关,因此,通常认为的阿拉伯语alku - miyna '来源于看似相应的希腊语表达χ α的词源必须受到质疑。特别有趣的是迄今为止被忽视的一个事实,即al- k miyha '以声门顿音结尾,由hamza表示,并且本身就是一个辅音,这最终指向非希腊起源。
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引用次数: 1
De nuevo sobre Maslama Ibn Qāsim al-Qurṭubī, los Ijwān al-Ṣafā’ e Ibn Jaldūn: Nuevos datos de dos manuscritos de la Rutbat al-ḥakīm 新的关于Maslama Ibn Qāsim al-Qur布鲁里溃疡ṭī,Ijwān -Ṣafā' e Ibn Jaldūn:新数据两个手稿Rutbat al -ḥīm ak
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-03-24 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2016.011
Godefroid De Callatay, Sébastien Moureau
As a continuation of previous studies about the reception of Rasā’il Ikhwān al-Ṣafā’ in al-Andalus, this paper argues that it was common among Andalusī scholars of the Middle Ages to credit the astronomer Maslama al-Majrīṭī (d. 395/1004 or shortly thereafter) not only with the authorship of Rutbat al-ḥakīm and Ghāyat al-ḥakīm – now both correctly ascribed to Maslama Ibn Qāsim al-Qurṭubī (d. 353/964) – but also with the entire encyclopaedic corpus of the Rasā’il. The first part of this article seeks to explain the series of successive confusions by which these three works came to be identified as forming three steps of a philosophical ladder and how this trilogy then came to be attributed to the scientist al-Majrīṭī. The second part focuses on two biographical notes found on the title pages of two manuscripts of the as-yet-unedited Rutbat al-ḥakīm. In addition to providing supplementary evidence for the spread of this misconception among medieval scholars, these documents also offer valuable and sometimes unique information about the two Maslamas, their respective writings and entourages, as well as the widespread circulation of the Rasā’il across the Peninsula. The edition, translation and commentary of these two biographical notes are here provided for the first time.
作为先前关于安达卢斯接受rasha ' il Ikhwān al-Ṣafā '的研究的延续,本文认为中世纪安达卢斯学者普遍认为天文学家Maslama al-Majrīṭī(公元395/1004年或之后不久)不仅是Rutbat al-ḥakīm和Ghāyat al-ḥakīm的作者——现在两者都被正确地归为Maslama Ibn Qāsim al-Qurṭubī(公元353/964年)——而且是rasha ' il的整个百科全书语料的作者。这篇文章的第一部分试图解释一系列连续的混乱,通过这些混乱,这三部作品被确定为形成哲学阶梯的三个步骤,以及这三部曲如何被归因于科学家al-Majrīṭī。第二部分着重于在尚未编辑的ruthbat al-ḥakīm的两份手稿的标题页上发现的两个传记笔记。除了为这种误解在中世纪学者之间的传播提供补充证据外,这些文件还提供了关于两位Maslamas,他们各自的著作和随行人员以及rasha ' il在半岛上的广泛传播的宝贵且有时独特的信息。这两个传记笔记的版本、翻译和评注在这里是第一次提供。
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引用次数: 5
Fatimíes y taifas: la moneda de oro fatimí en al-Andalus
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-03-24 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2016.007
Carolina Doménech-Belda
This paper analyzes the presence of the Fatimid gold coins in al-Andalus and its link with the coinage of the taifa states, through a review of the hoards, from treasures to isolated pieces. This analysis allows to get a full view of the Fatimid gold coinage found in al-Andalus. Also allows to quantify and to establish the extent of the presence of this coinage. The Fatimid gold coinage is frequently treasured next to some taifa issues such as Valencia, Toledo or Zaragoza taifas. This study makes possible to point the historical moment when these coins were hoard. Most of them are from Sicily where they were minted in a moment when the Fatimids had no longer direct control of the island, and where the rubāʽas or quarter dinar predominated. In the Andalusian hoards, most of these coins were fractions of quarter dinar, in spite of the unit dinar that was the gold currency most used in Fatimid Empire. These fractional dinars should have been very valued during the 11th century in al-Andalus because of the quality of his alloy. The rubā‘as coexisted with the fractions of dinar strucked by the taifa kings and were treasured next to them.
本文分析了法蒂玛金币在安达卢斯的存在,以及它与泰法国家铸币的联系,通过对这些宝藏的回顾,从宝藏到孤立的碎片。通过这种分析,我们可以全面了解在安达卢斯发现的法蒂玛金币。也允许量化和建立这种铸币存在的程度。法蒂玛金币经常被珍藏在瓦伦西亚、托莱多或萨拉戈萨金币旁边。这项研究可以指出这些硬币被囤积的历史时刻。它们大多来自西西里岛,是在法蒂玛王朝不再直接控制西西里岛的时候铸造的,当时占主导地位的是rubu ā ā asas或四分之一第纳尔。在安达卢西亚的储备中,这些硬币大多是四分之一第纳尔的一小部分,尽管法蒂玛帝国最常用的黄金货币是第纳尔。这些分数第纳尔在11世纪的安达卢斯应该是非常有价值的,因为他的合金的质量。rubha ' as与泰法国王的第纳尔碎片共存,并被珍藏在它们旁边。
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引用次数: 1
Legitimación textual a través de los sueños: el caso del sueño del ṣāliḥ de Túnez (ms. RESC/55 del CSIC) 正当化案通过的文本的梦想:梦想ṣli突尼斯ḥā(女士的《moya / 55)
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-03-24 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2016.008
M. Vázquez
Manuscript Resc/55 of the CSIC has a chapter telling the story of a dream that a Tunisian ṣāliḥ had with the Prophet Muḥammad. In the dream the Prophet tells the dreamer about the events of Judgment Day, gives him some recommendations, and promises that however little the faith of a Muslim may be, he will enter Paradise, provided he remains a Muslim. These words likely were well received by the Mudejars or Moriscos who selected this text and copied it so many times. The author of this article analyses the contents of the story using an approach that takes into account both the Arabic literary tradition of edifying dream stories (manamāt), as well as the socio-historical background of the Moriscos. Of particular importance is understanding how the text legitimizes its contents and represents the words of the Prophet as authentic by resorting to a long tradition of dreams about Muḥammad. At the end of the article there is a transliteration of the aljamiado text.
CSIC的手稿Resc/55中有一章讲述了一个突尼斯人ṣāliḥ与先知Muḥammad的梦想。在梦中,先知告诉做梦的人审判日的事件,给他一些建议,并承诺,无论一个穆斯林的信仰多么薄弱,只要他仍然是穆斯林,他将进入天堂。这些话很可能受到穆德加人或摩里斯科人的欢迎,他们选择了这段文字,并多次复制。这篇文章的作者使用了一种方法来分析这个故事的内容,既考虑到阿拉伯文学传统的启发梦的故事(manamāt),也考虑到摩里斯科人的社会历史背景。特别重要的是理解文本如何使其内容合法化,并通过诉诸关于Muḥammad的梦想的悠久传统来代表先知的话是真实的。在文章的末尾有一个阿尔贾米多文本的音译。
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引用次数: 1
“¿Quién empezó este arte y de dónde viene?” Una historia enmarcada sobre los orígenes de la alquimia en el Libro del árbol de ziziphus de los más lejanos confines de Pseudo-Ibn Waḥšīya “这门艺术是谁开始的?它从何而来?”镶框一个故事的起源关于炼金术的书ziziphus树最遥远的Pseudo-Ibn Waḥšī已经
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-03-24 DOI: 10.3989/ALQANTARA.2016.012
C. Braun
This paper explores the context of a Hermetic frame story in the pseudepigraphical alchemical treatise The Book of the Ziziphus Tree of the Furthest Boundary (Kitāb Sidrat almuntahā). The treatise is attributed to a prominent figure in the Arabic occult sciences, Abū Bakr b. Waḥshīya (fl. first half of the 4th/10th century). It was written in the form of a dialogue between the protagonist, Ibn Waḥshīya, and an alchemist from the Islamic West, al-Maghribī al-Qamarī. The last section of the introductory dialogue between these two characters consists of a frame story on the origins of alchemy and a legend of discovery (Fundlegende) that introduces a cosmogony and an allegorical depiction of the process of transmutation. Both the frame story and the legend of discovery abound in Hermetic motifs and topoi known from other Greek and Arabic alchemical treatises. The exposition of the different prevailing theories on the beginnings of alchemy reflects, moreover, historical phenomena, such as the Graeco-Arabic translation movement and the shu‘ūbīya controversy. Consistent with the literary tradition of the Arabic Hermetica, Ancient Egypt emerges in this treatise as the cradle of alchemy; however, I suggest that more than merely literary convention, such evocations express a genuine fascination with Ancient Egypt and its surviving material culture. In this respect, the littleknown genre of Arabic books on hidden treasure might shed new light on common Hermetic narratives and their circulation in Arabic occult literature.
本文探讨了伪经书炼金术专著《最远边界的齐齐弗斯树之书》(Kitāb Sidrat almuntahā)中一个密封框架故事的背景。这篇论文被认为是阿拉伯神秘学领域的一位杰出人物,abybakr b. Waḥshīya(4 /10世纪上半叶)。它是以主人公伊本Waḥshīya和来自伊斯兰西方的炼金术士al- maghrib - al- qamari之间的对话形式写成的。这两个角色之间介绍性对话的最后一部分包括一个关于炼金术起源的框架故事和一个关于发现的传说(Fundlegende),这个故事介绍了宇宙进化论和对嬗变过程的寓言描述。框架故事和发现的传说都充斥着赫尔墨斯图案和从其他希腊和阿拉伯炼金术论文中所知的拓扑。此外,关于炼金术起源的不同流行理论的阐述反映了历史现象,如希腊-阿拉伯语翻译运动和shu ' ūbīya争议。与阿拉伯赫米提卡的文学传统一致,古埃及在这篇论文中作为炼金术的摇篮出现;然而,我认为这不仅仅是文学惯例,这种唤起表达了对古埃及及其幸存的物质文化的真正迷恋。在这方面,鲜为人知的关于隐藏宝藏的阿拉伯书籍类型可能会为常见的赫尔墨斯叙事及其在阿拉伯神秘文学中的流通提供新的线索。
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引用次数: 1
Alquimia árabe. Textos y contextos
IF 0.1 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-03-24 DOI: 10.5167/UZH-142110
Regula Forster
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引用次数: 0
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